4 
RECOMMENDATIONS 


TO  THE 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


From  the  New-  York  Commercial  Advertiser. 

"History  of  the  American  Revolution,  with  a  prelimi 
nary  view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the  Colonists, 
and  their  controversies  with  Great  Britain."  The  author 
of  this  work  is  S.  F.  Wilson,  Esq.  editor  of  the  Baltimore 
American — formerly  of  this  city.  The  design  was  to  bring 
into  a  single  volume,  a  compendious  history  of  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution,  for  popular  use;  comprising  all  the  essen 
tial  facts,  but  by  the  omission  of  military  details,  and  dwell 
ing  more  upon  civil  and  diplomatic  history,  than  upon 
battles  and  the  movements  of  armies,  producing  a  work 
somewhat  different,  and  of  more  intrinsic  value,  than  any 
preceding  work  upon  the  same  subject.  Mr.  Wilson  we 
have  formerly  known  as  the  holder  of  a  ready  pen  of  hand 
some  literary  attainments,  and  of  a  highly  poetical  temper 
ament.  We  had  misgivings,  when  we  heard  of  his  entrance 
upon  the  grave  and  chastened  field  of  history,  lest  the  wing* 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 

of  his  imagination  should  bear  him  away  from  his  judgment. 
But  on  glancing  into  his  volume,  we  find  that  our  apprehen 
sions  were  groundless.  We  have  no  time  for  critical  ex 
amination  into  all  those  matters  so  essential  to  historical 
accuracy;  but  so  far  as  we  have  looked  at  the  present  work, 
we  think  it  decidedly  successful.  The  author's  power  of 
analysis  and  arrangement,  seem  to  be  good,  and  his  style 
vigorous  and  clear.  It  is  a  good  class-book  for  schools. 


From  the  National  Gazette. 

A  neat  duodecimo  volume  has  just  appeared  in  Baltimore, 
with  the  title  "History  of  the  American  Revolution,  with  a 
preliminary  view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the  Colo 
nists,  and  their  Controversies  with  Great  Britian."  The 
author  of  it  is  S.  F.  Wilson,  Esq.  editor  of  the  Baltimore 
American.  The  editorial  articles  of  this  gentleman  are 
generally  skilful  epitomes;  and  hence  we  should  augur  fa 
vorably  of  his  abstract  of  our  Revolutionary  annals.  We 
have  read  parts  of  several  chapters  of  the  work,  and  from 
them  we  infer  with  the  author  that  "it  might  be  advantageous 
ly  used  in  the  instruction  of  youth." 


From  the  Pennsylvania  Inquirer. 

"History  of  the  American  Revolution."  The  Baltimore 
booksellers  have  just  published  in  a  neat  and  substantial 
volume,  a  "History  of  the  American  Revolution,"  with 
a  preliminary  view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the 
Colonists,  and  their  Controversies  with  Great  Britain.  The 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 


work  is  understood  to  be  from  the  pen  of  S.  F.  Wilson,  Esq. 
editor  of  the  Baltimore  American — a  gentleman  admirably 
quallified  for  such  a  task.  He  has  fully  succeeded  in  his 
object,  has  brought  within  the  compass  of  a  volume,  con 
venient  for  popular  use,  a  connected  narrative  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  embracing  all  the  principal  events — foreign  and  domes 
tic.  We  take  pleasure  in  commending  this  compilation  to 
public  attention.  It  is  especially  entitled  to  the  notice  of 
parents  and  teachers,  and  will,  we  feel  assured,  soon  take 
the  place  of  all  other  books  upon  the  same  subject,  as  a  School 
Book.  The  reputation  of  the  author  is  a  sufficient  guarantee 
as  to  the  accuracy  of  the  details.  We  presume  the  volume 
maybe  obtained  of  any  of  the  Philadelphia  booksellers. 


From  the  Pennsylvanian. 

We  have  received  a  copy  of  "The  History  of  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution,  with  a  preliminary  view  of  the  character 
and  principles  of  the  Colonists,  and  their  Controversies 
with  Great  Britain"  a  work  in  one  volume,  from  the  pen  of 
S.  F.  Wilson,  Esq.  a  gentleman  well  and  favorably  known 
as  the  editor  of  the  Baltimore  American.  From  our  know 
ledge  of  the  author's  abilities,  we  were  led  to  expect  a  use 
ful  compend  of  Colonial  and  Revolutionary  history  in  the 
present  work,  nor  has  that  expectation  been  disappointed. 
It  will  be  found  valuable  as  an  accurate  and  well  written 
condensation  of  the  occurrence  of  times  highly  interesting 
to  every  American,  and  deserves  to  be  generally  used  in  the 
instruction  of  youth. 


4  RECOMMENDATIONS. 

From  the  Baltimore  Gazette. 

"History  of  the  American  Revolution,  with  a  pre 
liminary  view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the 
Colonists  and  their  Controversies  with  Great  Britain. — 
Baltimore:  1834. 

This  is  the  title  of  a  volume  of  nearly  400  pages,  just 
published,  and  from  the  pen  S.  F.  Wilson,  Esq.  of  this  city. 
In  taking  up  this  volume  we  expected  merely  an  abstract  of 
the  numerous  works  which  have  already  been  published 
upon  this  subject,  but  we  have  been  gratified  to  find  it 
divested  of  much  of  the  uninteresting  details  which  consti 
tute  so  large  a  portion  of  the  more  formidable  works  upon 
the  American  Revolution,  and  the  graceful  and  familiar 
style  in  which  the  author  describes  that  important  period  in 
the  history  of  our  country  is  peculiarly  suited  to  the  occa 
sion.  We  shall  not  be  singular  in  the  gratification  of  find 
ing  a  volume  so  admirably  adapted  for  the  instruction  of 
youth  in  the  principles  of  the  revolution:  and  we  think  this 
work  must  have  an  extensive  circulation  for  that  purpose 
alone,  independent  of  the  interest  and  information  which  it 
will  afford  the  general  reader. 


From  the  Baltimore  Chronicle. 

We  have  not  yet  had  leisure  to  give  this  volume  a  thorough 
examination,  but  have  no  doubt  from  what  we  have  read  of 
its  accuracy  of  detail.  The  "Preliminary  view  of  the  cha 
racter  and  principles  of  the  Colonists"  is  written  with 
beauty  and  force  and  exhibits  in  a  lucid  manner,  the  pro- 


RECOMMENDATIONS.  5 

gress  of  those  principles  which  finally  led  Colonists  to  assert 
their  independence.  The  design  of  the  author  was,  to  pre 
pare  a  work,  which,  by  presenting  in  a  small  compass,  the 
principal  events  of  the  American  Revolution,  would  enable 
teachers  to  adopt  it  as  a  school  book.  For  that  purpose  it 
may  be  usefully  employed,  whilst  it  cannot  be  unacceptable 
to  others  who  desire  to  make  themselves  familiar  with  the 
history  of  their  country. 


From  the  National  Intelligencer. 

"The  American  Revolution." — We  have  just  met  with  a 
new  work,  comprised  in  372  pages  duodecimo,  entitled 
"History  of  the  American  Revolution,  with  a  preliminary 
view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the  Colonists  and 
their  Controversies  with  Great  Britain,"  by  S.  F.  WILSON, 
Esq.  a  gentleman  every  way  qualified  for  the  task  which  he 
has  performed.  This  history  of  the  Revolution  embraces 
all  the  principal  occurrences,  civil,  military,  and  political, 
having  a  direct  influence  on  the  principles  and  progress  in 
the  great  contest,  avoiding  all  minor  details  not  neces 
sary  to  the  integrity  of  the  narrative.  All  the  essential  facts 
and  events  are  brought  within  the  compass  of  a  volume  of 
convenient  size,  well  suited  for  the  schools  of  the  United 
States.  We  should  be  glad  to  see  it  introduced  into  gene 
ral  use  in  our  seminaries,  as  no  American  youth  ought  to  be 
unacquainted  with  the  history  of  this  most  important  period 
in  the  annals  of  this  country  and  of  the  whole  Christian 
world. 


6  RECOMMENDATIONS. 

From  the  Baltimore  Republican. 

NEW  BOOK — We  have  received  a  copy  of  a  new  work 
called  the  "History  of  the  American  Revolution,  with  a 
preliminary  view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the  Colo 
nists,  and  their  Controversies  with  Great  Britain.''  It  is 
from  the  pen  of  our  fellow  citizen,  Samuel  F.  Wilson,  who 
is  well  quallified  for  the  performance  of  such  a  work,  and 
he  has  well  sustained  his  reputation  as  a  writer  in  his  exe 
cution  of  it.  In  his  preface  he  says  "the  writer  has  dili 
gently  compared  the  received  authorities,  and  exercised  his 
judgement  freely  in  selecting  and  arranging  the  essental 
facts;  and  he  thinks  he  has  brought  within  the  compass  of  a 
volume,  convenient  for  popular  use;  a  connected  narrative 
of  the  revolution,  embracing  all  the  principal  events  foreign 
and  domestic.  Those  portions  which  relate  to  the  foreign 
negotiations,  are  more  full  in  proportion,  than  the  other  divi 
sions  of  the  subject.  They  will  be  found,  it  is  believed, 
correct  and  valuable. 

The  plan  adopted  by  him  is  a  very  proper  one  as  it  has 
enabled  him  to  present  within  a  convenient  compass  the 
most  material  matters  contained  in  similar  works  and  to  in 
troduce  others  of  great  interest  and  importance,  connected 
with  the  subject,  which  are  to  be  found  in  a  connected  form 
in  but  few  if  any  other  publication.  It  is  a  volume  which 
may  be  used  in  the  instruction  of  youth  wHh  greater  advan 
tage,  we  think  than  any  other  work  of  the  kind  which  ha* 
been  laid  before  the  public. 


RECOMMENDATIONS.  7 

From  the  New-York  Evening  Post. 

"History  of  the  American  Revolution,  with  a  preliminary 
view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the  Colonists,  and 
their  Controversies  with  Great  Britain.''  This  is  the  title 
of  a  work  just  published  at  Baltimore,  and  for  sale  in  this 
city  by  D.  Appleton  &  Co.  It  is  written  by  S.  F.  WILSON, 
Esq.  who,  as  the  editor  of  the  American,  an  excellent  and 
discreetly  conducted  daily  newspaper  in  Baltimore,  has 
made  himself  favorably  known  as  a  writer,  to  a  large  circle 
of  readers.  In  that  particular  exercise  of  talent  more  es 
pecially,  which  is  most  called  into  exercise  in  the  work 
under  consideration — a  power  to  condense  and  epitomise  in 
such  a  way  as  to  retain,  in  a  small  compass,  the  pith  and 
marrow,  and  the  distinguishing  features,  of  what  before  oc 
cupied  a  large  space.  Mr.  Wilson,  as  we  have  had  frequent 
occasion  to  observe  in  his  editorial  abstracts  of  long  and 
elaborate  public  documents,  is  singularly  happy.  The  work 
in  this  respect,  as  well  as  for  clear  perspicuous  arrangement, 
and  judicious  original  reflections  and  discussions  on  import 
ant  points  in  the  political  history  of  this  country,  is  well 
worthy  of  more  than  the  mere  passing  notice  to  which  news 
paper  critics  are  confined.  We  should  think,  from  the  ex 
amination  we  have  given  the  volume,  that  it  deserves  to  be 
very  extensively  introduced  into  schools;  for  not  only  in 
point  of  style  is  it  superior  to  the  compendiums  in  use,  but 
it  is  written  in  a  far  more  philosophical  spirit,  and  gives  due 
prominence  to  that  class  of  events  in  our  history,  which  con 
stitute  the  proper  foundation  of  all  history,  but  which  are  too 
generally  neglected  for  the  mere  details  of  military  achieve 
ments.  The  writer  seems  to  have  compared  authorities  dili- 


8  RECOMMENDATIONS. 

gently,  and  in  an  impartial  spirit,  and  he  has  stated  results 
with  as  much  brevity  as  was  compatible  with  clearness.  The 
work  is  brought  down  to  the  close  of  Washington's  military 
career  in  1783. 


New-York  Courier  and  Enquirer. 

We  take  pleasure  in  commending  this  volume — from  the 
the  pen  of  SAMUEL  F.  WILSON,  late  editor  of  the  Baltimore 
'  American — to  the  public  patronage,  in  the  most  unqualified 
terms.  Seeing  it  in  the  form  of  a  school  book,  bound  in  sub 
stantial  sheep,  and  recollecting  the  thousand  and  one  abridg 
ed  histories  of  the  same  era,  "for  the  use  of  schools,"  wherein 
laborious  dulness  has  contrived  to  render  "stale,  flat  and  un 
profitable,"  the  most  momentous  and  spirit-stirring  events 
that  ever  happened  in  the  tide  of  time,  we  freely  confess  the 
reluctance  with  which  we  opened  its  pages.  But  we  have 
been  agreeably  disappointed.  It  is  the  production  of  a  vigo 
rous  and  highly  cultivated  mind,  every  way  worthy  of  its 
theme,  and,  in  our  opinion,  admirably  adapted  to  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  intended. 

The  military  events  of  the  period  to  which  it  relates,  were 
so  rife  with  instances  of  extraordinary  heroism,  as  to  render 
it  difficult,  in  treating  of  them,  to  avoid  a  minuteness  of 
detail  suited  rather  to  the  mere  annalist  or  biographer,  in 
whose  hands  they  are  susceptible  of  an  absorbing  interest ; 
but  besides  that  brevity  was  required  by  the  proposed  limits 
of  this  work,  those  events,  for  all  the  purpose  of  history  in  its 
higher  sense — the  exhibition  of  moral  and  political  causes  in 
their  operation  upon  man  in  the  aggregate,  the  practical 
wisdom  derivable  from  experience  of  the  past,  and  the  lessons 


RECOMMENDATIONS.  9 

of  virtue  which  it  is  designed  to  teach — constituted  but  a 
minor  feature  of  the  revolution,  which,  indeed  was  well  said 
by  one  of  the  wisest  men  of  the  times,  to  have  been  over 
before  the  war  began.  Accordingly,  the  author  has  avoided 
all  circumstantial  accounts  of  battles  and  manoeuvres  in  the 
field,  and  restricted  himself  to  a  compressed  but  spirited 
sketch  of  the  leading  incidents  necessary  to  the  continuity 
and  integrity  of  his  narrative;  and  to  an  understanding  of 
the  issue — thus  leaving  scope  for  a  developement  of  the 
agencies  which  gradually  brought  about  the  final  contest,  and 
for  a  discriminating  exposition  of  the  real  interests  which 
that  contest  involved.  These  objects  he  has  achieved  in  his 
"preliminary  view  of  the  character  and  principles  of  the  colo 
nists,  and  controversies  with  Great  Britain."  This  part  of 
the  work,  at  least,  for  its  perspicuity  and  depth  of  thought, 
no  less  than  for  its  beauties  of  style,  is  well  entitled  to  the 
character  of  philosophical  history.  Its  tendency  is  to  invest 
the  revolution,  in  itself  considered,  with  dignity  that  throws 
all  similar  struggles  which  preceded  it,  far  in  the  shade,  and 
to  claim  for  it  the  additional  lustre  of  having  given  the  first 
impulse  to  that  series  of  stupendous  changes  in  civil  govern ' 
ments  which  have  since  taken  place,  and  in  the  course  of 
which  the  nations  of  the  earth  are  rapidly  advancing  towards 
the  goal  of  liberty. 

In  the  concluding  chapter,  the  author  has  developed  the 
intricate  diplomacy  to  which  it  became  necessary  for  Ame 
rica  to  resort,  in  order  to  secure  the  fruits  of  her  military 
success.  The  selfish  and  crooked  policy  of  the  principal 
European  States  in  reference  to  this  country;  their  base  at 
tempts  to  crush  our  liberties  in  the  bud,  by  dividing  among 
themselves  the  territory  which  the  rival,  Great  Britain,  was 
about  from  necessity  to  relinquish;  the  firmnes  of  our  nega- 


10  RECOMMENDATIONS. 

tiators  in  resisting  every  overture  that  did  not  commence 
with  a  recognition  of  the  unconditional  independence  of 
America,  and  contemplate  a  full  guaranty  of  all  the  rights 
she  had  claimed  from  the  first,  and  dexterity  with  which 
they  elicited  from  the  fears  and  mutual  jealousies  of  those 
states  what  was  not  to  be  obtained  from  their  justice  and 
magnanimity,  have  probably  never  before  been  so  clearly 
and  forcibly  delineated.  This  is  a  most  interesting  and 
valuable  chapter.  It  wanted  but  the  facts  here  set  forth  to 
render  the  picture  of  our  independence  complete  in  all  its 
parts,  by  showing  that  as,  during  the  period  of  colonial 
dependence,  America  had  owed  nothing  in  her  infancy  to 
the  nurture  and  protection  of  the  mother  country,  so  when 
she  came  to  take  her  stand  among  the  nations,  she  did  so  in 
despite  of  all,  and  without  incurring  obligations  to  any — no 
not  even  to  France,  whose  views  in  affording  us  military 
aid  were  shown  to  have  been  wholly  and  glaringly  selfish  by 
the  extraordinary  course  which  she  adopted  during  the  sub 
sequent  negotiations. 


From  the  New-York  Star. 

History  of  the  American  Revolution.  With  a  Preliminary 
View  of  the  Character  and  Principles  of  the  Colonists.  By 
S.  F.  WILSON.  The  want  of  a  well-written  compend  on  the 
great  events  connected  with  and  preceding  our  revolution, 
has  long  been  a  desideratum  in  the  literature  of  this  country, 
and  an  opprobrium  upon  our  name.  A  theme  in  itself  so 
full  of  sublime  and  heroic  incidents — an  event  so  momentous 
in  the  annals  of  the  world  as  that  of  the  emancipation  of  an 
entire  continent,  and  the  establishment  of  that  hitherto  un- 


RECOMMENDATIONS.  11 

discovered  principle  that  man  is  capable  of  self-government, 
would  seem  to  have  been  of  such  deep  and  abiding  interest, 
as  to  have  enlisted  the  suffrages  of  more  eloquent  and 
powerful  pens  than  have  ever  discoursed  upon  it.  But  not 
withstanding  the  manj  rich  resources  for  the  historian  there 
is  no  one  who  has  yet  explored,  in  the  manner  that  so  great 
a  subject  merited,  this  wide  and  extensive  field — no  one 
who  has  condensed  into  a  lucid  and  compendious  form,  a 
clear,  methodical,  and  correct  arrangement  of  its  details. 
The  work  of  Mr.  Wilson  goes  far  to  supply  this  hiatus  and 
is  written  in  a  style  as  felicitous  in  its  language  as  it  is  ac 
curate  and  sententious  in  its  description  of  the  various 
leading  events  and  circumstances  comprised  within  the 
period  to  which  it  relates.  It  is  scarcely  possible  that  the 
vast  period  of  our  entire  history  could  have  been  compress 
ed  into  so  small  a  compass,  but  the  author  has  nevertheless 
succeeded  in  happily  grouping  together,  into  a  succinct  and 
concise  form,  a  general  and  most  useful  summary  of  every 
incident  of  importance  that  conspired  to  bring  about  the 
great  events  upon  which  he  more  particularly  dwells. 

We  think  it  will  prove  a  valuable  elementary  work  in 
our  schools  more  especially,  and  we  warmly  recommend  it 
to  our  countrymen  as  one  which  every  American,  who  has 
his  country  at  heart,  and  wishes  to  cherish  in  his  posterity 
an  enduring  love  of  liberty  and  of  our  noble  institutions,  to 
place  in  the  hands  of  his  children.  Many  of  older  growth, 
too,  may  be  benefited  by  its  perusal,  as  it  is  a  subject,  we 
are  ashamed  to  say,  of  which  too  many  Americans,  even 
among  those  who  make  pretensions  to  the  character  of  states 
men,  are  most  deplorably  ignorant. 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 


From  the  Telegraph. 

We  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  copy  of  this  valuable 
school  book,  from  the  chaste  and  vigorous  pen  of  Samuel  F. 
Wilson,  Esq.  late  editor  of  the  Baltimore  American.  It  is 
well  adapted  to  the  object  for  which  it  was  written.  It  im 
presses  on  the  mind  of  the  scholar  a  clear  and  definite  view 
of  those  great  principles  upon  which  our  revolutionary 
struggle  was  based,  and  the  important  events  which  led  to 
its  consummation.  The  classical  and  polished  style  of  the 
work,  will  render  it  highly  interesting  to  the  general  reader, 
as  well  as  useful  to  the  student  of  that  most  important 
period  of  our  country's  history.  The  research,  taste  and 
talent  which  it  displays  will  not  only  sustain  but  enhance 
Mr.  Wilson's  rising  reputatiQB.ab  a  writer.  We  cordially 
recommend  it  to  the  public. — fiuff  Green. 


CK 


HISTORY 


OP  THE 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION, 


WITH 


A  PRELIMINARY  VIEW 


OP   THE 

; 

Character  anti  $nncf.ples  of  tjje  (Eolonfstsr, 

AND  THEIR 


CONTROVERSIES  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN, 


-t^i 


THIRD  EDITION. 
BALTIMORE: 

N.  fflCKMAN,  GUSHING  &  SONS,  JOSEPH  NEAL,  AND  D.  GUSHING. 

'  1838  ' 


ENTERED,  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1834,  by  SAMUEL  F. 
WILSON,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Maryland. 


PREFACE. 


THE  first  intention  of  the  writer  of  this  book  was  to 
prepare  an  abstract  of  some  one  of  the  larger  histories  of 
the  American  Revolution,  in  a  more  compact  form  than 
any  which  he  had  met  with  in  his  own  reading.  The 
object  was  to  present  a  convenient  volume,  which  should 
embrace  all  the  principal  occurrences,  civil,  military,  and 
political,  in  America  and  Europe,  having  a  direct  influence 
on  the  principles  and  progress  of  the  revolutionary  contest, 
at  the  same  time  that  it  should  avoid  all  minor  details  not 
positively  necessary  to  the  continuity  or  integrity  of  the 
narrative.  The  military  events  were  to  be  made  less  pro 
minent  than  is  usual;  and  all  circumstantial  accounts  of 
battles  and  manoeuvres  in  the  field,  beyond  leading  incidents 
important  for  the  understanding  of  the  issue,  were  to  be 
avoided.  After  examining  several  of  the  principal  authorities, 
the  design  of  following  any  particular  author  was  abandoned, 
and  the  present  plan  adopted,  of  re-writing  and  re-arranging 
the  whole,  without  regard  to  the  order  or  language  of 
previous  histories.  These  are  the  claims  of  the  work  to 
originality.  Its  merits  are  submitted  to  the  judgment  of 
the  public.  The  writer  has  diligently  compared  the  received 
authorities,  and  exercised  his  judgment  freely  in  selecting 
and  arranging  the  essential  facts ;  and  he  thinks  he  iias 
brought  within  the  compass  of  a  volume  convenient  for 
popular  use,  a  connected  narrative  of  the  revolution,  em 
bracing  all  the  principal  events — foreign  and  domestic. 
Those  portions  which  relate  to  the  foreign  negotiations,  are 
more  full  in  proportion,  than  the  other  divisions  of  the  sub 
ject.  They  will  be  found,  it  is  believed,  correct  and  valuable. 


PREFACE. 


The  author  believes  that  this  volume  might  be  advan 
tageously  used  in  the  instruction  of  youth.  For  the  purpose 
of  determining  this  point,  he  invites  the  examination  of 
teachers,  within  whose  system  the  subject  is  embraced,  on 
the  scale  to  which  the  size  of  the  work  is  adapted. 

The  chief  authorities  consulted  by  the  writer,  are  :  Holmes* 
Annals  ;  the  histories  by  Botta,  Paul  Allen,  Ramsay,  and 
Pitkin;  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington  ;  Lives  of  the  Signers  ; 
Lives  of  Arthur  Lee,  and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  by  Richard 
Henry  Lee;  Life  of  John  Jay,  by  his  son,  William  Jay; 
Wirfs  Patrick  Henry  ;  Sparks  Diplomatic  Correspondence 
of  the  American  Revolution  ;  Bancroft's  life  of  Washington  ; 
Walsh's  Appeal  ;  Hale's  Premium  History  ;  Austin's  Life  of 
Gerry;  Life  of  Quincy  ;  Lee's  Southern  Campaigns;  English 
Histories  by  Bisset,  Belsham,  and  Miller  ;  and  other  histories 
of  particular  States. 

S.  F.  WILSON. 

Baltimore,  May,  1834. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

General  Observations  on  the  Importance  of  the  revolutionary  Era,  ....  Page  7 
CHAPTER  II. 

Character  of  the  early  Settlers—Motives  for  Emigration— Testimony  to  their  Prin 
ciples  .from  Hume— Party  Spirit— Physical  Circumstances— Religious  Influences 
— New  England  Temperament — Southern  Characteristics— General  Character — 
TmnVnr.y  rnwnrds  frtm  fintitiitinnq — Neglect  of  them  by  the  mother  Country 
favourable  to  this  Spirit— Testimony  of  British  Statesmen — Causes  of  Affection 

towards  Great  Britain— State  of  Feeling  at  the  Peace  of  17ii3, Page  15 

CHAPTER  III. 

Peace  of  Paris,  1763— Conduct  of  Britain  towards  the  Colonies,  and  their  Services 

during  the  War — Policy  at  its  commencement  in  1756 — Attempt  to  establish  the 

Rightof  Taxation  in  1754— Views  of  Dr.  Franklin— Other  Difficulties  during  the 

War— Boston,  Writs  of  Assistance — British  Policy  from  175U  to  17(>3,     Page  29 

CHAPTER  IV. 

New  Ministry  in  England,  1763 — English  Finances — Treasury  Schemes — Molasses 
Act — Revenue  Regulations— Stamp _.#c£_p  rejected — Ulterior  Schemes — Historical 
W'HiJOfi  llf  lhp  Qnpstinn — Views"  of  British  Statesmen — Colonial  Theory— Dr. 
Franklin's  Opinions  in  1754 — Proceedings  in  America  on  the  passage  of  the 
Resolutions — Debate  in  the  House  of  Commons,  J765— Stamp  Act  ^passed — 
Reception  by  the  Americans— Patrick  Henry's  Resolution?— 0*4«rr -fccgnrhrtnres 
— Popular JVJiixfiments— Stamp  Act  Congress  meets — Proceedings— Act  goes  into 
Operation — Sons  of  Liberty — Non-Importation  Agreement — Change  in  the 

Ministry— Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act— Declaratory  Act,  1766, Page  39 

CHAPTER  V. 

Effects  of  the  Repeal— Compensation  Acts — New  York  Legislature — New  Cabinet 
in  England — Scheme  of  Taxing  America  revived— Other  Bills  adopted — Tea  Act 
passed  ] 767— Excitement  in  America — Sloop  Liberty— Disturbances  in  Boston — 
Convention  in  Massachusetts — Changes  in  the  Ministry — Parliament — Coercive 
Resolutions,  17b'9— Provision  for  the  Trial  of  suspected  Persons— Colonial  Pro 
ceedings—  Question  stated  by  Philadelphia  Merchants— Lord  North  becomes  the 
head  of  Administration  January  1770— Duties  repealed  except  that  on  Tea — Riot 
and  Massacre  at  Boston — Affair  of  the  Gaspee,  Act  passed  in  England  in  conse 
quence — Committees  of  Correspondence— Governor  Hutchinson's  Letters — Ex- 
animation  of  Dr.  Franklin  before  the  PrivyCouncil— East  IndiaCompany  exports 
Tea  to  America — Its  reception — Boston,  destruction  of  the  Tea,  1773,  .  Page  75 
CHAPTER  VI. 

Proceedings  in  Parliament,  1770 -Boston  Port  Bill— Other  Bills— Reception  in  the 
Colonies— First  Congress  meets— Their  Proceedings— Proceedings  of  Massachu 
setts — Legislature  organized  into  a  Convention — Arms  the  Province — New  Par 
liament —  Massachusetts  declared  in  Rebellion — More  Penal  and  Coercive  Acts — 
North's  first  Scheme  of  Conciliation — Increasing  Excitement — Battle  of  Lexing 
ton— Its  Influence — Seizure  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point — Reinforcements 
from  England — Second  Congress — WASHINGTON  appointed  Commander-in-Chief 
— Battle  of  Bunker  Hill— Siege  of  Boston— Dispositions  with  respect  to  Indepen 
dence—Proceedings  of  Congress— Affairs  at  the  Close  of  the  Year— Expedition 
against  Canada— Attack  upon  Quebec,  and  Death  of  Montgomery,  .  .  Page  89 
CHAPTER  VII. 

Proceedings  of  Parliament— More  Restrictive  Laws— Hire  of  German  Troops- 
Boston  Evacuated  by  the  British— Washington  occupies  New  York— Campaign 
in  Canada — Arnold's  Retreat— The  British  attack  Charleston — Repulsed— British 
Army  and  Fleet  before  New  York— Public  Feeling  on  the  Subject  of  Indepen 
dence,  up  to  July,  1776— DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE Page  130 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Position  of  the  Armies,  July  1776— Difficulties  of  Washington— Attempts  at  Nego 
tiation—Battle  of  Long  Island— Retreat  of  Americans — Evacuation  of  New 
York— Skirmishing— Further  retreat — Measures  of  Congress— Conferences  on 
Conciliation,  fail— Battle  of  White  Plains.— Fort  Washington  falls— Retreat 
through  New  Jersey— Rhode  Island  falls— Disasters  in  the  North— Defeat  of  Ar 
nold  on  Lake  Champlain— Washington  retires  beyond  the  Delaware— Brilliant 
Affair  at  Trenton— Capture  of  the  Hessians— Battle  of  Princeton,  and  Recovery 

of  New  Jersey— Close  of  Campaign  of  1776, Page  155 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Negotiations  abroad.  1775-7— French  Policy— French  Volunteers— British  Parlia 
ment — CAMPAIGN  of  1777 — Congress — Bad  System — Paper  Emissions — Exchange 

A2 


VI  CONTENTS. 

of  Prisoners — Military  Enterprises  in  the  Spring— British  sail  for  the  Chesa 
peake — Battle  of  Brandywine— Americans  rally — Defeat  of  Wayne — Philadel 
phia  occupied  by  the  British — Congress  assemble  at  York — Attempts  to  force 

Passage  for  the  British  Fleet — Battle  of  Germantown, Page  18-1 

CHAPTER   X. 

NORTHERN  CAMPAIGN  of  1777. — Burgoyne's  Expedition — Invests  Ticonderoga — 
American  Disasters — Retreat  to  Fort  Edward— Revival  of  Public  Spirit— British 
invest  Fort  Schuyler—  Defeat  and  Death  of  General  Herkimer — Arnold  advances 
British  retire— Change  of  Prospects— Battle  of  Benniugton  —  Murder  of  Miss 
McCrea — Burgoyne  crosses  the  River — Battle  of  Stillwater — Attempts  of  Bur- 
goyne  to  retreat — Is  surrounded — Clinton's  tardy  Efforts— Surrender  of  Bur 
goyne — Terms — Disposal  of  Troops — Defence  of  Mud  Island — its  fall — Americans 
winter  at  Valley  Forge — Rhode  Island — Cruise  of  Paul  Jones— Other  Expedi 
tions — British  Preparations— Parliamentary  Proceedings— Sufferings  and  Dis 
contents  of  the  Troops  (1780) — Rochambeau  arrives  with  a  French  Fleet— Clin 
ton  in  South  Carolina— Surrender  of  Charleston — Capture  of  American  Posts — 
Civil  Measures  of  Clinton — He  returns  to  New  York— Spirit  in  Carolina- 
Gates  defeated  at  Cainden  Page  209 

CHAPTER  XL 

Political  and  civil  Events  in  1777— Powers  of  Congress — Articles  of  Confederation 
— The  Finances — Paper  Issues — Tender  Laws,&c. —  Army  Embarrassments— In 
trigues  against  Washington — Sufferings  at  Valley  Forge — Foreign  Negotiations 
during  177t>-7-8 — Treaties  with  France— Effects  of  Burgoyne's  fall  in  England — 
Debates  in  Parliament — New  Schemes  for  Conciliation — Commissioners  appoint 
ed — Reception  of  Bills  in  America— Skirmishes  in  the  Spring  of  1778  .  Page  232 
CHAPTER  XII. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1778. — Arrival  of  French  Fleet — British  evacuate  Philadelphia — Battle 
of  Moumouth— French  Fleet  blockade  New  York  ;  sail  for  Newport — Enterprise 
against  Rhode  Island— Skirmish  between  the  Fleets— French  sail  for  Boston — 
Sullivan  retreats — French  sail  to  the  West  Indies — Partial  Expeditions— Mas 
sacre  of  Wyoming — Americans  in  Winter-duarters — Campaign  in  Georgia — 
Defeat  of  General  Robert  Howe — Surrender  of  Savannah,  and  Submission  of 
Georgia — Review  of  Affairs  in  1778 — Policy  of  Spain — Her  proffered  Mediation 
fails — War  between  Spain  and  Great  Britain — Attempts  of  the  British  to  sepa 
rate  the  Allies — Aims  of  the  Bourbon  Courts  Page  256 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1770.— French  Fleet  in  the  West  Indies— Difficulties  of  Washington- 
Partial  Enterprises  in  the  Chesapeake — Stoney  Point— Trvon's  Expedition — 
Penobscot.  Southern  Campaign. — British  repulsed  at  Port  Royal  (S.C.) — Tories 
defeated— Gen.  Ashe  defeated — The  Rally  in  South  Carolina — Lincoln  crosses  in  to 
Georgia — British  move  ajrainst  Charleston — Retreat  before  Lincoln — Skirmish 
at  Stono  Ferry— French  Fleet  arrives — Attack  on  Savannah  fails — Measures  of 
Cornwallis — Battle  of  King's  Mountain — Greene  takes  command — British  Ex 
pedition  auainst  Rhode  Island  fails  — Arnold's  Treason— Capture  and  Death  of 
Andre— Americans  go  into  Winter-Quarters— Mutinies — Revival  of  public  Spirit 
Improvement  of  Finances,  and  foreign  aids  of  Money — Foreign  Affairs — War 

between  Great  Britain  and  Holland— Expedition  to  Virginia Page  275 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

1781.  Southern  War — Designs  of  Cornwallis— Battle  of  the  Cowpens — Retreat  into 
Virginia  — Battle  of  Guilford — Greene  rallies  instantly — Cornwallis  retires  to 
Wilmington — Greene  forces  his  way  to  South  Carolina— Cornwallis  marches  to 
Virginia— Greene  repulsed  at  Camden — Rallies — British  evacuate  Camden — 
British  Forts  taken— Greene  besieges  Ninety-Six — Forced  to  retire  precipitately 
— Rallies — Takes  Post  on  the  Saritee  Hills—Death  of  Colonel  Hayne — Battle  of 
Eutaw  Springs— British  driven  into  Charleston—  llri'ish  Expeditions — Cornwallis 
retires  to  Yorktown — Washington  in  the  North — His  Plans  against  New  Yortr — 
Marches  for  Yorktown — De  Grasse  in  the  Chesapeake— Expedition  against  Con 
necticut — Groton  Massacre — Newport  Fleet  arrives  in  the  Chesappake — Siege, 
and  Surrender  of  Cornwallis — Its  Effects— Review  of  the  state  of  Affairs,  .  P.  318 
CHAPTER  XV. 

Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States  up  to  the  Capture  of  Cornwallis -Views 
of  the  European  Powers— Proceedinss  in  Parliament— Vote  for  Peace — Lord 
North  overthrown — Negotiations  commenced  —  Independence  acknowledged  by 
Holland — Difficulties  in  the  Negotiations— French  and  Spanish  Intrigues — In 
structions  to  the  American  Commissioners — Instructions  violated — Treaty  con 
eluded— Military  Events—  Embarrassments  of  civil  Affurs  — Attempt*  to  create 
Mutiny,  defeated — British  evacuate  New  York — Washington  ta£es  leave  of  the 
Officers,  and  resigns  his  Commission  .  .  .  # •'"•  Page  347 


HISTORY 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  war  of  the  American  Revolution,  which  established 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States,  was,  beyond  question, 
the  most  momentous  era  in  the  political  history  of  the  world. 
Other  periods  have,  indeed,  produced  instances  of  the  high 
est  public  virtue, — of  elevated,  fervent  and  incorruptible 
patriotism, — of  fidelity,  fortitude  and  heroism,  which  cannot 
be  surpassed,  and  have  been  rarely  approached.  Oppressions 
more  galling  than  any  of  which  the  British  Colonies  of  '76 
could  complain,  have  been  bravely  and  successfully  resisted  ; 
and  gallant  achievements  for  liberty  and' country,  have  been 
won,  from  time  to  time,  by  those  magnanimous  spirits  who 
rise  occasionally  in  the  darkest  periods,  to  vindicate,  by  their 
actions  and  virtues,  the  essential  dignity  of  human  nature. 
But  theirs  were  solitary  and  partial  efforts  in  advance  of  the 
intelligence  of  the  age.  The  institutions,  which  sprung  from 
their  success,  designed  to  secure  the  rights  wrested  by  force 
from  the  hands  of  tyrants,  lacked  the  self-sustaining  vigor 
of  an  enlightened  public  opinion.  Resistance  to  oppression, 
glorious  in  its  triumph,  unfortunately  produced  no  fruits 
beyond  temporary  relief.  The  securities  for  good  govern 
ment  arising  from  constitutional  limitations  upon  power, 
and  the  supremacy  of  law,  were  beyond  their  capacity ; 
and  their  victories  were  accordingly  transient  anarchies,  in 
the  intervals  of  a  perpetually  renewed  despotism.  Hence 
the  noblest  conquests  over  tyranny  failed  to  affect  perma 
nent!}'  the  general  course  of  events,  or  to  impress  upon  the 
mass  of  opinions  a  popular  direction.  That  fleeting  liberty 
which  was  gained  in  one  country,  touched  not  the  sympa 
thies  nor  kindled  the  emulation  of  another.  The  very  next 
generation,  corrupted  by  power  and  indulgence,  or  wearied 


8  HISTORY    OF    THE 

by  turbulence  and  anarchy,  and  unconscious  of  those  defects 
in  themselves,  by  which  stability  and  peace  were  frustrated, 
forfeited  those  dearly  won  privileges,  and  relapsed  into  that 
state  of  passive  debasement,  from  which,  under  the  guidance 
of  one  or  two  master  minds,  they  had  for  a  while  emerged. 

The  American  Revolution  was,  however,  of  a  different 
character.  It  was  the  natural  offspring  of  a  state  of  society, 
rapidly  advancing,  under  circumstances,  moral  and  physical, 
peculiarly  favourable  to  general  improvement.  The  sagacity, 
virtue,  and  heroism,  by  which  it  was  distinguished,  were 
not  alone  the  traits  of  illustrious  men,  but  the  characteristics 
of  a  nation,  educated  and  disciplined  in  the  knowledge  of 
their  rights.  The  conflict  was  waged  on  principles  clearly 
defined,  and  for  specific  objects.  Success  therefore  only 
consolidated  liberties  which  were  understood  before  they 
were  fought  for,  into  a  system  adapted  to  the  matured  intelli 
gence  of  the  people,  and  sustained  as  well  by  their  approving 
judgments,  as  by  their  affections.  With  them  to  retrograde 
into  slavery  was  impossible,  because  their  intellectual  culti 
vation  and  moral  qualities,  harmonized  with  the  institutions 
they  established  ;  and  these  being  in  their  nature  progressive, 
all  must  advance  together.  The  effect  upon  other  nations,  has 
not  been  less  dissimilar.  Astonishment  and  admiration  and 
sympathy  soon  ripened  into  zeal  to  imitate,  as  the  success 
of  American  example  in  self-government  tested  the  doctrines 
of  the  American  Revolution,  and  proved  their  soundness. 
A  new  impulse  communicated  itself  to  the  nations  nearest 
in  political  condition,  and  most  closely  connected  by  facili 
ties  of  intercourse,  and  habits  of  thought.  Vast  changes  in 
the  principles  and  framework  of  governments  have  already 
been  silently  or  violently  effected  :  still  more  extensive  and 
important  are  plainly  at  hand.  In  all  the  theories  of  human 
rights, — in  the  policy  of  administrations  and  cabinets  ;  in 
the  innermost  form  and  texture  of  that  intricate  combination 
of  interests  and  relations  by  which  men  are  connected  to 
gether  in  society, — substantial  reforms  are  in  progress  every 
where  throughout  the  civilized  globe  ;  and  all  are  parts  of  a 
stupendous  series  of  organic  changes,  of  which  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution  marks  the  first  era. 

Momentous  as  was  that  era  in  its  consequences,  it  was 
scarcely  less  remarkable  in  the  combination  and  succession 
of  events,  by  which  it  was  preceded.  The  discovery  of 
America  at  the  close  of  the  15th  century  concurred  most 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  9 

propitiously  with  the  condition  of  Europe  at  the  time,  to 
strengthen  the  infant  spirit  of  liberty  that  had  been  strug 
gling  in  vain  against  hostile  institutions,  and  to  prepare  a 
new  unlimited  field  for  its  nurture  and  growth.  Just  when 
the  wants  of  civilized  man  most  seemed  to  need  it, — when 
the  pressure  of  antiquated  misrule  was  most  heavily  felt,  and 
no  practicable  scheme  of  relief  on  the  spot  of  its  predomi 
nance  seemed  possible,— "-an  unoccupied  hemisphere  was 
thrown  open  to  him.  There,  ardent  spirits,  who  found  the 
sphere  of  action  at  home  limited  to  too  narrow  a  circle  by 
the  tyrannical  customs  and  prescriptions  of  centuries,  and  the 
oppressed  and  destitute,  made  so  by  artificial  restraints  upon 
industry, and  the  extortions  and  abuses  of  legalized  despotism, 
joyfully  sought  a  new  country.  The  impatient  energies, 
that  at  home  had  exhausted  themselves  vainly  in  combating 
against  barriers  that  were  yet  too  strong  to  be  broken 
through,  here  overflowed  without  restraint,  and  spread  them 
selves  over  a  vast  continent,  taming  the  savage",  reclaiming 
the  forests,  battling  fearlessly  against  all  the  terrors  of  soli 
tude  and  the  wilderness,  ferocious  wild  beasts,  and  fiercer  men, 
to  build  up  institutions  fresh  from  the  hands  of  nature,  and 
suited  to  their  new  position,  and  improved  understanding  of 
their  rights.  Thus  was  a  peculiar  people  trained  up  to  habits 
of  independence,  and  experience  of  the  benefits  and  usages 
of  liberty,  under  circumstances  more  favorable  than  had 
ever  been  enjoyed  by  any  people  before  ;  developing  by  the 
severest  discipline  the  physical  powers  of  the  human  frame, 
and  giving  the  fullest  scope  to  the  natural  motions  of  the 
intellect.  This  rare  combination  of  moral  and  social  phe 
nomena,  tended  harmoniously  to  the  same  end — the  estab 
lishment  of  a  common  principle  of  repugnance  to  arbitrary 
power,  and  the  assertion  for  the  first  time,  of  the  doctrines 
of  popular  sovereignty,  by  the  final  erection  of  the  American 
republics. 

A  slight  glance  at  the  comparative  rate  of  progress  in 
social  improvements,  in  both  hemispheres,  before  and 
since  the  impetus  given  at  the  era  of  the  discovering  of 
America,  will  signally  illustrate  its  importance  in  political 
history.  The  seeds  of  liberty, — which  took  such  instant 
root,  and  flourished  with  such  luxuriance  here,  and  have 
grown  with  such  rapidity  elsewhere, — existed  long  before 
in  Europe.  But  they  had  been  sown  in  barren  and  stony 
ground,  and  though  nurtured  by  the  toils,  and  oftentimes 


10  HISTORY   OF   THE 

watered  by  the  blood  of  early  martyrs,  they  sustained  them 
selves  feebly  against  a  superincumbent  mass  of  ancient  abuses. 
While  the  revival  of  learning,  after  the  darkness  of  the 
middle  ages,  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  human  mind,  and 
the  discoveries  and  inventions  by  which  it  was  subsequently 
signalized,  perpetuated  its  new  achievements,  and  have 
carried  it  progressively  onwards,  the  natural  influence  of 
increased  knowledge,  upon  public  liberty,  was  tardy  in 
manifesting  itself  in  the  improvement  of  governments,  or  in 
the  elevation  of  the  condition  of  the  people.  To  partial 
observation,  looking  at  immediate  effects,  that  influence 
would  seem  to  have  been  hostile  to  freedom.  The  student 
of  history  finds  despotism  temporarily  strengthened  as  know 
ledge  increased.  The  resources  of  learning,  applied  by  the 
most  active  intellects,  evidently  sharpened,  for  a  season,  the 
weapons  of  arbitrary  power,  and  ministered  sedulously  to  the 
ruling  temper  of  the  times,  devising  artful  defences  for  its 
excesses,  and  new  instruments  for  securing  its  unresisted 
ascendency.  The  alliance  between  tyranny,  which  is  the 
natural  form  of  all  unlimited  power,  and  knowledge,  which 
is  its  natural  enemy,  is,  in  the  early  stages  of  the  latter,  as 
seen  in  the  history  of  foreign  governments,  apparently  com 
plete.  In  later  times,  it  has  been  also  found  that  men  of  the 
highest  range  of  intellect,  have  employed  their  superiority  to 
uphold  the  most  odious  systems  of  government,  and  to  extin 
guish  those  desires  for  political  rights,  which  have  sprung 
chiefly  from  the  enlarged  knowledge,  to  which  themselves 
have  so  much  contributed.  Striving  earnestly  against  popular 
movements,  they,  at  the  same  time,  spent  their  lives  in  pur 
suits  which  have  prepared  the  world  for  the  very  changes 
they  deplored.  The  explanation  of  this  apparent  anomaly, 
instead  of  disproving  the  inherent  sympathy  between  know 
ledge  and  freedom,  gives  an  eminent  proof  of  their  affinity, 
under  all  circumstances,  and  in  despite  of  all  personal  pas 
sions,  individual  influences,  and  temporary  delusions.  The 
selfish  principle  peculiar  to  the  age,  and  the  selfish  principle 
of  our  common  nature,  were  both  to  be  encountered  and 
overthrown,  before  the  beneficent  influences  of  civilization 
could  be  made  to  reach  the  mass  of  the  community,  and 
elevate  them.  The  thirst  for  power  and  booty  was  the 
ruling  passion  of  the  privileged  classes,  and  learning  and 
mental  acquirements  were  only  valued  as  ministers  to  that 
appetite.  They  were  additional  weapons  for  foiling  enemies, 


/ 

AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  11 

conquering  and  enslaving  the  weak,  and  strengthening  the 
strong, — and  were  so  estimated  only  in  comparison  with  other 
instruments.  They  were  rather  contemned  in  the  compari 
son  with  bodily  strength,  because  their  influences  were  less 
obvious.  Even  when  they  became  more  highly  considered, 
they  were  employed,  with  few  exceptions,  in  advancing 
selfish  objects,  and  for  personal  aggrandizement.  Thus  for 
a  long  series  of  years,  and  through  various  fortunes,  know 
ledge  as  the  great  agent  of  human  improvement,  struggled 
not  only  against  the  errors  and  institutions  of  antiquity,  but 
against  the  dominant  temper  of  the  times,  and  the  selfish 
principles  of  its  possessor  and  followers. 

The  condition  of  society  during  the  progress  of  this  struggle, 
while  it  bears  testimony  to  the  arduous  conflict  which  the 
growing  spirit  of  liberty  was  waging  with  its  antagonists,  fur 
nishes  other  arguments  for  the  opponents  of  popular  license, 
much  more  honourable  to  human  nature,  than  the  baser  pas 
sions  of  pride  and  ambition,  with  which  they  were  mingled. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  in  those  days,  the  multitude 
were  incapable  of  government,  or  of  any  useful  use  of 
their  faculties,  in  judging  of  affairs  of  state.  Ignorant  and 
brutal, — taught  from  infancy  to  know  nothing  but  the  law  of 
force,  and  the  will  of  a  master  scarcely  less  brutal  and  ig 
norant, — they  were,  without  question,  a  stolid  and  insensate 
mass,  whom  power  alone  could  restrain,  and  to  whom  free 
dom  was  a  word  as  unintelligible  as  it  now  is  to  the  body 
guard  of  an  African  chief.  So  the  first  dawning  of  civiliza 
tion  found  them,  and  so  the  first  master  spirits  saw  them, 
the  more  clearly  as  themselves  were  more  highly  elevated. 
Knowledge  of  civil  rights,  which  is  the  growth  of  a  general 
increase  of  intelligence,  spread  but  slowly,  even  when  the 
most  rapid  advance  was  made  by  individuals  in  science  and 
the  arts:  what  wonder  is  it,  then,  that  direct  fear  of  the 
savage  excesses  of  an  ignorant  multitude  should  have  pre 
vailed  over  vague  and  unformed  notions  of  a  human  per 
fectibility,  of  which  there  was  no  present  token  nor  promise  ? 
Having  no  means  of  safety  for  all  the  growing  interests  of  * 
society,  save  in  the  strength  of  those  classes  which  held  the 
power  toprotect,and  which,  by  their  position  and  their  limited 
numbers,  were  within  the  reach  of  improvement,  it  ought 
not  to  surprise  us,  that  men  of  the  best  intentions  and  widest 
range  of  intellect  and  acquirement  should  have  been  the 
advocates  of  monarchy,  the  defenders  of  established  institu- 


12  HISTORY    OF    THE 

tions,  and  the  partizans  of  dynasties,  claiming  to  exist  by 
"  divine"  appointment.  Ambition  and  vanity,  custom  and 
fear,  the  weight  of  antiquity,  the  authority  of  history,  and 
the  abused  or  mistaken  sanctions  of  religion,  were  all  on  the 
side  of  governments,  wherever  and  however  they  existed. 
Yet  in  all  this  apparent  union  of  every  influence,  in  favour 
of  despotic  governments,  the  seeds  of  revolution  were 
planted.  The  tightening  and  bracing  of  the  social  springs 
showed  an  increasing  pressure  to  be  counteracted — a  grow 
ing  impulse  upward,  against  which  conservative  force  had 
become  necessary.  While  the  jealousy  of  power,  barred 
with  increasing  rigour  the  advance  of  popular  inquiry  in  re 
ligion  and  politics,  mental  activity  enlarged  its  field  widely 
in  every  other  direction,  The  general  level  of  capacity 
gradually  rose,  until  the  forbidden  precincts  were  invaded  by 
a  universal  tide  of  public  opinion,  in  spite  of  the  barriers 
which  had  been  raised  upon  each  other,  by  the  care  of  cen 
turies.  What  the  immediate  effects  were,  is  not  within  our 
limits  to  describe  minutely.  From  the  period  of  the  reign 
of  Henry  the  VIII.,  in  England,  the  efforts  of  the  rising  spirit 
of  the  people,  more  and  more  enlightened  by  education,  and 
directed  by  experience,  have  gradually — sometimes  by  vio 
lence,  and  sometimes  by  natural  operations  imperceptibly, — 
raised  the  moral  character  of  nations,  and  finally  enlisted 
knowledge  on  the  side  to  which  it  naturally  belongs — that 
of  Liberty.  In  the  most  propitious  period  for  mankind,  of 
this  unequal  strife  which  is  not  yet  decided  in  the  old  world, 
the  colonization  of  America  produced  an  entire  change  in  the 
moral  characteristics  of  the  contest.  Here  were  no  obstacles 
to  the  freest  exercise  of  intellectual  independence  :  the  issue 
has  invigorated  the  hopes,  and  given  unerring  promises  of 
the  final  triumph,  of  those  who  have  not  only  to  build  up 
new  institutions,  but  to  combat  inveterate  prejudices,  to  re 
move  the  consequences  of  errors  that  have  been  interwoven 
with  the  most  intimate  texture  of  society,  and  to  prepare 
whole  nations,  not  only  to  conquer  and  establish,  but  to  un 
derstand  and  enjoy  their  rights. 

The  co-operation  of  knowledge  and  civilization,  with 
fortune,  or  Providence,  in  this  work  of  human  regenera 
tion,  may  not  unaptly  be  compared  to  that  of  physical 
phenomena,  which,  by  the  agency  of  independent  laws, 
without  apparent  concert,  produce  the  finest  and  noblest 
results.  Intellectual  and  moral  improvement,  the  soil 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  Id 

.•om  which  public  virtue  and  liberty  spring  as  the  natural 
3iowth,  is  formed,  gradually,  from  a  thousand  indirect  and 
direct  sources,  as  the  earth  is  formed  for  the  benevolent  pur 
poses  of  vegetation,  upon  a  barren  rock.  By  slow  attrition  and 
progressive  deposites  of  the  elements,  layer  after  layer  accu 
mulates.  If  human  industry  be  wanting  to  stimulate  its 
energies,  by  and  by  comes  along  a  bird  of  the  air  dropping 
•he  grain,  or  the  wind,  blowing  where  it  listeth,  scatters  a 
reed,  or  the  waves  throw  up  a  random  twig,  and  the  new- 
made  soil  soon  sends  up  from  its  bosom  a  little  plant,  that 
)re  long  swells  into  a  mighty  tree,  fixing  its  roots  deep  into 
the  earth,  and  stretching  its  brawny  arms  wide  into  the  air, 
bearing  fruit  to  refresh  and  sustain  living  beings,  and  preserv- 
:ng  the  inherent  faculty  of  re-producing  its  kind  for  ever. 
rnhe  plant  of  liberty  thus  springs  in  a  soil  which  virtue  and 
mowledge  have  matured  and  prepared  for  the  hand  of  some 
naster  spirit,  labouring  with  almost  divine  philanthropy  for 
:he  good  of  the  species;  or  for  some  happy  conjuncture  of 
events  to  call  forth  its  dormant  powers  into  spontaneous  action. 
Thenceforward,  though  the  growth  may  be  affected  by  un- 

oward  events,  and  delayed,  more  or  less,  as  society  advances 
.nore  or  less  slowly,  it  is  not  in  the  nature  of  truth,  that  it 
should  ever  perish  again.  All  experience  hitherto,  in  the  only 
fair  trial  ever  made,  confirms  this  judgment.  Americans, 
proud  of  their  own  share,  as  a  people,  in  these  glorious 
events,  as  well  as  zealous  for  the  improvement  of  the  condi 
tion  of  other  nations,  by  the  same  happy  influences,  ought 
frequently  to  turn  with  gratitude  to  the  period  of  their  own 
revolution,  and  not  cease  to  impress  its  principles,  and  the 
magnitude  of  their  bearings,  upon  the  hearts  of  each  suc 
ceeding  generation.  The  train  of  events  which  immediately 
brought  on  the  struggle  between  the  then  colonies  and  Great 
Britain,  and  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune  by  which  it  was 
marked  until  the  final  triumph  by  the  establishment  of  inde 
pendence,  have,  moreover,  the  merit  of  exhibiting  rare  ex 
amples  of  personal  virtue  and  heroism  in  our  ancestors,  well 
worthy  of  the  highest  admiration  of  their  descendants — fit  to 
foster  a  just  national  pride  ;  to  strengthen  the  impulses  of 
patriotism,  and  stimulate  a  warmer  zeal  in  the  universal 
cause  of  virtue  and  liberty. 

In  reviewing  the  earlier  portions  of  colonial  history — to 
trace  the  remoter  as  well  as  the  immediate  springs  of  the 
revolution,  secondary  to  the  general  advancement  of  popular 

B 


14  HISTORY    OF    THE 

knowledge  and  virtue,  which  are  the  first  causes — the  chief 
place  in  importance  is  undoubtedly  due  to  the  peculiar 
opinions  and  dispositions  of  the  Colonists  and  the  circum 
stances  in  which  they  were  formed.  The  arbitrary  measures 
of  the  British  government  were  not  primary  causes  of  the 
colonial  resistance.  Upon  people  of  a  different  education  and 
temperament,  much  greater  oppressions  than  those  employed 
by  the  British  ministry,  from  ths  commencement  of  the 
first  systematic  design  to  enslave  in  1764,  to  the  com 
mencement  of  hostilities,  might  have  been  safely  tried  ;  and 
with  any  other  existing  people,  would  have  probably  suc 
ceeded.  With  them,  however,  as  was  well  said  by  one  of 
its  wisest  men,  "  The  revolution  was  over  before  the  war 
commenced."  It  was  a  moral  revolution,  to  which  a  suc 
cessful  war  only  gave  permanent  establishment,  and  the 
sanction  of  victory  in  the  eyes  of  other  nations.  It  existed 
in  the  minds  of  the  Colonists  long  before  the  occasion  had 
arisen  to  call  forth  its  active  energies,  or  to  invite  them  to 
study  attentively  the  tendency  of  their  own  opinions.  Its 
development  was  hastened  by  the  assertion  of  unwise  and 
tyrannical  doctrines  from  abroad,  and  the  attempt  to  reduce 
to  practice  here,  rules  of  government  which  would  have  suc 
ceeded  any  where  else,  with  discontent,  but  without  much 
contention,  and  with  no  resistance.  The  peculiar  character 
of  this  people  is  therefore  an  essential  point  of  preliminary 
inquiry. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  15 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  first  settlers  in  America  were  a  race  of  men,  not 
merely  enlightened  in  regard  to  the  principles  of  govern 
ment,  to  the  full  extent  of  the  intelligence  of  the  age,  but 
were  far  in  advance  of  the  prevailing  theories  in  Europe. 
They  were,  in  fact,  for  the  most  part,  driven  from  Europe 
for  their  hostility  to  those  theories,  as  established.  Political 
and  religious  controversies  had  been  for  a  long  time  agitating 
that  whole  continent,  and  cruel  persecutions  employed  to  re 
press  and  punish  all  independence  of  judgment,  and  to  main 
tain  despotic  control  over  the  body  and  mind,  by  the  use  of 
force.  The  mass  of  the  public  being  unripe  for  concentrated 
action  in  behalf  of  general  principles,  they  who  were  fore 
most  in  agitation,  and  who  consequently  suffered  the  penal 
ties  of  defeat,  were  the  active  and  enterprising — those  who 
best  comprehended  the  rights  of  man,  and  were  warmed  with 
the  truest  zeal  for  liberty.  Such  men  it  was,  principally, 
who,  disgusted  with  tyranny,  or  forced  by  rigorous  laws  and 
proscriptions,  gladly  embraced  the  opportunity  of  establishing- 
themselves,  at  whatever  cost  and  labour,  where  they  might 
provide  better  institutions  for  their  posterity.  The  English 
historian,  Hume,  himself  the  apologist  of  some  of  the  worst 
tyrants  that  ever  sat  upon  the  throne,  passed  a  merited  eulo- 
gium  upon  the  principles  of  the  first  American  settlers,  as 
early  as  the  time  of  the  first  James.  f<  That  spirit  of  inde 
pendence,"  he  remarks,  "  which  was  then  reviving  in  Eng 
land,  shone  forth  in  America,  in  its  full  lustre,  and  received 
new  accession  of  force  from  the  aspiring  character  of  those, 
who,  being  discontented  with  the  established  church  and 
monarchy,  had  sought  for  freedom  among  the  savage  deserts." 
A  striking  fact,  narrated  in  the  memoirs  of  Cromwell  and 
Hampden,  two  among  the  most  remarkable  men  in  English 
history,  illustrates  the  general  effect  of  the  misgovernment  of 
that  period,  in  driving  the  ablest  men  into  exile  ;  and  may 
also  serve  as  a  memorable  illustration  of  that  just  retribution  for 
evil  deeds,  of  which  many  examples  are  on  record,  wherein 
violent  and  arbitrary  acts  have,  by  the  combination  of  subse 
quent  events  totally  unforeseen  at  the  time,  led  directly  to 
the  ruin  of  their  authors.  Hampden  and  Cromwell,  under 


16  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  common  influence  of  dislike  to  the  measures  of  Charles  I. 
were  actually  on  board  ship,  on  their  way  to  settle  in  Ame 
rica,  when  they  were  stopped  by  a  royal  order  in  council, 
prohibiting  emigration.  They,  in  consequence,  remained  in 
England — the  one,  by  his  noble  support  of  the  popular  cause, 
to  overturn  the  king's  influence  in  parliament,  and  become 
a  proverb  in  all  ages  for  patriotism  ;  and  the  other,  impelled 
onward  by  the  current  of  events,  in  a  career  of  ambition,  to 
become  the  means  of  bringing  the  king's  head  to  the  block;  to 
banish  his  children,  and  sit  upon  his  throne. 

Differences  of  opinions,  upon  political  subjects,  undoubtedly 
existed  in  the  Colonies,  from  the  beginning,  similar  to  those 
which  they  left,  and  which  prevailed  contemporaneously  in 
Europe.  Custom,  prejudice,  varieties  of  capacity  and  edu 
cation,  and  the  occasional  excess  of  selfish  passions — vanity 
and  the  thirst  for  gain  and  power  in  individuals — main 
tained,  while  their  recollections  of  Europe  were  distinct,  and 
continued  to  maintain,  as  long  as  the  political  connexion  ex 
isted,  a  spirit  of  party  on  the  same  subjects  as  those  which 
convulsed  the  mother  country.  But  popular  doctrines  predo 
minated  from  the  first,  in  America,  and  grew  stronger  as  the 
ties,  which  drew  them  towards  the  old  system,  became  weak 
ened  under  the  effect  and  influence  of  new  scenes  and 
occupations;  and  as  the  generations  became,  in  time,  farther 
removed  from  the  parent  stock.  In  all  these  party  differences, 
too,  an  important  peculiarity  is  to  be  observed.  Colonial  dis 
turbances  were  always  in  favour  of  natural  rights ;  to  retain 
what  they  had,  as  it  were,  resumed  from  society,  on  betaking 
themselves  to  the  forests,  against  the  encroachments  of  lords 
proprietors,  and  royal  governors.  In  Europe,  on  the  contrary, 
the  rights  of  the  people  had  to  struggle  under  every  disad 
vantage,  against  established  institutions  and  overwhelming 
power.  While  in  the  one  country,  therefore,  their  progress  has 
been  slow  and  painfully  won,  amid  terrible  convulsions ;  in 
the  other  they  advanced  rapidly,  and  soon  threw  off  the  petty 
impediments  of  European  origin.  When  Burke,  in  his  fa 
mous  speech  on  conciliation  with  America,  delivered  in  the 
British  House  of  Commons,  in  1775,  spoke  so  warmly  of  the 
"love  of  freedom,"  as  the  "predominating  feature"  of  the 
character  of  the  Americans,  he  spoke  truly  and  generously 
of  what  had  grown  up  with  them,  from  the  earliest  settle 
ment.  "That  fierce  spirit  of  liberty,"  which  he  then  pro 
nounced  to  be  "stronger  in  the  English  Colonies,  than  in 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  17 

any  other  people  of  the  earth,"  was  their  inheritance  from  the 
magnanimous  ancestors  we  have  been  describing;  nurtured 
by  perils,  labour,  and  self-denial,  until  all  their  opinions,  cus 
toms,  inclinations,  and  habits  of  thought  and  feeling  were 
impressed  with  the  same  hardy  traits  of  independence.  It 
harmonized  with  the  rugged  soil  they  cultivated  and  the  vast 
solitudes  and  boundless  forests  by  which  they  were  surrounded, 
and  strengthened,  perpetually,  by  contrast,  their  repug 
nance  to  the  narrow  dogmas,  the  insolent  assumptions,  and 
artificial  institutions  of  the  over-crowded  and  oppressed  popu 
lation  of  Europe.  The  persecutions  from  which  they  had 
fled,  voluntarily  relinquishing  their  native  land,  to  find  poli 
tical  freedom  and  liberty  of  faith  in  the  wilderness ;  the  pri 
vations  they  endured,  by  hunger  and  cold,  pestilence,  famine, 
and  war,  to  establish  their  new  dwellings;  the  perpetual 
watchfulness  with  which,  by  day  and  night,  while  toiling  for 
food  and  shelter,  they  had  to  defend  their  lives  from  the 
tomahawk  of  a  subtle  and  merciless  enemy,  and  at  the  same 
time,  to  maintain  their  rights  against  the  unnatural  oppres 
sions  of  the  mother  country — all  combined  to  invigorate  the 
principles  they  brought  with  them,  and  to  perfect,  by  severe 
bodily  and  mental  discipline,  a  national  character  for  austere 
virtue,  irrepressible  energy,  and  indomitable  courage; — 
jealous  and  sagacious  in  its  distrust  of  power;  full  of  the 
pride  of  personal  independence  ;  quick  to  detect,  and  prompt 
to  repel,  all  encroachments  upon  their  rights. 

A  leading  element  in  the  early  colonial  character,  and 
perhaps  the  strongest  in  giving  it  its  peculiar  cast  of  austerity 
and  elevation,  was  religious  enthusiasm.  The  settlers  of  New 
England  were  dissenters,  who  had  been  oppressed  at  home 
by  church  and  state :  by  the  Catholic,  and  by  the  established 
Protestant  church,  as  either,  in  the  alternate  vibrations  of  this 
mighty  engine  of  despotism,  preponderated.  They  were,  as 
Botta  well  expresses  it,  "  Protestants  against  Protestantism 
itself,"  and  added  to  the  other  pressing  inducements  to  emi 
gration  the  higher  sanctions  of  religious  duty.  Many  believed 
themselves  under  the  immediate  direction  of  heaven.  The 
stern  traits  of  the  English  Puritans,  so  remarkable  in  the  civil 
wars  of  the  first  Charles,  and  under  the  Commonwealth, 
were  strong  in  the  Pilgrims  of  Plymouth  Rock,  gradually 
losing,  in  their  descendants,  under  the  benign  influence  of  a 
better  knowledge  and  wider  freedom,  the  fanaticism  which 
predominated  at  home ;  but  preserving  their  pious  trust  in 
B  2 


18  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Providence,  their  frugal  habits,  exact  morals,  and  vigilant 
sense  of  independence.  The  parliamentary  act  of  uniformity, 
passed  in  1662,  by  which  two  thousand  of  the  most  con 
scientious  Presbyterian  preachers  were  arbitrarily  deprived 
of  their  livings,  for  refusing  to  subscribe  to  certain  articles 
of  belief,  sent  great  numbers  of  the  most  learned  and  pious 
ministers  of  that  faith  into  exile  in  the  Colonies,  where  they 
contributed  essentially  to  sustain  this  tone  of  elevated  reli 
gious  feeling.  Many  of  them  were  thoroughly  educated  in 
the  best  English  universities  ;  and  to  them,  the  general  diffu 
sion  of  education,  in  the  infancy  of  the  Colonies,  is  mainly  to 
be  attributed.  Those  who  have  seen  how  extensive  even  now 
is  the  influence  of  the  clergy  of  New  England,  over  the 
minds  and  feelings  of  the  people,  can  well  imagine  what 
must,  in  that  day,  have  been  the  reception  of  so  many  zeal 
ous  ministers,  who  had  sacrificed  every  thing  to  conscience. 
As  it  was  in  Massachusetts,  then  the  mother  colony  of  New 
England,  so  it  was  in  the  other  Colonies,  which  took  their 
rise  from  her,  and  followed  her  examples  of  severe  virtue, 
when  they  dissented  from  and  resisted  her  religious  disci 
pline.  Connecticut  and  New  Haven,  at  first  separate  colo 
nies,  were  principally  peopled  by  emigrants  from  Massachu 
setts,  in  the  spirit  of  voluntary  adventure,  without  compulsion, 
and  at  first  acted  under  her  authority.  But  it  must  be  recorded, 
as  one  of  the  anomalies  of  huirian  nature,  that  New  Hamp 
shire  and  Rhode  Island  rose  out  of  the  religious  dissensions 
and  persecutions  of  those  who  had  themselves  been  exiled 
by  persecution.  Exeter,  the  first  settlement  in  New  Hamp 
shire,  was  founded  in  1638,  by  a  party  of  Colonists,  who  had 
been  compelled  to  leave  Massachusetts,  for  adopting  the  pe 
culiar  religious  sentiments  which  Mrs.  Hutchinson  taught, 
and  for  which  she  had  been  excommunicated ;  and  two  years 
previous,  Roger  Williams,  under  similar  persecutions,  had 
established  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island.  This  latter  case,  in 
particular,  affords  striking  proof  of  the  inconsistency  of  men, 
in  the  new  possession  of  power,  and  inexperienced  in  the 
practical  application  of  universal  principles  to  affairs  touch 
ing  their  individual  consciences ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  it 
demonstrates  how  happily  the  character  of  the  Colonists  was 
adapted  to  defeat  the  effects  and  consequences  of  those  an 
tiquated  errors,  and  to  prove  religious  despotism  as  incom 
patible  with  the  condition  of  America  as  political  despotism. 
Williams,  banished  from  Massachusetts,  for  entertaining 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  19 

views  of  the  right  of  private  opinion,  in  religious  matters, 
and  the  injustice  of  government  interference  in  points  of 
faith,  too  liberal  to  suit  the  Synod,  established,  in  1636,  the 
colony  of  Providence,  so  called  in  gratitude  for  his  deliver 
ance,  upon  the  basis  of  entire  freedom  of  conscience.  There 
he  was  subsequently  joined  by  many  others,  maintaining  the 
same  liberality  of  sentiment.  The  sternness  of  religious  en 
thusiasm  was  softened  in  them  by  the  benevolent  influences 
of  their  tolerant  institutions,  and  the  effect  was  gradually  re 
turned  to  the  mother  colony  in  which  they  had  been  pro 
scribed,  enlarging  the  kindlier  traits  of  the  New  England 
character,  without  affecting  its  exact  sobriety  of  manners ; 
its  vigorous  contempt  of  luxury,  or  its  pious  elevation  of  sen 
timent. 

Nor  were  these  ecclesiastical  dissensions,  springing,  as  they 
did,  out  of  a  European  taint  of  error,  and  defeated  by  the 
operations  of  circumstances  peculiar  to  America,  unfavoura 
ble  to  the  general  cause  of  liberty.  In  a  country  so  bound 
less,  and  with  political  freedom  so  entirely  unrestrained, 
religious  intolerance  had  only  the  effect  of  dispersing  com 
munities  and  multiplying  new  settlements.  Where  state 
power  could  not  restrain  emigration,  and  the  genius  of  the 
people  was  averse  to  all  arbitrary  institutions,  religious  ty 
ranny  could  be  but  a  temporary  insanity,  and  its  fruits  were  a 
farther  enlightenment  of  public  opinion,  hostile  to  its  repeti 
tion.  They  who  feared  not  to  cross  the  ocean,  then  deemed 
a  perilous  undertaking,  in  search  of  greater  liberty  of  con 
science,  could  not  fear  to  remove  a  few  miles  further,  to 
become  entirely  masters  of  their  own  actions.  They,  who, 
under  these  delusions,  drove  forth  their  fellow  colonists  from 
among  them,  found  that  persecution  could  not  conquer  its 
victims,  and  that  at  every  attempt  to  oppress,  more  enlight 
ened  principles  grew  up  in  every  direction,  beyond  their 
reach.  The  futility  of  the  effort,  as  well  as  the  natural  reac 
tion  stimulated  by  an  increasing  freedom  of  political  inquiry, 
soon  checked  this  intolerant  spirit.  Out  of  the  ardent  dis 
cussions  and  controversies,  and  the  social  improvements  to 
which  they  led,  grew  greater  liberty  of  thought ;  more  subtle 
inquiry  into  original  principles  ;  a  stronger  assertion  of  indi 
vidual  rights,  an  aptitude  to  inquire  rigidly  into  all  preten 
sions  to  authority  over  them,  and  promptness  to  repel  en 
croachment. 

It  ought  to  be  added,  in  justice  to  the  New  England  clergy 


20  HISTORY    OF   THE 

of  the  period,  that  these  mistaken  notions  of  religious  supre 
macy  were,  by  no  means,  accompanied  by  any  predilection 
for  arbitrary  power  in  politics.  As  a  body,  they  were,  from 
the  beginning,  among  the  sturdiest  defenders  of  the  rights  of 
the  Colonies.  In  the  very  midst  of  their  highest  intolerance, 
at  a  very  early  period  of  the  attempts  of  the  royal  authority 
against  the  colonial  charters,  they  gave  a  unanimous  evidence 
of  their  love  for  political  liberty.  In  the  year  preceding  that 
in  which  Providence  was  peopled  by  their  persecutions, 
movements  were  made  in  England,  hostile  to  the  charter, 
and  the  design  avowed  of  forming  aLl  New  England  into  a 
consolidated  government.  The  Colonists,  in  alarm,  summoned 
the  ministers,  as  "the  fathers  of  the  Commonwealth,"  to  aid 
the  magistrates  with  their  counsel.  All  but  one  met  at  Boston, 
in  1635,  and  unanimously  advised,  that  if  the  scheme  of  a 
general  government  should  be  persisted  in,  and  a  royal  go 
vernor  sent  out,  the  Colonists  "ought  not  to  accept  him,  but 
defend  their  lawful  possessions,  if  able;  otherwise,  to  avoid 
and  protract."  Nearly  fifty  years  afterwards  they  manifested 
a  like  intrepid  spirit,  and  the  historian  Hutchinson  says,  that 
they  "turned  the  scale"  in  favour  of  resistance  to  the  arbitrary 
measures  of  Charles  II.  The  struggle  between  the  Colony 
and  the  king's  officers  had  been  long  and  violent;  and  the 
agents  of  the  province  in  London,  had  written  home  in 
despondency,  representing  their  case  as  desperate,  and 
desiring  the  general  court  to  determine  whether,  since  many 
cities  in  England  and  some  of  the  plantations  had  submitted, 
it  were  better  "  to  resign"  to  his  majesty's  pleasure,  or  suffer 
a  quo  warranto  to  issue.  Under  the  advisement  of  the 
ministers,  after  debate,  it  was  concluded,  in  a  magnanimous 
phrase  that  deserves  commemoration,  that  they  would  not 
submit,  for  "it  was  better  to  die  by  the  hands  of  others,  than 
by  their  own." 

Though  these  religious  persecutions  chiefly  prevailed  in 
New  England,  yet  their  influences  extended  through  the 
whole  country,  to  which  New  England  contributed  so  much 
of  population,  and  such  prominent  traits  of  character.  Other 
colonies  too,  practised,  at  different  times,  a  similar  policy, 
and  the  same  remarks  are  applicable  to  them. 

Returning  from  this  digressive  view  of  the  effects  of  a  par 
ticular  modification  of  the  early  religious  temperament  of  the 
mother  colonies  which  was  necessary  to  a  true  estimate  of 
their  character,  we  find  the  same  temperament,  sometimes 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  21 

under  similar  modifications,  and  always  with  similar  effects, 
in  the  southern  provinces.  Originally,  English  dissenters,  of 
the  Presbyterian  faith,  peopled  the  northern  settlements :  In 
Pennsylvania  the  Quakers  founded  their  city  of  refuge,  and 
Episcopalians  were  the  great  majority  in  Virginia.  Maryland 
had  been  made,  at  a  very  early  period,  the  peaceful  asylum 
of  Catholics,  who,  tired  of  the  violence  of  contending  parties 
at  home,  each  by  turn  persecutor  or  victim,  as  the  state  formed 
by  turns  an  alliance  with  the  strongest  sect,  established  on  the 
Chesapeake,  the  first  community  in  the  world,  in  which  en 
tire  freedom  of  conscience  was  a  fundamental  maxim  of  law. 
It  preceded  the  settlement  of  Providence,  by  two  years.  St. 
Mary's,  in  Maryland,  was  founded  by  Lord  Baltimore,  with 
a  company  of  "  Roman  Catholics,  of  family  and  fortune, "about 
two  hundred  in  number,  in  1634.  The  expulsion  of  Roger 
Williams  from  Massachusetts,  and  his  pilgrimage  in  search 
of  a  land  of  rest,  did  not  take  place  till  1636.  The  new  co 
lony  received  numerous  additions  even  from  New  England. 
The  established  church  in  Virginia  made  the  same  perilous 
error  of  judgment  as  the  Synod  of  Massachusetts;  and  it 
forms  a  curious  fact  in  the  history  of  the  human  mind,  that 
exiles  from  intolerant  Episcopacy  in  Virginia;  persecuted 
dissenters  from  puritan  New  England ;  the  Swedes  driven 
by  violence  from  Delaware,  and  French  Huguenots  from 
Europe,  found  generous  protection  and  complete  freedom  of 
faith  in  a  colony  of  Catholics. 

Still  farther  south  the  same  religious  feelings  entered  into 
the  propelling  motives  of  the  emigrants,  and  impressed  their 
traits  upon  subsequent  generations.  The  first  settlers  south 
of  Virginia  were  refugees  from  that  state,  fleeing  from  church 
persecutions,  who  established  themselves  on  Albemarle  Sound, 
in  North  Carolina,  between  1640  and  1650.  South  Carolina 
received  her  first  population  from  New  England,  and  subse 
quently  a  large  accession  of  numbers  in  French  Protest 
ants,  expelled  from  their  native  country  by  the  perfidious 
and  suicidal  act  of  Louis  XIV.,  in  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantz.  Many  of  these  families  were  to  be  found  in  every 
colony,  and  they  were  firm  advocates  of  tolerant  principles. 
The  German  Palatines,  too,  escaping  from  persecution  at  home, 
came  over  in  considerable  numbers,  and  settled  in  different 
parts  of  the  two  Carolinas.  Bound  together  by  similarity  of 
condition,  common  sufferings  and  identity  of  principles,  these 
Colonists,  though  of  various  nations  originally,  soon  acquired, 


22  HISTORY    OF   THE 

under  the  operation  of  the  same  strong  moral  influences, 
traits  of  character  nearly  uniform.  By  far  the  largest  propor 
tion  of  the  population,  even  in  the  southern  plantations,  was 
received  directly  from  Great  Britain,  or  from  the  northern 
British  settlements.  The  English  language,  English  customs, 
habits  of  thought  and  political  theories,  prevailed  over  every 
other ;  and  emigrants  from  all  other  nations  were  soon  fused 
into  the  general  mass  of  English  descendants. 

The  laws,  opinions,  and  institutions,  which  these  had  brought 
with  them,  were  derived  from  the  British  constitution,  itself 
the  freest  in  Europe,  and  were  made  necessarily  more  liberal 
by  the  democratic  tendencies  and  peculiar  condition  of  those 
by  whom  they  were  re-established.  To  the  theoretical  free 
dom,  for  which  first  the  Puritans  in  England,  and  after  them 
the  Whigs  contended,  they  superadded  an  impatience  of 
restraint,  and  a  repugnance  to  royal  and  ecclesiastical  pre 
rogative,  which  were  continually  strengthened  by  the  ab 
sence  of  all  visible  signs  and  memorials  of  these  arbitrary 
institutions ;  by  the  equality  of  condition  existing  among 
themselves;  by  their  peculiar  occupation  as  agriculturalists, 
and  by  their  physical  position  in  the  midst  of  an  almost  unte- 
nanted  continent ;  and  were  finally  aggravated  to  resistance 
and  revolution  by  violent  assaults.  At  the  distance  of  three 
thousand  miles  from  the  pomp  of  courts,  the  seductive  in 
fluences  of  luxury,  the  ostentatious  pretensions  of  fashion 
and  wealth,  the  aristocracy  and  the  peerage ;  for  the  most 
part  simple  cultivators  of  the  soil  or  hardy  navigators  ; — with 
no  distinctions  of  rank  among  them,  except  such  as  were 
sent  them  in  foreign  rulers,  and  were,  in  consequence,  more 
repulsive  to  their  feelings — with  no  differences  of  condition, 
except  in  degrees  of  competence,  as  they  were  individually 
more  or  less  industrious,  frugal,  austere,  laborious,  pious, — 
continually  spreading  over  the  country  fresh  settlements,  still 
more  widely  removed  from  connexion  with  England ;  and 
knowing  little  of  her  except  in  the  orders  and  governors  she 
sent  them : — nothing  existed  naturally  to  conciliate  their  feel 
ings  towards  the  institutions  of  monarchy.  Had  no  extraordi 
nary  dissensions  broken  out  to  precipitate  the  course  of  events, 
it  would  have  been  not  the  less  impossible  for  such  a  people, 
so  situated  and  trained,  and  of  such  dispositions,  to  remain 
subject  to  a  foreign  power.  Everything  in  their  position 
and  character  tended  invariably  to  independence ;  and  not 
only  to  independence,  but  to  democratic  institutions.  So 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  23 

clear  was  this  tendency,  while  they  were  yet  in  their  infancy, 
that  when  the  Commission  was  appointed,  in  1664,  by  Charles 
II.,  to  "settle  the  peace  of  the  Colonies,"  the  famous  Earl 
of  Clarendon,  in  his  draught  of  their  instructions,  added  as  a 
commentary  upon  the  stubborn  spirit  of  the  Colonies — "  They 
are  already  hardened  into  republics." 

Though  a  peaceable  separation  must  inevitably  have  taken 
place  at  some  day,  not  far  distant,  as  surely  as  the  child  discovers 
his  capacity  to  take  care  of  himself,  and  becomes  independent 
of  his  parents ;  it  might  have  happened,  as  is  often  the  case  in 
the  same  domestic  relation,  that  dependence  would  be  pro 
tracted  long  after  any  necessity  existed  on  either  side  for 
mutual  aid.  Affection  would  certainly  have  done  much  to 
preserve,  in  America,  tender  recollections  and  grateful  def 
erence,  long  after  power  would  have  failed  to  exact  obedience, 
or  the  comparative  resources  of  the  two  countries  would  have 
justified  any  claim  to  superiority  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain. 
But  such  was  not  the  relation  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
Colonies.  As  the  parent  country,  she  was,  from  the  begin 
ning,  an  unnatural  parent ;  one  who  neglected  her  offspring ; 
left  them  to  their  own  exertions  for  preservation  and  support ; 
and  never  inquired  into  their  welfare,  until  she  thought  it 
time  to  put  in  a  technical  claim  to  a  portion  of  their  earnings. 
Nothing  in  her  conduct  towards  them  in  their  weakness  was  de 
signed  or  calculated  to  touch  their  affections  with  a  sense  of  gra 
titude,  and  fortunately  for  them,  they  thus  escaped  the  sense 
of  dependence.  They  were  fugitives  from  a  tyranny,  prac 
tised  under  the  forms  of  her  constitution,  into  the  wilderness  ; 
and  no  relenting  kindness  followed  them  into  exile,  to  sus 
tain  them  in  their  labours,  or  sympathize  in  their  sufferings. 
With  their  own  means  they  escaped  from  her  persecutions ; 
with  their  own  hands  they  hewed  out  for  themselves  habita 
tions  in  the  forests ;  fought  their  own  way  to  power ;  built 
up  commonwealths;  established  governments;  endowed  col 
leges,  and  carried  on,  at  prodigious  expense,  warlike  cam 
paigns  against  their  enemies  and  hers,  with  scarcely  so  much 
remuneration  from  her  resources  as  would  defray  the  cost  of 
her  own  part  of  the  military  establishment,  though  the  quarrels 
in  the  several  French  wars,  were,  with  slight  exceptions,  en 
tirely  her  own.  They  spent  vast  sums,  and  lost  the  flower  of 
their  population, — not  to  insist  upon  their  claims  upon  her  for 
the  heroism  of  their  actions, — altogether  for  British  objects ;  in 
return  for  which,  they  only  got  empty  thanks  in  the  first  in- 


24  HISTORY    OF    THE 

stance,  and  obloquy  and  persecution  afterwards.  Not  till  they 
had  established  a  commerce,  the  monopoly  of  which  was  an 
object  of  gain  to  British  merchants,  were  they  deemed  worthy 
of  attention ;  and  they  accordingly  thrived  on  their  own 
strength  and  industry.  History  records  the  jealousy  of  self- 
estimation  with  which  they  rejected  offers  of  aid,  at  times 
when  their  own  means  were  tasked,  and  the  contest  ought 
to  have  been  exclusively  British.  Never  was  anything  more 
foreign  to  recorded  facts,  or  more  revolting  to  the  true  spirit 
of  the  Americans,  than  the  boast  so  frequently  made  during 
the  discussions  just  before  the  declaration  of  independence, 
by  British  orators,  of  the  protection,  indulgence,  and  bounty 
of  Great  Britain,  and  the  ingratitude  of  the  Colonies.  We 
cannot  better  describe  the  true  nature  of  these  relations,  than 
in  the  words  of  David  Hartley,  a  British  Whig  of  high  repu 
tation,  who  was  subsequently  one  of  the  British  Commission 
ers  for  concluding  the  peace  of  1783.  Our  extract  is  part  of 
a  vigorous  speech,  which  he  made  in  defence  of  America,  in 
the  British  House  of  Commons,  in  1775,  and  is  interesting 
both  as  an  historical  item  of  interest,  recapitulating  authentic 
facts,  which  have  an  important  bearing  on  the  course  of  events 
we  are  describing,  and  as  sustaining,  on  the  best  British  au 
thority,  the  fact  of  the  actual  independence  of  the  Colonies, 
of  all  aid  from  Great  Britain,  in  the  times  of  their  weakness. 
He  said : 

"  Whenever  Great  Britain  has  declared  war,  they  (the 
Colonies)  have  taken  their  part.  They  were  engaged  in  king 
William's  wars,  and  queen  Anne's,  even  in  their  infancy. 
They  conquered  Acadia  in  the  last  century,  for  us ;  and  we 
then  gave  it  up.  Again,  in  queen  Anne's  war,  they  con 
quered  Nova  Scotia,  which,  from  that  time,  has  always  be 
longed  to  Great  Britain.  They  have  been  engaged  in  more 
than  one  expedition  to  Canada,  ever  foremost  to  partake  of 
honour  and  danger  with  the  mother  country." 

"Well,  Sir,  what  have  we  done  for  them?  Have  we  con-< 
quered  the  country  for  them  from  the  Indians  ?  Have  we 
cleared  it  ?  Have  we  drained  it  ?  Have  we  made  it  habit 
able  ?  What  have  we  done  for  them  ?  I  believe,  precisely 
nothing  at  all,  but  just  keeping  watch  and  ward  over  their 
trade,  that  they  should  receive  nothing  but  from  ourselves, 
at  our  own  price.  I  will  not  positively  say  that  we  have 
spent  nothing ;  though  I  do  not  recollect  any  such  article 
upon  our  journals :  but  I  mean  any  material  expense  in  set" 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  25 

ting  them  out  as  Colonists.  The  royal  military  government 
of  Nova  Scotia  cost,  indeed,  not  a  little  sum  ;  above  £500,000 
for  its  plantation,  and  its  first  years.  Had  your  other  colonies 
cost  anything  similar  either  in  their  outset  or  support,  there 
•  would  have  been  something  to  say  on  that  side ;  but,  instead 
cf  that,  they  have  been  left  to  themselves  for  one  hundred  or 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  upon  the  fortune  and  capital  of 
private  adventurers,  to  encounter  every  difficulty  and  danger. 
What  towns  have  we  built  for  them  ?  What  desert  have  we 
cleared?  What  country  have  we  conquered  for  them  from 
the  Indians  ?  Name  the  officers — name  the  troops — the  ex 
peditions — their  dates.  Where  are  they  to  be  found  ?  Not 
in  the  journals  of  this  kingdom.  They  are  nowhere  to  be 
found." 

"In  all  the  wars  which  have  been  common  to  us  and  them, 
they  have  taken  their  full  share.  But  in  all  their  own  dan 
gers,  in  the  difficulties  belonging  separately  to  their  situation, 
in  all  the  Indian  wars  which  did  not  immediately  concern 
us,  we  left  them  to  themselves  to  struggle  their  way  through. 
For  the  whim  of  a  minister,  you  can  bestow  half  a  million  to 
build  a  town,  and  to  plant  a  royal  colony  of  Nova  Scotia;  a 
greater  sum  than  you  have  bestowed  upon  every  other  colony 
together." 

"And  notwithstanding  all  these,  which  are  the  real  facts, 
now  that  they  have  struggled  through  their  difficulties,  and 
begin  to  hold  up  their  heads,  and  to  show  that  empire  which 
promises  to  be  the  foremost  in  the  world,  we  claim  them  and 
theirs,  as  implicitly  belonging  to  us,  without  any  considera 
tion  of  their  own  rights.  We  charge  them  with  ingratitude, 
without  the  least  regard  to  truth,  just  as  if  this  kingdom  had 
for  a  century  and  a  half,  attended  to  no  other  object;  as  if 
all  our  revenue,  ajl  our  power,  all  our  thought  had  been  be 
stowed  upon  them,  and  all  our  national  debt  had  been  con 
tracted  in  the  Indian  wars  of  America ;  totally  forgetting  the 
subordination  in  commerce  and  manufactures,  in  which  we 
have  bound  them,  and  for  which,  at  least,  wre  owe  them  help 
towards  their  protection." 

"Look  at  the  preamble  of  the  act  of  navigation,  and  every 
American  act,  and  see  if  the  interest  of  this  country  is  not 
the  avowed  object.  If  they  make  a  hat  or  a  piece  of  steel,  an 
act  of  parliament  calls  it  a  nuisance ;  a  tilting  hammer,  a  steel 
furnace,  must  be  abated  in  America  as  a  nuisance.  Sir,  I 
speak  from  facts.  I  call  your  books  of  statutes  and  journals 

C 


2  HISTORY    OF    THE 

to  witness ;  with  the  least  recollection,  every  one  must  ac 
knowledge  the  truth  of  these  facts." 

Thus  this  wise  and  upright  statesman  bore  testimony  to 
the  spirit  and  courage  of  the  Colonies,  and  vindicated  their 
claim  to  a  character  for  noble  independence,  at  the  very  time 
when  the  ministry  was  insisting  that  they  should  be,  in  his 
forcible  description  of  British  legislation,  "  taxed  and  talliaged, 
to  pay  for  the  rod  of  iron"  preparing  for  them. 

Under  such  circumstances,  physical,  religious,  and  politi 
cal,  as  we  have  attempted  thus  cursorily  to  describe,  the  pe 
culiar  character  of  the  Colonies,  as  it  existed  in  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  formed.  Without  taking  into 
consideration  those  active  causes  of  distrust,  which  were  con 
stantly  occurring  to  weaken  the  feelings  of  attachment  be 
tween  the  two  countries,  some  of  which  we  shall  shortly  re 
capitulate,  it  is  obvious,  that  in  a  people  of  such  a  temper, 
with  so  fine  a  country  and  but  a  feeble  political  connexion 
with  a  distant  power,  existed  all  the  elements  of  an  inde 
pendent  nation.  Proud,  enterprising,  hardy,  virtuous — ra 
pidly  growing  in  wealth  and  consequence,  by  the  expansive 
nature  of  their  own  energies — entirely  unrestricted  in  terri 
tory,  and  untrammelled  by  ancient  errors,  they  had  but  few 
points  in  common  with  any  other  nation;  and  every  year 
seemed  to  separate  them  more  distinctly,  as  prepared  for  a 
new  and  peculiar  frame  of  government. 

Notwithstanding  these  lines  of  separation  gradually  diverg 
ing  more  and  more  widely,  and  notwithstanding  all  the 
original  bitterness  of  feeling  and  personal  disappointments, 
which  the  first  Colonists  carried  over  with  them,  it  is  beyond 
doubt,  that  their  descendants,  for  several  generations,  en 
tertained  a  lively  affection  for  the  land  of  their  European 
ancestors.  Under  the  severest  trials  fror?  the  aggressions 
of  Great  Britain,  they  still  spoke  of  her  with  tenderness 
as  of  a  parent,  harsh  through  a  noble  temper,  misguided  by 
evil  counsellors.  Most  of  them  had  foresight  enough  to  see  the 
tendency  of  her  measures,  when  they  invaded  colonial 
rights,  and  firmness  enough  to  meet  them  with  instant  re 
monstrance  and  zealous  opposition ;  yet  few  ever  attributed 
them  to  a  settled  design  upon  the  liberties  of  America,  until 
the  Stamp  Act  and  its  successors  were  passed.  Even  at  a 
very  late  period  of  their  dissensions,  a  revolution  formed 
no  part  of  their  scheme  of  redress;  and  wise,  honest,  and 
fearless  men  doubted  to  the  very  day  that  independence  was 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  27 

proclaimed.  The  principal  men  in  the  Colonies  had  received 
their  education  in  England,  and  the  endearing  appellation 
of  the  "mother  country,"  commonly  used  in  speaking  of 
her,  shows  how  kindly  she  was  remembered  in  after  life.  A 
voyage  to  England  was  familiarly  called,  going  "home." 
These  connexions  were  numerous  in  every  colony,  and 
the  first  and  best  educated  men,  everywhere  in  America, 
were  attached  to  England  and  Englishmen  by  personal  ties 
of  blood  and  intimate  relations  of  friendship.  Their  attach 
ments  were  strengthened  still  more  by  a  community  of  party 
feeling.  The  Colonists  felt  with,  and  uniformly  aided,  the 
popular  party  in  England,  to  the  extent  of  their  power,  and 
sympathized  with  them  in  all  their  adversities,  as  brethren  and 
fellow  sufferers.  To  the  Tories  and  high-church  men  who  were 
the  advocates  of  arbitrary  power  in  England,  were  opposed 
the  Puritans  and  Whigs,  and  their  descendants,  kindred  in 
blood  and  in  sentiment  to  the  first  settlers  in  this  country. 
The  oppressions  of  America,  whether  by  the  Charleses,  or 
James  the  II.,  or  the  administrations  that  followed  his  expul 
sion,  had  generally  a  resisting  minority  in  England ;  friends 
of  America,  who  took  up  her  cause  as  one  of  their  domestic  dis 
putes.  The  violent  invasions  of  the  charters,  that  were  so 
ably  resisted,  created  no  national  discord  between  the  coun 
tries,  because  both  were  struggling  in  a  common  cause,  for 
the  establishment  of  common  principles,  and  the  same  con 
stitutional  doctrines.  The  Magna  Charta — the  Bill  of  Rights, 
and  the  theoretic  freedom  of  the  British  constitution,  were 
invariably  appealed  to  by  America,  in  all  cases  of  controversy 
between  the  colonial  legislatures  and  the  lords  proprietaries, 
or  the  royal  governors.  Community  of  language  and  litera 
ture  added  new  force  to  these  ties ;  and,  what  was  subse 
quently  complained  of  as  a  great  grievance,  the  close  intimacy 
of  commercial  intercourse,  under  the  operation  of  restrictive 
duties  and  the  navigation  acts,  had  originally,  by  no  means 
an  unfavourable  effect.  The  principles  of  trade  and  com 
merce  were  not  then  understood  as  they  are  now.  The  re 
straining  acts  of  the  British  parliament,  which  monopolized 
the  navigation  and  trade  of  America,  and  prohibited  many 
important  branches  of  manufacture,  had  no  sensible  effect 
upon  the  prosperity  of  the  Colonies,  and  were  deemed  to  be 
within  the  legitimate  powers  of  government.  The  colonial 
system  was  such  as  the  contemporaneous  practice  of  all  na 
tions  and  all  experience  seemed  to  justifv:  and  without  much 


%O  HISTORY   OF    THE 

critical  inquiry,  feeling  no  immediate  evil,  owing  to  the  laxity 
with  which  it  was  administered,  they  acquiesced  in  it;  receiv 
ing  as  an  apparent  remuneration,  the  protection  of  the  British 
flag,  and  the  use  of  English  capital.  It  was  not  until  the  com 
mencement  of  the  year  1764,  when,  under  the  bold  schemes 
of  taxation  and  subjection,  adopted  by  the  ministry,  political 
rights  began  to  be  so  keenly  discussed,  that  the  commercial 
question  was  seriously  investigated  with  a  hostile  spirit. 
Some  of  the  relaxations  of  the  strict  system,  which  had  been 
tolerated  through  motives  of  prudence,  were  about  that  time 
suddenly  and  capriciously  suspended.  The  Colonies  soon 
learnt,  under  the  smart  of  this  infliction,  that  however  the 
theory  of  the  British  constitution  might  create  a  distinction 
Between  the  two  kinds  of  taxation — for  revenue  and  for  the 
regulation  of  commerce — both  were,  in  fact,  equally  repug 
nant  to  their  natural  rights,  as  well  as  unworthy  of  their 
powerful  and  prosperous  condition.  Men's  minds  then  began 
to  stir  themselves,  in  acute  inquiries  into  the  whole  history 
of  the  British  policy  towards  America,  and  the  whole  theory 
of  British  supremacy.  An  attempt  to  raise  taxes  for  revenue, 
as  well  as  for  commercial  regulations,  ended  in  the  denial  of 
the  right  to  do  either ;  and  the  affirmance  of  the  power  of 
parliament,  to  bind  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  resulted  in  the 
total  loss  of  power.  Till  the  Peace  of  Paris,  in  1763,  neither 
the  collisions  that  had  taken  place,  nor  the  selfish  and  op- 

Eressive  laws  which  had  been  enacted,  from  time  to  time, 
ad  affected  seriously  the  general  good  disposition  of  the 
Colonies  to  the  mother  country.  Those  dispositions  con 
tinued,  subject  only  to  the  gradual  weakening  arising  from 
change  of  circumstances, — -occasionally  wounded  by  some 
glaring  act  of  tyranny,  but  never  altogether  alienated, — until 
the  projects  of  the  Grenville  ministry,  commencing  in  1763-4, 
which  roused  the  resentment  of  all  America,  and  united 
them  in  the  rejection  of  all  political  dependence  whatever 
on  Great  Britain. 

It  is  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  trace  the  alter 
nate  diminutions  and  partial  restoration  of  these  kindly 
sentiments,  or  to  detail  the  various  modes,  and  numerous 
instances  in  which  the  spirit  of  independence  displayed  it 
self  in  their  actions  and  principles.  Those  who  are  familiar 
with  the  colonial  annals,  know  how  replete  they  are  with 
anecdotes  of  personal  and  public  virtue  and  heroism^r— how 
they  abound  in  the  best  examples  of  patient  industry,  and 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  29 

grave  sobriety  of  deportment,  united  to  the  liveliest  sensibility 
to  noble  actions  and  motives,  and  the  keenest  watchfulness  in 
defence  of  civil  liberty.  They  must  be  studied  attentively 
by  all  who  desire  a  just  acquaintance  with  the  facts  of  colonial 
history,  and  the  character  of  the  colonists.  The  limits  of  the 
present  volume  will  not  permit  more  than  the  general  sketch, 
made  thus  briefly  of  the  principles  and  motives,  and  their 
sources,  to  which  the  world  owes  the  establishment  of 
American  Liberty  by  the  revolution.  Still  confining  our 
selves,  though  less  strictly,  to  results  rather  than  details  of 
fact,  to  the  course  of  events  bearing  directly  upon  the 
relations  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  rather 
than  to  a  mere  narrative  of  consecutive  facts, — the  French 
war  of- 1756,  ending  in  1763,  at  the  Peace  of  Paris,  will 
occupy  the  ensuing  chapter.  In  it  will  be  found,  many  of 
the  proximate  causes  and  provocations,  which  operating  on 
the  American  Colonies,  hastened  the  separation  of  the  two 
countries. 

C2 


3d  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTER  III. 

.  THE  Peace  of  Paris,  which,  after  a  century  and  a  half  of 
warfare  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  for  supremacy  in 
America,  established  completely  the  British  ascendency,  was 
signed  at  Paris  by  the  ministers  of  Great  Britain,  France, 
Spain,  and  Portugal,  on  the  10th  of  February,  1763.  France 
lost  by  it  all  her  ancient  possessions  in  America,  except 
the  town  of  New  Orleans,  and  a  few  scattering  settlements 
on  the  Mississippi.  England  gained  from  France  a  renunci 
ation  and  guarantee  of  Nova  Scotia,  (then  called  Acadie,) 
Canada,  and  the  islands  in  the  river  and  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  ; 
and  from  Spain  a  cession  and  guarantee  of  Florida,  and  all 
Spanish  claims  and  possessions  in  North  America,  east  and 
south-east  of  the  Mississippi.  The  British  American  domin 
ions,  therefore,  extended  from  the  north-eastern  extremity 
of  the  continent  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  from  the  Missis 
sippi  to  the  Atlantic ;  a  mighty  territory,  acquired  by  immense 
labour  and  after  many  expensive  wars,  which  was  destined 
to  be  lost  to  the  crown  of  Britain,  in  a  few  years,  by  its  own 
folly  and  cupidity.  The  new  acquisitions  were  erected,  by 
proclamation,  in  October  of  the  same  year,  into  three 
new  governments,  under  the  titles  of  Quebec,  East  Florida, 
and  West  Florida.  The  policy  of  the  English  cabinet 
towards  the  Colonies  then  took  that  decided  tone,  which 
had  occasionally  appeared  before,  but  had  never  been  perse 
vered  in  against  their  prompt  remonstrances,  while  the 
French  were  in  such  dangerous  proximity.  Relieved  now 
from  this  apprehension,  and  no  longer  requiring  their  aid  to 
maintain  the  ascendency  of  the  British  arms,  they  commenced 
that  system  of  government  and  taxation,  which  provoked  the 
resistance  of  America  and  separated  the  empire. 

What  added  to  the  anxiety  of  Great  Britain  to  strengthen 
her  power  over  the  Colonies,  was  the  great  resources  they 
had  displayed  during  that  war.  They  had,  in  fact,  made 
prodigious  exertions — raised  troops  and  money,  and  con 
tinued  to  raise  them,  year  after  year,  with  unexpected  spirit, 
and  far  beyond  their  proportion  of  service,  as  part  of  the 
British  nation.  One  year  with  another,  they  kept  twenty 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  31 

five  thousand  men  in  the  field,  during  the  whole  seven  years. 
When  the  elder  Pitt,  in  1758,  called  upon  the  colonial 
governors  for  the  largest  levies  the  population  would  allow, 
three  colonies,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  New  Hamp 
shire,  voted  him  fifteen  thousand  men.  In  one  day  £20,000 
sterling  were  subscribed  by  individuals  in  the  town  of  Boston 
alone,  to  encourage  enlistment.  Minot  estimates  the  cost  of 
that  campaign  to  the  colonial  treasury  of  Massachusetts,  at 
£120,000,  and  to  private  persons,  at  £60,000  more.  In  one 
year  Massachusetts  had  in  the  field  7,000  troops,  "  a  greater 
levy,"  says  Minot,  "for  a  single  province,  than  the  three 
kingdoms  had  made,  collectively,  since  the  revolution," 
seventy  years  before.  Such  was  the  intrepidity  of  that 
ancient  and  "  unterrified"  commonwealth — the  more  com 
mendable,  as  we  shall  see,  because  she  was,  at  the  same 
time,  stoutly  contending  for  her  privileges  against  the  king's 
prerogative.  The  other  colonies  showed  a  similar  spirit. 
There  were  seven  thousand  provincial  troops  in  the  campaign 
under  Winslow,  in  1756.  In  the  next  year,  the  Earl  of 
Loudon,  the  commander-in-chief,  made  a  requisition  of  four 
thousand  troops,  which  were  supplied  immediately  from  New 
England.  But  eighteen  hundred  of  the  number  were  appor 
tioned  to  Massachusetts,  because  she  had  already  so  many  sol 
diers  in  the  field ;  yet,  when  four  additional  companies  were 
called  for  in  the  next  year,  they  too  were  furnished.  Half  of 
the  army  of  Amherst,  that  made  the  northern  campaign,  in 
which  Quebec  was  taken  by  Wolfe,  was  composed  of  pro 
vincials.  They  were  present  and  active  at  the  capture  of 
Louisburgh — they  took  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton — they 
conquered  Forts  Frontenac  and  Duquesne.  We  have  the 
testimony  of  the  same  Mr.  Hartley,  from  whom  we  quoted 
before,  in  favour  of  the  vast  importance  of  these  services  to 
the  issue  of  the  war,  by  which  Great  Britain  gained  so  much. 
"  The  Americans,"  he  said,  "  turned  the  success  of  the  war 
at  both  ends  of  the  line.  General  Monckton  took  Beausejour 
in  Nova  Scotia,  with  fifteen  hundred  provincial  troops,  and 
about  two  hundred  regulars.  Gir  William  Johnson,  in  the 
other  part  of  America,  changed  the  face  of  the  war  to  success, 
with  a  provincial  army,  which  took  Baron  Dieskau  prisoner. 
But,  Sir,  the  glories  of  the  war  under  the  united  British  and 
American  arms,  are  recent  in  every  one's  memory.  Suffice 
it  to  decide  this  question,  that  the  Americans  bore,  even  in 
our  judgment,  more  than  their  full  proportion;  that  this 


3*2  HISTORY   OF   THE 

House  did  annually  vote  them  an  acknowledgment  of  their 
zeal  and  strenuous  efforts  and  compensation  for  the  EXCESS 
of  their  zeal  and  expenses,  above  their  due  proportion." 

A  large  continental  force  was  at  the  reduction  of  Marti 
nique,  in  1762,  and  Spain  having  joined  in  the  war,  they 
helped  largely  in  the  capture  of  Havana  for  England.  By  sea, 
too,  they  were  no  less  zealous.  It  is  on  record,  that  their  own 
ships  were  stripped  of  sailors  to  man  the  navy  of  Great  Britain. 
It  was  admitted,  in  debate,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  in 
1775,  that  ten  thousand  American  seamen  were  in  the  British 
naval  service,  in  the  war  of  1756.  Four  hundred  armed 
vessels  issued  from  their  ports  against  the  commerce  of 
France  and  Spain. 

For  these  services  and  exertions,  which  are  cited  as 
evidence  of  their  warm  attachment  of  Great  Britain,  they 
received  tardy  thanks  and  slower  remuneration.  It  is  com 
puted  that  they  had  a  just  claim  upon  the  British  government 
for  £3,000,000  more  than  the  sums  voted  as  indemnity. 
They  bore,  in  fact,  the  burden  of  the  conflict,  by  which  an 
immense  territory  was  won  for  Great  Britain,  and  a  formida 
ble  rival  finally  discomfited. 

The  return  of  the  government  for  these  services  and 
sufferings  would  have  chilled  the  warmest  affections.  It  had 
a  strong  effect,  when  subsequently  mixed  up  with  more 
direct  aggressions,  in  alienating  the  feelings  of  the  Colonists. 
The  jealousy  which  had  more  than  once  been  manifested 
in  England,  against  the  growth  of  the  Colonies,  prc  voked 
by  their  political  intrepidity,  was  aggravated  into  settled 
prejudice  by  the  strength  and  resources  they  had  exhibited. 
Instead  of  gratitude  for  the  zeal  and  bravery  by  which  a 
peace  so  advantageous  had  been  won,  the  peace  itself  had 
opposers,  because  it  relieved  the  Colonies  from  French  hos 
tility,  and  thus  lessened  their  dependence  on  Great  Britain. 
While  the  negotiations  were  pending,  a  project  was  se 
riously  entertained,  and  defended  in  ministerial  pamphlets, 
to  restore  Canada  to  France  in  exchange  for  some  of  her 
possessions  elsewhere,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  keeping  the 
Colonies  in  check  by  an  enemy.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Dr.  Franklin's  celebrated  Canada  pamphlet  was  written 
to  expose  the  injustice  and  illiberality  of  such  a  treaty.  The 
royal  proclamation  which  followed  the  peace,  regulating  the 
new  conquests,  contained  a  provision  aimed  against  the 
further  growth  of  the  colonies  westward.  It  forbade  strictly 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  33 

all  settlements  in  the  old  colonies,  beyond  the  heads  of  the 
rivers  that  run  eastwardly  into  the  Atlantic.  Consistent  with 
this  same  policy,  selfish  and  ungrateful  as  it  was,  every 
discouragement  and  prohibition  was  opposed  to  the  formation 
of  inland  settlements,  with  the  express  design  of  confining 
the  Colonies,  as  the  Board  of  Trade,  in  a  subsequent  report, 
officially  stated,  "within  reach  of  the  trade  and  commerce 
of  Great  Britain." 

Such  was  the  temper  with  which  the  war  of  1756  was 
concluded*  Its  commencement  had  been  signalized  by  a 
similar  line  of  policy,  manifested  in  another  mode.  The 
history  of  the  Albany  plan  of  Union,  projected  in  1754,  and 
which  failed  from  the  same  unreasonable  jealousy  of  Ame 
rica,  is  worthy  to  be  quoted  here,  both  in  pursuance  of  our 
plan  of  bringing  together  the  principal  provocations  which 
led  to  American  resistance,  and  the  proximate  causes  which 
disturbed  the  harmony  between  the  two  countries,  and  as 
an  interesting  item  of  colonial  history. 

War  with  France  had  become  inevitable,  although  not  de 
clared.  Orders  were  accordingly  dispatched  from  England  for 
the  Colonies  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness.  These  were  ac 
companied  by  a  recommendation  from  the  Board  of  Trade,  to 
form  a  confederation  for  joint  defence,  and  an  alliance  with  the 
Indians.  Governor  Shirley,  of  Massachusetts,  recommended 
a  convention,  which  was  accordingly  held  at  Albany,  and  a 
plan  of  union,  drawn  up  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  was  adopted, 
and,  singularly  enough,  signed  on  the  4th  of  July.  It  proposed 
to  apply  to  parliament  for  an  act  to  establish  a  general 
government  in  the  Colonies,  to  be  administered  by  a  Presi 
dent  General,  appointed  by  the  king,  to  possess  the  whole  ex 
ecutive  power,  with  a  veto  power  on  all  laws,  and  be  assisted 
by  a  Grand  Council  elected  by  the  Colonies.  They  were  to 
have  the  joint  power  of  declaring  war  and  making  peace ; 
to  conclude  treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes,  regulate  trade 
with  them,  and  purchase  their  lands  either  in  the  name  of 
the  Crown  or  of  the  Union ;  to  settle  new  colonies  and  make 
laws  concerning  them,  until  erected  into  separate  govern 
ments  ;  to  raise  troops,  build  forts,  fit  out  armed  vessels,  and 
use  other  means  for  national  defence.  For  these  purposes 
they  were  to  be  empowered  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  &c. 

The  Colonies  undertook,  if  this  plan  were  accepted,  to 
defend  themselves  against  the  French,  without  any  assistance 
from  Great  Britain.  Connecticut  dissented  in  convention 


34  HISTORY    OF    THE 

from  the  plan,  as  depriving  the  separate  colonies  of  their 
taxing  power,  and  it  was  rejected  by  the  king  in  council,  as 
an  attempt  to  establish  too  much  independence.  The  counter 
project,  drawn  up  by  the  ministry,  and  transmitted  for  the 
consideration  of  the  Colonies,  was  artfully  devised  to  obtain 
a  general  sanction  by  the  Colonies  themselves  of  the  parlia 
mentary  right  of  taxation  for  revenue.  It  proposed  a  sort  of 
congress  of  the  governors  and  some  members  of  the  councils 
to  act  for  all  the  Colonies,  and  to  draw,  in  the  first  instance, 
for  the  expenditures  on  the  British  treasury,  reimbursable  by 
"a  tax  to  be  laid  on  the  Colonies  by  act  of  parliament." 
This  would  have  been  an  unqualified  surrender  of  the 
revenue  power  to  the  discretion  of  men,  for  the  most  part, 
appointed  by  the  ministry;  and  it  was  ably  exposed  in 
Dr.  Franklin's  celebrated  letter  to  Governor  Shirley.  He 
therein,  after  touching  the  constitutional  difficulties,  made 
a  bold  and  convincing  summary  of  the  benefits  enjoyed 
by  Great  Britain  in  her  monopoly  of  American  commerce 
and  manufactures — benefits  which  he  estimated  to  cost 
America  more  for  the  gain  of  England,  than  any  fair 
proportion  of  the  taxes  of  the  United  Kingdom.  Public 
attention  was  keenly  awakened  by  the  discussion  in  that 
letter,  which  embodied,  in  a  sententious  manner,  many  argu 
ments  subsequently  employed  against  British  supremacy. 
The  projected  plan  failed  on  both  sides,  and  Great  Britain, 
however  reluctantly,  was  obliged  to  bring  her  own  forces  into 
the  field,  and  bear  some  portion  of  the  cost. 

Minor  controversies  between  the  royal  and  colonial  autho 
rities  also  constantly  occurred  during  the  war,  that  tended  to 
irritate  and  renew  old  irritations.  Though  not  of  importance 
enough,  considered  separately,  to  have  permanently  affected 
the  relations  of  the  two  countries,  yet  taken  in  connexion 
with  circumstances  immediately  preceding,  and  followed  up 
by  grosser  aggravations,  they  were,  in  a  subsequent  review  of 
the  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  believed  to  be  the  fruits  and  the 
evidence  of  an  inveterate  prejudice  against  the  Americans, 
and  a  settled  hostility  against  their  principles.  The  royal 
regulation  concerning  the  relative  rank  of  colonial  officers  and 
the  regular  troops,  created  great  disgust  and  dissatisfaction, 
especially  in  Virginia,  where,  but  for  the  magnanimity  of  the 
Virginia  officers,  it  would  have  totally  broken  up  the  cam 
paign  of  1756,  under  Generals  Winslow,  and  Abercrombie,  and 
the  Earl  of  London.  In  the  subsequent  year,  a  controversy 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  35 

•of  great  asperity  was  carried  on  between  the  Massachusetts 
general  court  and  the  British  commander-in-chief,  Lord 
Loudon.  He  undertook  to  insist  upon  their  providing  quar 
ters  for  the  British  troops,  pursuant  to  the  acts  of  the  British 
parliament.  The  demand  was  at  first  complied  with,  warily, 
and  with  the  protestation  that  it  was  granted,  not  as  a  "  matter 
of  right,"  but  as  a  free-will  advance  of  money  on  the 
"  national  account."  Upon  a  repetition  of  the  claim,  the 
magistrates  refused  compliance,  and  were  sustained  by  the 
legislature,  in  the  spirit  and  on  the  principles  that  afterwards 
produced  the  revolution.  They  told  him  that  the  magistrates 
were  responsible  to  them,  and  bound  only  by  the  laws  of  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  the  acts  of  parliament,  in 
question,  were  not  binding  in  America.  By  their  charter 
they  claimed  all  civil  power,  the  enjoyment  of  which  privi 
leges  they  told  him  "was  their  support  under  all  burdens." 
The  same  year  was  distinguished  by  angry  contests  concern 
ing  the  right  of  taxation,  between  the  Governor  and  Assembly 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  agent  in  England,  who  managed  the 
controversy  for  the  colony  against  the  proprietaries,  was 
Benjamin  Franklin ;  and  in  that  field  of  inquiry,  involving 
the  principles  of  taxation  and  representation,  his  acute  mind 
was  trained  for  the  noble  part  which  he  was  afterwards  called 
upon  to  sustain  in  the  revolution. 

Other  colonies  were  similarly  vexed ;  but  the  dispute  in 
Massachusetts,  in  1761,  between  the  prerogative  party, 
headed  by  Governor  Bernard  and  Lieutenant  Governor  (then 
Chief  Justice)  Hutchinson,  on  the  one  side,  and  the  people 
of  Boston  on  the  other,  concerning  writs  of  assistance,  is 
deserving  of  more  particular  notice,  by  reason  of  the  boldness 
of  the  doctrines  advanced  on  the  colonial  side,  and  their 
influence  on  subsequent  events.  Opposition  already  existed 
to  the  revenue  laws,  as  administered,  and  the  custom-house 
officers,  representing  themselves  to  be  obstructed  in  the  per 
formance  of  their  duties,  applied  for  writs  of  assistance, 
according  to  the  usage  of  the  exchequer  in  England.  The 
material  question  arose,  whether  the  practice  of  the  English 
Exchequer  was  obligatory  on  colonial  courts,  and  thence  the 
argument  turned  upon  the  character  of  the  process  prayed  for. 
James  Otis,  who  was  Advocate  General  for  the  Admiralty, 
resigned  his  office,  to  appear  in  behalf  of  the  citizens  of 
Boston,  in  opposition  to  the  claim.  His  speech  has  been 
quoted  by  Ex-President,  the  first  Adams,  as  a  masterly 


36  HISTORY   OF    THE 

exposition  of  colonial  rights,  under  the  charters,  and  of 
human  rights,  independently  of  all  charters,  against  all 
assumptions  of  unjust  power  in  every  form,  whether  by  force 
of  precedents,  the  usurpations  of  monarchy,  or  the  decisions 
of  legal  tribunals  against  the  principles  of  liberty.  He  went 
over  the  history  of  the  charters,  and  those  who  founded  the 
colony  "by  the  sweat  of  their  brows;  at  the  hazard  and 
sacrifice  of  their  lives;  without  the  smallest  aid,  assistance, 
or  comfort  from  the  government  of  England,  or  from  England 
as  a  nation — On  the  contrary,  meeting  with  constant  jealousy, 
envy,  and  intrigue  against  their  charter,  their  religion,  and 
all  their  privileges,"  and  "  reproached  the  nation,  parliament, 
and  king  with  injustice,  illiberality,  ingratitude,  and  oppres 
sion  in  their  conduct." 

His  courageous  argument  and  spirited  invective  carried 
the  point  in  favour  of  popular  rights.  The  demand  for  the 
writ  was  in  effect  defeated.  If  granted  by  the  court  at  all, 
which  is  an  uncertain  point,  it  never  was  formally  announced, 
and  they  certainly  were  never  used.  Mr.  Adams,  who  heard 
the  oration  of  Otis,  thought  it  the  ablest  he  ever  knew,  and 
ranked  it  among  the  principal  preparatory  events  to  the 
revolution.  He  adds,  "I  do  say,  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
that  Mr.  Otis'  oration  against  writs  of  assistance  breathed  into 
this  nation  the  breath  of  life." 

The  records  of  those  times  furnish  us  with  many  similar 
instances  which  we  might  quote,  of  harshness  and  unkind- 
ness  on  the  one  side,  and  resentment  and  remonstrance  on 
the  other ;  of  power  occasionally  assuming  the  port  of  tyranny, 
and  resistance  rising  almost  to  independence.  They  may 
also  be  traced,  fewer  and  less  palpable  in  their  effects,  back 
through  the  whole  colonial  history.  We  cite  them  here 
partly  as  signs  of  the  prevailing  temper  of  the  Colonies;  but 
chiefly  to  mark  the  disposition  of  the  mother  country  towards 
them,  under  circumstances  calling  for  grateful  indulgence 
and  support.  At  the  very  time  when  Americans  were  pouring 
out  their  best  blood  in  every  part  of  the  continent,  for  her 
glory  and  advantage, — in  Canada,  on  the  Ohio,  in  the  West 
Indies ;  fighting  her  battles  and  conquering  for  her,  posses 
sions  larger  in  extent  than  the  whole  United  Kingdom ;  she 
was,  without  compunction,  prosecuting,  as  fast  as  her  own 
share  of  these  dangers  gave  her  leisure,  a  scheme  to  deprive 
them  of  rights  earned  by  two  centuries  of  patient  industry 
and  indomitable  courage.  We  have  seen  that  in  the  peace 


AMERICAN   REVOLtrTlON.  37 

of  1763,  she  used  the  power  that  they  had  earned  for  her,  in 
a  spirit  of  envy  at  their  prosperity,  and  dread  of  their  in 
crease — that  she  was  near  sacrificing  an  important  conquest 
to  maintain  m  Canada  an  enemy  to  overawe  them;  and  that 
her  first  action  in  regulating  these  conquests,  was  designed 
to  repress  their  growth,  by  confining  their  enterprise  to  the 
Atlantic  coast,  in  the  fear  that  they  might  else  penetrate 
into  the  interior,  beyond  the  reach  of  her  taxing  power. 
Dissatisfaction  naturally  prevailed,  especially  in  the  New 
England  colonies,  who  had  done  and  suffered  most.  Had  a  new 
system  succeeded  at  that  time,  things  might  have  relapsed  into 
their  old  state,  as  in  cases  of  former  difficulty.  Perhaps,  if  due 
honour  had  been  paid  to  their  military  exploits,  and  soothing 
expedients  used  to  quiet  the  fears  of  parliamentary  encroach 
ment  and  British  injustice,  which  had  become  general  shortly 
after  the  close  of  the  war,  no  immediate  danger  to  their 
political  connexion  with  England,  would  have  followed.  The 
recollection  of  common  toils,  achievements,  and  victories, 
during  the  war,  added  to  the  many  other  common  sympathies 
which  existed,  might,  under  the  influence  of  generous  treat 
ment,  and  with  cautious  forbearance,  have  quieted  the  dissa 
tisfaction  and  preserved,  for  many  years,  a  close  but  gradually 
relaxing  connexion  between  England  and  America. 

Unhappily  for  Great  Britain,  other  counsels  were  adopted. 
No  pause  was  allowed  in  the  prosecution  of  the  design  to 
break  the  spirit  and  subvert  the  rights  of  the  Colonies.  New 
and  odious  restrictions  upon  their  commerce  followed  rapidly 
after  the  peace.  Their  minds,  already  ill-disposed  by  other 
vexations,  were  exasperated  by  the  abuse  of  those  powers 
over  the  regulation  of  their  commerce,  which  they  conceded 
to  belong  to  the  British  parliament ;  and  in  that  temper  a  bold 
usurpation  was  attempted  of  the  power  to  tax  for  revenue 
without  their  consent ; — thus  to  deprive  them  of  their  char 
tered  rights  and  reduce  them  to  unconditional  slavery. 

A  historical  and  statistical  view  of  the  separate  colonies 
does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  this  work.  Up  to  the  war 
of  1756,  with  the  exception  of  the  early  New  England 
Confederation,  they  had  acted,  in  all  cases,  as  distinct 
governments,  united  occasionally  against  a  common  enemy ; 
and  communicating  with  each  other  on  subjects  of  common 
interest,  but  without  any  political  union.  Each  was  in 
dependent  of  the  other,  in  fact — though,  from  the  causes 
we  have  endeavoured  to  explain,  all  pursued  nearly  the  same 
D 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE 

career,  formed  nearly  the  same  opinions,  social  and  political, 
and  established  a  like  national  character.  The  Albany  plan 
of  Union  first  brought  them  together,  to  consult  upon  a  joint 
administration  of  their  affairs,  for  common  objects ;  and  though 
that  failed,  the  war  which  followed  kept  them  united  in 
feelings  and  identified  them  more  closely  together.  Thence 
forward,  they  were  called  to  act  and  to  think — to  discuss, 
remonstrate,  and  finally  to  resist,  by  arms,  together.  From 
the  war  of  1756  to  1763,  therefore,  date,  in  point  of  fact, 
the  first  movements  of  the  Colonies  towards  a  more  intimate 
union.  We  have  dated,  from  the  same  period,  their  first 
movements  towards  independence.  External  violence  and 
constitutional  aggression  impelled  them,  at  once,  to  separate 
sovereignty  and  united  councils.  Liberty  and  union  sprang 
into  being  together.  They  have  been  hitherto  co-existent 
and  inseparable.  Their  mutual  dependence  is  established  by 
experience,  as  a  law  of  their  nature;  for  while  we  have 
a  warrant  in  the  character  of  our  people  and  the  nature 
of  their  constitutions,  that  Union  without  liberty,  which 
would  be  a  frightful  despotism,  can  never  exist  under  the 
watchful  jealousy  of  the  states ;  we  know  that  liberty 
without  Union,  would  be  a  bye-word  for  anarchy  and  con 
fusion — the  forerunner  of  border  warfare  and  sanguinary 
conflicts  without  number,  to  impoverish,  degrade,  corrupt,  and 
finally  enslave  all. 

The  Anglo-American  Colonies  were  thirteen  in  number. 
The  four  New  England  provinces  were  Massachusetts,  in 
cluding  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode 
Island.  The  other  nine  were  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Penn 
sylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  and  Georgia. 

The  population  was  variously  estimated.  At  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war  in  1776,  it  was  little  less  than  three  millions. 
In  1749,  the  whole  white  population  is  estimated,  as  nearly 
as  possible,  from  authorities  of  the  time,  to  have  been  one 
million  and  fixty-six  thousand.  No  materials  exist  for  a  pre 
cise  census,  at  any  one  intervening  period.  Censuses  of 
separate  colonies  were  made  at  different  times,  and  documents 
from  various  sources  enable  us  to  make  an  estimate  ap 
proaching  to  accuracy;  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  civil 
troubles,  in  1764,  the  white  inhabitants  of  the  Colonies  were 
not  fewer  in  number  than  a  million  and  three  quarters,  and 
the  blacks,  from  three  to  four  hundred  thousand. 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  39 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  great  accession  of  power  and  territory  by  Great  Britain, 
by  the  peace  of  1763,  had  not  been  gained  without  the  usual 
concomitants  of  war — lavish  expenditures  of  money,  in 
creased  taxation,  and  a  rapidly  accumulating  debt.  Sinclair 
estimates  the  total  charges  of  the  war  at  more  than  one 
hundred  and  eleven  millions  sterling,  beyond  the  ordinary 
charges  of  the  peace  establishment,  which  were  about  forty 
millions  more.  The  clamours  of  the  nation  against  the  weight 
of  the  necessary  taxes  had  had  its  effect  in  hastening  the 
conclusion  of  peace,  on  terms  which,  however  favourable  in 
themselves,  were  affirmed  by  a  party  in  England,  at  the  head 
of  which  was  the  elder  Pitt,  to  be  less  than  the  successes  of 
the  British  arms  entitled  them  to  demand.  The  Earl  of  Bute, 
as  Prime  Minister,  had  carried  the  war  to  its  conclusion,  and 
obtained  a  large  majority  in  favour  of  the  treaty,  in  the  month 
of  February.  A  few  days  afterwards,  the  supply  bill  for  the 
year  came  up,  and  after  vehement  opposition,  was  also 
carried.  On  the  16th  of  April,  Lord  Bute  unexpectedly 
resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  George  Grenville.  No 
other  change  of  importance,  either  in  the  cabinet  or  its  mea 
sures  took  place.  Parliament  adjourned  on  the  I  A  ^  17fig 
19th ;  and  on  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Egremont,  | 
in  the  recess,  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  was  made  principal 
Secretary  of  State,  and  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  first  Lord  of 
Trade  and  of  the  Plantations,  which  included  the  duties  of 
Secretary  for  the  Colonies. 

The  king's  speech,  on  the  adjournment  of  parliament, 
alluded  plainly  to  the  financial  distresses  of  the  nation,  and 
lamented  the  necessity  that  had  existed  for  anticipating  the 
revenues,  largely,  and  imposing  new  burdens  upon  the 
people. 

In  this  state  of  public  affairs,  the  nation,  loaded  with  debt, 
discontented  with  the  burden,  and  looking  to  the  new 
minister  to  lighten  the  pressure,  it  became  the  anxious  study 
of  Mr.  Grenville  to  devise  means  for  recruiting  the  Treasury, 
and  removing,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  causes  of  popular 
dissatisfaction.  The  new  and  flourishing  field  for  taxation  in 
America,  opened  itself  to  his  view.  The  war  just  ended, 


40  HISTORY   OP    THE 

had  been,  according  to  the  estimate  put  upon  it  by  English 
writers,  undertaken  for  American  objects.  The  defence  of  the 
American  frontier,  and  the  repulse  of  an  enemy  who  was 
invading  the  American  provinces,  were  hastily  assumed  as 
merely  colonial  benefits,  towards  the  cost  of  which  't  was 
unjust  that  the  Colonies  should  not  pay  their  proportion  in 
debt  and  taxes.  No  consideration  was  given  to  the  reflection;-, 
that  they  had  borne  more  than  their  proportion  in  the  war, 
both  of  men  and  money — that  they  had  no  share  in  the  large 
conquests  of  territory  which  were  gained  to  the  empire — that 
the  defence  of  a  frontier  is  the  business  of  the  whole  nation, 
and  that  the  immense  profits  of  the  colonial  monopoly  to 
British  commerce  were  a  tax,  heavy  in  proportion  to  their 
ability,  which  they  paid  beyond  the  rest  of  the  king's 
subjects.  The  necessities  of  the  British  government  required 
relief,  and  its  cupidity  was  tempted  by  the  proofs  they  had 
given  of  what  they  were  capable  of  doing,  and  by  the  reports 
of  their  wealth  and  enterprise ;  and  its  pride  was  touched  by 
the  tone  of  independence,  manifested  in  all  their  actions  and 
habits.  To  Great  Britain,  therefore,  the  project  of  a  revenue 
from  America,  was,  in  the  highest  degree,  pleasing.  There 
was  the  expectation  of  lucrative  sources  of  revenue,  and 
of  immediate  relief  from  their  own  burdens — there  were 
also  the  pride  of  dominion  the  haughtiness  and  self-confi 
dence  of  vast  military  triumphs,  and  the  firm  belief  that 
thirteen  disunited  provinces,  thinly  spread  over  a  great 
territory,  without  soldiery  or  fleets,  and  strong  only  in  their 
industry  and  the  energies  of  the  individual  inhabitants,  would 
not  dare  to  stand  up,  seriously,  in  opposition  to  a  great  and 
powerful  nation,  whose  navies  covered  the  seas ;  whose 
armies  had  just  discomfited  the  combined  forces  of  France 
and  Spain  in  both  hemispheres,  and  were  formidable  to  all 
Europe.  To  tax  America,  was  therefore  likely  to  be  a  popular 
measure,  and  although  it  did  meet  with  opposition  from  a  few, 
in  the  beginning,  it  is  not  to  be  questioned,  that  Mr.  Grenville 
judged  correctly  of  the  sentiment  of  England  in  proposing 
it ;  and  that  the  war  undertaken  to  enforce  it,  was  also,  for  a 
while,  a  popular  measure  there.  With  respect  to  America, 
however,  it  was  a  perilous  experiment,  as  the  event  showed. 
The  minister,  as  if  unaware  of  its  magnitude,  projected 
and  carried  into  operation,  cotemporaneously  with  it,  other 
revenue  measures,  which  exasperated  the  minds  of  the 
Colonists  against  English  authority.  Before  bringing  forward 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  41 

his  grand  plan  of  taxation,  he  endeavoured  to  improve  the 
state  of  the  treasury,  by  enforcing  the  existing  laws  with 
greater  rigor.  Peremptory  regulations  were  issued  against 
smuggling,  and  for  a  vigorous  execution  of  the  navigation 
acts.  These  were  extended  to  America  and  the  West  Indies, 
and  they  instantly  roused  the  same  excited  feelings  created  by 
the  celebrated  controversy  at  Boston,  in  1761,  on  the  subject 
of  writs  of  assistance.  The  acts  laying  duties  on  sugar  and 
molasses,  imported  into  the  Colonies,  had  existed  since  1733, 
in  the  reign  of  George  II.  The  imposts,  however,  were  so 
high  as  to  amount,  virtually,  to  a  prohibition ;  and  in  conse 
quence  they  had  been  evaded  or  openly  violated,  with  little 
interference  by  the  British  authorities.  The  trade  was,  in 
fact,  beneficial  to  all  parties,  except  in  the  single  item  of  the 
revenue  collected.  We  have  alreadv  seen  the  consequences 
of  former  attempts  to  repress  it,  in  1761,  accompanied  by 
applications  to  the  colonial  court  for  extraordinary  writs,  in 
the  nature  of  general  search  warrants,  which  were  met  by 
the  spirited  opposition  of  the  colony,  and  the  bold  denuncia 
tion  of  Otis  and  others.  During  the  recess  of  parliament,  in 
1763,  and  the  succeeding  session,  the  Admiralty  undertook 
to  enforce  the  strict  letter  of  the  laws,  and  directed  the  com 
manders  of  the  public  vessels,  stationed  on  the  coast,  to  act  as 
revenue  officers — to  arrest,  search,  and  confiscate  all  vessels 
engaged  in  contraband  commerce. 

The  most  deplorable  effects  followed.  The  naval  com 
manders,  unaccustomed  to  the  service,  without  definite 
instructions,  and  practically  irresponsible,  made  seizures  and 
confiscations  of  all  vessels  employed  in  trade  with  the  West 
Indies ;  and  in  effect  annihilated  it.  They  made  the  strictest 
possible  construction  of  the  acts  of  navigation ;  and  not  only 
interrupted  vexatiously  and  embarrassed  all  American  trade, 
lawful  and  unlawful,  with  the  French  and  Spanish  islands 
and  colonies,  but  nearly  destroyed  all  intercourse  with  them. 
This  intercourse  had  been  extremely  profitable,  and  the 
profits  accrued  to  England  no  less  than  to  America.  Colonial 
produce  and  British  manufactures  were  exchanged  for  gold 
and  silver  coin  and  bullion,  cochineal,  medicinal  drugs,  and 
live  stock.  The  entire  commercial  business  of  the  Colonies 
was  thus  threatened  with  sudden  and  disastrous  confusion, 
and  universal  alarm  and  distress  prevailed.  Their  internal 
currency  was  deranged  by  the  stoppage  of  their  supplies  of 
the  precious  metals;  their  means  of  remittance  for  British,: 

D2 


42  HISTORY    OF   THE 

manufactures  were  diminished,  and  their  debts  to  British 
merchants  accumulated.  These  things  were  not  submitted 
to  without  strong  remonstrances  and  repeated  appeals  to  the 
interest,  no  less  than  the  justice,  of  Great  Britain.  Resolu 
tions  against  the  use  of  British  manufactures  became  general, 
and  a  feeling  of  hostility  to  imported  goods  grew  up  rapidly. 
In  the  succeeding  year,  the  amount  of  English  merchandize 
imported  into  the  single  city  of  Boston,  was  diminished  to 
the  extent  often  thousand  pounds  sterling.  A  like  decrease 
took  place  in  other  towns  and  provinces,  affording  a  proof  as 
well  of  the  spirit  of  repugnance  to  the  measures  of  the  British 
government,  as  of  the  necessities  of  the  Colonies,  deprived 
of  their  customary  business,  and  exhausted  of  their  means  of 
remittance.  The  session  of  1764  produced  a  change,  called 
for  by  the  British  merchants  and  manufacturers,  by  which  a 
part  of  the  traffic  between  the  Colonies  and  the  West  Indies, 
that  had  been  arbitrarily  suppressed,  was  expressly  autho 
rized,  but  under  such  enormous  duties,  as  made  it  impossible 
to  be  carried  on  to  advantage.  At  the  same  time,  the 
payment  of  the  new  duties  was  required  to  be  made  in 
specie,  at  the  British  Treasury.  To  aggravate  this  injustice, 
a  bill  was  passed,  nearly  contemporaneously,  suppressing  the 
bills  of  credit  that  had  formed  the  currency  of  the  Colonies, 
and  ordering  them  to  be  refused  in  payment  for  duties  after 
a  certain  day.  Penalties,  incurred  for  breaches  of  these 
acts,  were  made  recoverable  in  the  courts  of  the  particular 
colony,  or  any  other  admiralty  court  in  the  Colonies,  at  the 
option  of  the  informer  or  prosecutor.  By  this  tyrannical  act, 
defendants  might  be  carried,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  govern 
ment  agents,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other,  to 
support  their  rights,  and  be  deprived,  according  to  the  practice 
in  the  admiralty,  of  the  benefits  of  a  jury  trial.  Complaints 
and  discontents  of  the  Colonies  against  the  general  course  of 
Great  Britain  towards  them,  constantly  increased. 

At  the  same  time  that  these  commercial  regulations,  fol 
lowing  each  other  with  rapidity  in  a  few  months,  were 
exasperating  the  Colonies,  Mr.  Grenville,  as  first  commis 
sioner  of  the  treasury,  was  revolving  in  his  mind  his  scheme 
for  raising  revenue  directly  from  America,  by  internal  taxa 
tion.  Looking,  at  this  distance  of  time,  upon  his  measures, 
they  seem  to  have  been  destitute  of  common  prudence  and 
sagacity  ;  or  to  have  been  devised  in  the  insolence  of  power, 
for  the  purpose  of  crushing  the  Colonies  at  once.  By  a 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  4# 

harassing  and  oppressive  exercise  of  constitutional  powers, 
never  denied  to  the  British  government,  he  kept  them  in  a  state 
of  exasperation,  and  disposed  to  watch,  with  eager  scrutiny, 
every  movement  of  parliament  which  related  to  them.  The 
molasses  and  sugar  act,  re-enacted  in  1764,  contained  in  its 
preamble  the  first  formal  enactment,  ever  adopted,  to  raise 
revenue  by  taxation  from  America.  That  enactment  con 
nected  the  whole  series  of  commercial  restrictions  and 
oppressions  with  the  novel  and  already  contested  question  of 
taxation.  All  the  motives  for  complaint  and  resentment 
against  Britain  were  thus  united  together.  A  grave  consti 
tutional  argument  was  added  to  the  subjects  of  controversy, 
and  all  the  elements  of  opposition,  in  all  parts  of  the  con 
tinent,  brought,  by  the  arrogance  or  unskilfulness  of  the 
minister,  to  bear  together  against  him.  To  those  abstract 
principles  of  liberty,  which  were  cherished  with  such  fer 
vency  among  them,  he  had  contrived,  in  a  few  months,  to 
add  all  the  provocations  of  anger  and  suffering — of  passion 
and  interest, — to  quicken  their  impatient  apprehensions  of 
the  new  system  of  taxation  he  was  about  to  impose  upon 
them.  The  evils  growing  out  of  the  treasury  restrictions  and 
the  sugar  act,  were  soon  absorbed  in  the  greater  grievances 
and  more  dangerous  consequences  threatened  by  the  stamp 
act,  and  the  high-toned  pretensions  to  absolute  supremacy, 
set  up  by  these  various  measures. 

The  stamp-act  project  had  been  avowed  some  time  before 
the  other  measures,  though  it  was  not  carried  into  effect 
until  some  time  afterwards.  American  taxation  was  an 
essential  part  of  Mr.  Grenville's  financial  plans,  for  the 
session  of  parliament,  beginning  on  the  15th  of  November, 
1763.  It  is  plain  that  he  had  at  first  his  doubts  of  the  con 
stitutional  question,  or  of  the  policy  of  pressing  so  strong- 
an  expedient  at  once.  Instead  of  imposing  these  taxes 
as  a  regular  method  of  raising  revenue,  he  first  gave 
notice  of  his  intention,  then  introduced  declaratory  resolu 
tions  upon  the  expediency,  afterwards  inserted  it  in  the 
preamble  of  a  commercial  act — the  sugar  act — and  finally, 
after  eighteen  months  of  this  hesitating  policy,  made  the 
enactment,  in  the  celebrated  stamp  act,  in  March,  1765r 
reciting  the  preamble  of  the  sugar  act  as  authority.  This 
policy  shows,  at  once,  the  consciousness  of  Mr.  Grenville, 
that  he  was  undertaking  a  task  of  importance  and  diffi 
culty,  and  his  determination  to  persevere.  About  the 


44  HISTORY   OF    THE 

close  of  the  year  1763,  he  informed  the  Agents  of  the 
Colonies,  in  London,  of  his  design  of  raising  a  revenue  in 
America,  and  proposed  to  them  to  delay  bringing  forward 
any  specific  measure,  in  order  to  give  the  colonial  legisla 
tures  the  opportunity  of  proposing  some  plan  acceptable  to 
themselves.  He  ingeniously  intimated,  as  a  proof  of  his 
friendship  to  them,  that  by  timely  compliance  with  this  hint, 
they  might  establish  it  as  a  precedent,  that  they  should 
always  be  consulted  on  the  subject  of  taxation.  The  propo 
sition  was  artful,  and  had  the  alternative  been  accepted, 
would  have  obtained  an  explicit  acknowledgment  of  the  dis 
puted  right.  He  offered  them  no  choice  in  the  principle,  but 
the  right  of  taxation  being  assumed,  he  mentioned  his  prefer 
ence  for  the  stamps,  leaving  it  to  the  Americans  to  select 
any  other  object  for  taxation,  or  mode  of  furnishing  the  sum 
required.  It  was  promised,  as  an  additional  bait,  that  the  sum 
raised  should  be  expended  in  America — an  indulgence 
which  but  little  sagacity  was  necessary  to  perceive  to  be 
altogether  illusory,  since  there  could  be  no  security,  the 
taxing  power  once  admitted,  that  future  sums,  raised  in  the 
same  way,  would  not  be  disposed  of  at  the  pleasure  of  those 
who  had  the  right  to  receive  them ;  and  because  there  was 
no  limit  to  the  sums  that  might  be  expended  in  America  for 
British  objects,  against  the  will  and  adverse  to  the  wishes 
and  principles  of  the  Americans.  The  sum  required  by  Mr. 
Grenville  was  one  hundred  thousand  pounds,  to  be  used  in 
part,  in  the  payment  of  ten  thousand  troops,  to  be  quartered 
m  America.  This  feature  of  the  plan,  by  no  means  aided 
in  reconciling  the  Americans  to  it,  the  presence  of  the 
regular  troops  having  been  always  a  cause  of  contention ;  and 
the  proposal  to  augment  that  force  so  largely  in  a  time  of 
peace.,  wearing  the  appearance  of  a  design  to  over-awe  them. 
History  and  the  testimony  of  British  writers  has  since  given 
us  a  further  insight  into  the  designs  of  the  ministry  of  that 
day,  which  were,  unluckily  for  them,  defeated  by  the  prompt 
spirit  of  the  colonies.  A  grand  scheme  is  said  to  have  been  in 
agitation,  for  re-arranging  the  boundaries,  and  re-modeling 
the  governments  of  the  provinces;  reducing  them  to  nearly 
an  equal  size,  and  forming  entirely  new  political  institutions — 
to  establish  a  standing  force — increase  the  salaries  of  the 
governors  and  principal  officers,  and  create  new  courts, 
officers,  judges,  &c.,  all  to  be  appointed  and  paid  by  the 
crown,  out  of  the  proceeds  of  American  taxation.  An 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  45 

American  peerage  is  believed  to  have  been  part  of  this 
splendid  scheme,  well  devised  for  perpetuating  the  power  of 
a  ministry,  and  enlarging  the  king's  prerogative  by  the 
enormous  mass  of  patronage  which  it  offered.  The  first  step 
was  the  power  to  tax,  and  the  second,  the  raising  of  the 
troops,  both  of  which  met  with  resistance  in  the  sturdy 
principles  of  America. 

When  Mr.  Grenville's  proposal,  with  these  modifications, 
was  made  to  the  agents  in  London,  it  did  not  appear  to  them 
in  the  odious  light  in  which  it  was  recei.ved  by  their  consti 
tuents  at  home.  Some  of  them,  in  the  first  instance,  waited 
upon  the  minister  to  return  thanks  for  what  seemed  to  them 
an  indulgence.  They  transmitted  it  to  their  several  legisla 
tures,  where  it  met  with  universal  and  indignant  rejection  ; 
not  one  of  them  acceded  to  its  principle,  in  any  shape.  Two 
offered  to  raise  the  proportion  in  the  ancient  way,  and  after 
the  usage  of  their  predecessors.  In  the  mean  time,  friends 
of  America  in  London,  became  active  in  labouring  to  avert 
the  danger.  Towards  the  close  of  the  session,  in  March, 
1764,  the  minister,  in  pursuance  of  his  plan,  as 

,          *  ,  *      ro  IT*         ivitircn,   Ii04. 

communicated  to  the  agents,  brought  forward  his 
budget  of  supplies  for  the  year.  The  sugar  bill  was  passed, 
avowing  in  the  preamble,  the  expediency  of  levying  taxes 
in  America,  for  "defending,  protecting,  and  securing  the 
British  colonies  and  plantations  in  America," — and  the  four 
teenth  resolution  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means, 
recited,  that  towards  defraying  the  same  expenses,  "it  might 
be  proper  to  charge  certain  STAMP  DUTIES  in  the  said  colonies 
and  plantations."  This  was  brought  in  on  the  10th  of  March, 
and  the  execution  postponed  to  the  next  session,  W7ith  the 
express  view  of  giving  the  colonies  an  opportunity  of  offering 
the  substitute  suggested. 

The  popular  and  legislative  movements,  addresses,  and 
remonstrances,  hereinafter  described  or  quoted,  will  explain 
sufficiently  the  constitutional  grounds  assumed  in  the  colo 
nies,  in  opposition  to  this  claim  of  power,  and  resistance  to 
the  acts  in  which  it  wTas  afterwards  contained.  A  few 
historical  items  may  be  acceptable,  to  show  how  tenaciously 
the  same  rights  had  been  insisted  upon  by  them  in  the  earliest 
times  when  they  were  too  weak  to  resist  oppression,  and  only 
strong  in  sagacity  and  love  of  liberty. 

The  right  of  the  British  parliament  to  impose  taxes  for  the 
regulation  of  trade,  had  never  been  altogether  denied,  though 


46  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  use  of  the  power  had  frequently  produced  murmurs  and 
irritation.  The  line  of  distinction  between  the  two  powers  was 
sometimes  so  indistinct,  as  frequently  to  give  occasions  for 
doubt  as  to  what  was  the  leading  object,  and  to  unite  apparently 
in  the  same  enactments,  revenue  and  regulation.  Sometimes 
acts  clearly  commercial  in  their  purport,  were  complained  of 
heavily,  as  levying  taxes,  and  therefore  unconstitutional, 
because  the  Colonists  were  not  represented  in  parliament. 
No  act,  avowedly  for  revenue,  had  been  ever  passed  ;  and 
regulations,  altogether  legitimate,  were  rejected  frequently 
because  they  were  supposed  to  imply  that  right.  Massachu 
setts  was  the  boldest  in  this  controversy,  and  for  a  long  series 
of  years  refused  obedience  to  the  navigation  acts  of  1651  and 
1660,  which  make  the  commercial  code  of  Great  Britain. 
Her  tenacious  refusal  to  conform  to  these  acts,  under  the 
special  requisition  of  king  Charles  II.,  and  her  persevering  re 
jection  of  the  king's  collector,  Randolph,  through  a  series  of 
years  from  1677  to  the  revolution  in  1688,  form  one  of  the 
noblest  passages  in  her  history.  She  instructed  her  agents 
to  insist  before  the  king,  that  (tthe  acts  of  navigation  were 
an  invasion  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  subjects  of 
his  majesty  in  that  colony,  they  not  being  represented  in 
parliament."  The  collector  persisting,  he  was  met  with  such 
fierce  opposition,  that  he  was  recalled,  at  his  own  represent 
ation,  "  that  he  was  in  danger  of  being  put  to  death,  by  virtue 
of  an  ancient  law,  as  a  subverter  of  the  constitution."  Some 
years  subsequent,  when  James  II.  was  making  his  boldest 
approaches  towards  unlimited  power  in  Europe  and  America, 
and  his  governor,  Andross,  was  making  laws  and  levying 
taxes  at  his  pleasure,  supported  by  the  tyrannical  example 
of  his  master,  the  inhabitants  of  several  towns  in  Massachu 
setts  refused  to  levy  rates  or  raise  taxes ;  and  the  selectmen 
of  Ipswich,  in  spite  of  threatenings  of  fine  and  imprisonment, 
both  of  which  were  inflicted  upon  them  for  their  disobedience, 
voted  that  "  it  is  against  the  privilege  of  English  subjects  to 
have  money  raised  without  their  own  consent  in  assembly  or 
parliament."  This  tone  never  varied,  down  to  the  latest 
period  of  her  colonial  condition,  in  all  circumstances  and 
under  all  administrations.  In  1761,  about  the  time  of  the 
controversy  about  the  writs  of  assistance,  in  Boston,  Governor 
Bernard  had  undertaken  to  equip  a  vessel  belonging  to  the 
colony,  upon  his  own  responsibility,  for  which  he  was 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  47 

sharply  reproved  by  the  House  of  Assembly,  in  an  address 
containing  the  following  spirited  passages. 

"Justice  to  ourselves  and  our  constituents  oblige  us  to 
remonstrate  against  the  method  of  making  or  increasing 
establishments,  by  the  governor  and  council.  It  is,  in  effect, 
taking  from  the  House  their  most  darling  privilege,  the  right 
of  originating  all  taxes." 

"No  necessity  can  be  sufficient  to  justify  a  House  of 
Representatives  in  giving  up  such  a  privilege ;  for  it  would 
be  of  little  consequence  to  the  people,  whether  they  were 
subject  to  George  or  Louis,  the  king  of  Great  Britain  or  the 
French  king,  if  both  were  arbitrary,  as  both  would  be,  if  both 
could  levy  taxes  without  parliament." 

It  is  worthy  of  mention,  as  an  evidence  of  the  kind  of 
paternal  affection  entertained  by  England  towards  her 
children  in  the  Colonies,  when  her  interests  were  crossed 
by  them,  that  when  Massachusetts  refused  to  receive  the 
royal  collector,  in  1661-2,  it  was  determined  by  the  king 
in  council,  that  "no  Mediterranean  passes  should  be  granted 
to  New  England,  to  protect  its  vessels  against  the  Turks,  till  it 
is  seen  what  dependence  it  will  acknowledge  in  his  majesty, 
and  whether  his  custom-house  officers  are  received  as  in  other 
colonies." 

The  acquiescence  of  Massachusetts,  even  in  the  navigation 
acts,  was  thus  never  cordial  or  perfect.  From  the  beginning 
she  suspected  the  taxing  power,  which  was  concealed  in  them, 
and  resolutely  protested  against  it. 

Other  provinces  were  not  less  firm  and  strenuous  in  up 
holding  the  same  privileges,  in  the  most  disheartening  times. 
Virginia,  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  her  settlement,  adopted  a 
set  of  laws,  the  oldest  in  colonial  history,  defining  her  rights 
and  claiming  the  privilege  of  raising  her  own  taxes  by  her 
own  representation,  as  the  birthright  of  Englishmen.  Again, 
in  1651,  when  she  surrendered  to  the  fleet  of  Cromwell,  one 
of  the  express  stipulations  in  the  articles  of  surrender  was, 
that  "Virginia  shall  be  free  from  all  taxes,  customs,  and 
impositions  whatsoever ;  and  none  shall  be  imposed  on  them, 
without  consent  of  the  general  assembly ;  and  neither  forts 
nor  castles  be  erected,  or  garrisons  maintained  without  their 
own  consent."  Again,  in  1676,  she  instructed  her  agents  in 
England  to  maintain,  as  an  admitted  right  belonging  to  all 
the  Colonies,  and  an  acknowledged  historical  fact,  tha* 
"  neither  his  majesty  nor  any  of  his  ancestors  or  predecessors 


48  HISTORY    OF    THE 

had  ever  offered  to  impose  any  tax  upon  this  plantation, 
without  the  consent  of  their  subjects;  nor  upon  any  other 
plantation,  however  so  much  less  deserving  or  considerable 
to  his  crown." 

In  1663,  Rhode  Island  formally  claimed  it  as  one  of  her 
chartered  privileges,  that  no  tax  should  be  imposed  upon  the 
colony  but  by  the  general  assembly. 

In  1687  the  revenue  officer  in  South  Carolina  informed 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  in  England,  that  "he 
despaired  of  succeeding  in  enforcing  the  revenue  acts,  as  the 
people  denied  the  power  of  parliament  to  pass  laws  incon 
sistent  with  their  charter." 

In  the  session  of  1691-2,  New  York  passed  her  celebrated 
act  of  assembly,  defining  the  right  of  representation,  and 
numerous  other  rights  and  privileges,  in  the  nature  of  a 
Declaration  of  Rights.  It  expressly  enacted  that  no  "aid,  tax, 
or  talliage,  whatsoever,"  should  be  laid  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  the  province,  upon  "  any  manner  or  pretence  whatsoever," 
but  "  by  the  act  and  consent  of  the  governor  in  council  and 
representatives  of  the  people  in  general  assembly." 

Connecticut,  on  numerous  occasions,  especially  in  her 
resolutions  in  1754,  dissenting  from  the  Albany  plan  of 
Union,  contended  for  the  exclusive  power  of  levying  her 
own  taxes  by  her  representatives,  as  a  privilege  by  charter, 
and  as  a  natural  right. 

The  original  charter  of  Maryland  vested  expressly  the 
whole  taxing  power  in  "the  freemen  of  the  province,  or  a 
majority  of  them," — and  a  law  enacted  in  1650,  declared 
that  "no  subsidies,  aids,  customs,  taxes,  or  impositions  shall 
be  laid,  assessed,  levied,  or  imposed  upon  the  freemen  of  this 
province,  their  merchandize,  goods,  or  chattels,  without  the 
consent  of  the  freemen  thereof,  or  a  majority  of  them  in 
general  assembly." 

These  are  a  few  of  the  early  assertions,  by  the  Colonies, 
of  the  law,  the  practice  under  it,  and  the  constitution,  in 
virtue  of  which  they  claimed  exemption  from  taxation, 
except  in  bodies  wherein  they  were  represented.  Sometimes 
these  assertions  ascended  to  lofty  vindications  of  natural 
rights,  antecedent  to  all  sanctions  of  human  institution.  No 
formal  denial  of  them  was  ever  made  before  the  declaratory 
stamp  resolutions  and  sugar  act  of  1764.  Some  of  the 
laws  and  declarations  which  we  have  quoted,  were  annulled 
in  England,  but  not  upon  the  exclusive  ground  of  their 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  49 

repugnance  in  this  respect  to  British  rights.  A  general  act 
of  parliament  was  passed  in  1696,  annulling  all  acts,  laws, 
and  usages  of  "  the  plantations,"  "  repugnant  to  any  law  of 
the  kingdom."  But  contemporary  with  it,  the  right  of  taxing 
America  was  peremptorily  denied;  and  we  have  the  high 
authority  of  Lord  Camden,  in  his  speech,  in  April,  1766,  in 
the  British  House  of  Lords,  for  the  fact,  that  this  doctrine 
was  not  then  considered  new,  illegal,  or  derogatory  to  the 
rights  of  parliament.  The  colonial  laws  were  annulled,  not 
on  a  claim  of  unlimited  supremacy,  but  because  they  were 
believed  to  interfere  with  commercial  regulations.  Some- 
times,  as  remarked  before,  the  two  objects— revenue  and 
taxation — were  in  fact  combined  in  one ;  but  in  all  cases, 
before  1764,  the  primary  object,  to  which  the  other  was  a 
subordinate  incident,  was  trade.  Burke,  in  his  speech  on 
American  taxation,  in  1774,  after  an  elaborate  analysis  of  the 
acts  of  parliament,  stated  confidently,  and  he  was  sustained 
by  Lords  Chatham  and  Camden,  in  the  assertion,  that  before 
1764  "no  act  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  and  with 
the  ordinary  title  and  recital,  taken  together,  is  to  be  found 
upon  the  statute  book.  All  before  stood  on  commercial  regula 
tions  and  restraints." 

Sir  Robert  Walpole  entertained  a  similar  view  of  the 
Science  of  government,  and  the  interests  of  commerce,  in  the 
connexion  between  England  and  America,  when  he  refused, 
in.  1739,  during  the  Spanish  war,  to  try  the  experiment  of 
taxing  the  Colonies.  "  I  will  leave  that,"  said  he,  "to  some 
one  of  my  successors,  who  shall  have  more  courage  and  less 
regard  for  commerce  than  I  have.  1  have  always,  during 
my  administration,  thought  it  my  duty  to  encourage  the 
commerce  of  the  American  Colonies.  I  have  chosen  to  wink 
at  some  irregularities  in  their  traffic  with  Europe  ;  for  in  my 
opinion,  if  by  trade  with  foreign  nations  they  gain  £500,000 
sterling,  at  the  end  of  two  years  £250,000  of  it  will  have 
entered  the  royal  coffers ;  and  that  by  the  industry  and 
productions  of  England,  who  sells  them  an  immense  quantity 
of  manufactures.  This  is  a  mode  of  taxing  them,  more 
conformable  to  their  constitution,  and  to  our  own."  And  Lord 
Chatham,  in  referring  to  the  efforts  to  get  up  this  taxing  ques 
tion,  at  an  earlier  day,  when  he  was  minister  to  George  II., 
during  tiie  French  wars,  uses  the  following  pithy  expression  : 

•''There  were  not  wanting  some,  when  I  had  the  honour 
E 


50  HISTORY    OF   THE 

to  serve  his  majesty,  to  propose  to  me  to  burn  my  fingers  with 
an  American  stamp-act." 

The  theory  of  political  connexion  with  Great  Britain, 
insisted  on  by  the  Colonies,  as  according  with  constitutional 
principles,  was  that  they  were  integral  governments,  de 
pendent  upon  a  common  executive  head  of  the  empire, 
the  king  of  Great  Britain,  precisely  as  England  itself; 
that  their  colonial  legislatures  held  the  same  relation  to 
the  king  as  the  English  House  of  Commons,  and  were  as 
absolute  in  all  matters  of  revenue,  within  the  provinces,  as 
the  Commons  were  for  Great  Britain.  These  rights  were 
placed,  first,  on  the  general  birthright  of  Englishmen,  not  to 
be  taxed  but  by  their  representatives ;  and  secondly,  on  their 
chartered  rights  which  confirmed  these  privileges  to  them. 
A  third,  and  in  fact  the  most  powerful  defence  of  this  right, 
and  which  was  working  in  every  man's  mind,  though  few 
spoke  it  out  until  oppression  drove  them  from  all  faith  in 
charters  and  constitutions,  was  that  which  James  Otis 
employed  with  such  boldness  in  his  celebrated  pamphlet,  on 
the  rights  of  the  Colonies,  published  in!764,  against  the  daring 
attempt  at  usurpation  in  the  declaratory  act  preliminary  to 
the  stamp  act;  a  defence  which  went  back  to  the  original 
rights  of  the  settlers  as  men,  independent  of  any  grant  from 
human  power.  "  Two  or  three  innocent  colony  charters,"  said 
he,  "have  been  threatened  W7ith  destruction  a  hundred  and 
forty  years  past.  A  set  of  men  in  America,  without  honor  or 
love  to  their  country,  have  been  long  grasping  at  powers  which 
they  think  unattainable,  while  these  charters  stand  in  their 
way.  But  they  will  meet  with  insurmountable  obstacles  to 
their  project  for  enslaving  the  British  Colonies,  should  these, 
arising  from  provincial  charters,  be  removed.  *  *  Should 
this  ever  be  the  case,  there  are,  thank  God,  natural,  inherent, 
and  inseparable  rights,  as  men  and  citizens,  that  would 
remain,  after  the  so  much  wished-for  catastrophe,  and  which, 
whatever  become  of  charters,  can  never  be  abolished,  dejure, 
if  de  facto,  until  the  general  conflagration."  One  of  these 
"natural,  inherent,  and  inseparable"  rights,  was  that  of  dis 
posing  of  their  own  property,  and  assenting,  personally  or 
by  their  representatives,  to  all  taxes  levied  upon  them.  "  If," 
said  the  New  Jersey  colonists,  about  the  year  1687,  to  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Duke  of  York,  "  we  are  excluded  from 
one  English  right  of  common  assent  to  taxes,  what  security 
have  we  for  any  thing  we  possess  ?  We  can  call  nothing  our 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  51 

own,  but  are  tenants  at  will,  not  only  for  the  soil,  but  for  all 
our  personal  estates.  This  sort  of  conduct  has  destroyed 
governments,  but  never  raised  one  to  any  true  greatness." 
In  theory,  a  general  restraining  power  upon  the  Colonies  was 
conceded  to  Great  Britain,  in  all  things  except  the  subject 
of  revenue.  They  contended  that  taxation  was  no  part  of  the 
supreme  executive  or  legislative  power,  but  that  taxes  are  a 
voluntary  gift  and  grant  of  the  people  by  their  representa 
tives.  Sometimes,  indeed,  as  in  the  case  of  Massachusetts, 
in  her  controversy  with  queen  Anne's  governors,  the  assertion 
was  hazarded,  that  all  the  laws  of  parliament  were  bounded 
by  the  four  seas,  and  did  not  reach  America.  This  assertion 
was  not,  however,  steadily  sustained,  and  the  supremacy  of 
parliament,  in  all  cases  except  the  granting  of  money  and 
laying  of  taxes,  was  in  general  conceded.  But  in  no  case 
was  the  revenue  power  admitted. 

The  practice  had  also  been  invariably  in  accordance  with 
this  theory.  All  sums  applied  by  the  Colonies  to  their  own 
political  maintainance  or  the  general  service  of  the  empire, 
had  been  voluntary  grants,  levied  in  the  colonial  assemblies, 
The  king,  through  the  governors,  made  his  requisitions  for 
money  or  troops,  and  the  Colonies  granted  or  withheld  at 
pleasure.  Their  grants,  however,  were  exceedingly  liberal, 
so  as  to  leave  no  ground  of  complaint  with  the  ancient  system. 
The  change  was  not  made  because  there  was  any  reason  to 
believe  that  the  Colonies  would  be  deficient  in  zeal  or  ability 
to  vote  sufficient  supplies.  Their  contributions  to  the  common 
cause  of  the  empire,  had  been  acknowledged  by  repeated  acts 
of  parliament,  returning  them  thanks  and  voting  them  remu 
neration  for  the  excess  of  their  generous  efforts.  Mr.  Burke, 
in  his  speech,  before  quoted,  on  American  taxation,  cited 
from  the  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  thirteen  differ 
ent  votes,  acknowledging  the  merits  of  the  Colonies  in  that 
particular — four  of  them  within  the  year  1763,  the  very  year 
in  which  the  taxing  scheme  of  Mr"  Grenville  was  devised. 
It  was,  therefore,  a  naked  assertion  of  power,  without  any 
pretence  of  necessity,  and  meant  to  establish  a  principle 
repugnant  to  the  conscientious  convictions  of  the  Colonists, 
hostile  to  their  rights,  and  destructive  of  their  chartered 
privileges, — a  principle  which  they  affirmed  would  strip  them 
of  every  privilege  of  freemen,  and  reduce  them  to  the  condi 
tion  of  a  conquered  and  enslaved  country. 

The  most  specious  argument  on  the  side  of  Great  Britain 


54  HISTORY   OF   THE 

The  news  reached  America  soon  after  the  adjournment  of 
parliament.  Instead  of  yielding  to  the  artful  suggestion  of  the 
minister,  and  proposing  another  mode  of  apportioning  the 
taxes  required,  they  fearlessly  denied  the  whole  claim  of 
power.  Boston,  where  the  first  intelligence  was  received, 
Ma  1764  *°°k  ^e  lead'  At  a  town  meeting,  held  in  May, 
the  people,  in  a  set  of  instructions  to  their  repre 
sentatives  in  the  colonial  legislature,  drawn  up  by  Samuel 
Adams,  directed  them  in  energetic  language,  "to  use  con 
stantly"  their  "  power  and  influence  to  maintain  the  invalu 
able  rights  and  privileges  of  the  province,  as  well  those 
which  are  derived  by  the  royal  charter,"  as  those  which, 
being  prior  to  and  independent  of  it,  they  hold  "essentially 
as  freeborn  subjects  of  Great  Britain."  They  affirm,  in 
regard  to  the  principle  of  these  acts — "  It  annihilates  our 
chartered  right  to  govern  and  tax  ourselves.  It  strikes  at  our 
British  privileges,  which,  as  we  have  never  forfeited  them, 
we  hold  in  common  with  our  fellow  subjects,  who  are  natives 
of  Great  Britain.  If  taxes  are  laid  upon  us  in  any  shape, 
without  our  having  a  legal  representation  where  they  are  laid, 
are  we  not  reduced  from  the  character  of  free  subjects,  to  the 
miserable  state  of  tributary  slaves  ?"  They  proceeded  to  re 
commend  communications  with  the  other  provinces,  that 
"by  the  united  application  of  all  who  are  aggrieved,  all  may 
happily  obtain  redress." 

The  House  of  Representatives  responded  to  these  move 
ments  of  the  people  with  a  temper  of  equal  promptness  and 
decision.  They  drew  up  a  strong  set  of  instructions  to  their 
agent  in  London,  who  had  offended  them  by  not  opposing  these 
acts, — for  which  neglect  he  had  assigned  as  a  reason,  that 
he  had  not  been  directed  by  them,  on  the  subject,  and  took 
their  silence  for  assent.  They  reproved  him  sharply  for  the 
inference,  and  told  him  that  "the  silence  of  the  province 
should  have  been  imputed  to  any  cause,  even  to  despair, 
rather  than  have  been  construed  into  a  tacit  cession  of 
their  rights ;  or  as  an  acknowledgment  of  a  right  in  the 
British  parliament  to  impose  taxes  and  duties  on  a  people  not 
represented  in  the  House  of  Commons."  Their  letter  con 
cluded  with  the  declaration,  "that  the  power  to  raise  their 
I  own  taxes  is  the  great  barrier  to  English  liberty, 

June.  !•!•/>  ii  i  n    •      i      i  »       mi 

|  which,  if  once  broken  down,  all  is  lost.  They 
further  adopted  resolves,  that  "the  sole  right  of  giving  and 
granting  the  money  of  the  people  of  this  province,  is  vested 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  55 

in  them  or  their  representatives," — and  that  the  imposition 
of  duties  or  taxes  by  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  upon  a 
people  not  represented  in  the  House  of  Commons,  is  abso 
lutely  irreconcilable  with  their  rights."  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  sit,  during  the  recess  of  the  House,  to  watch 
over  the  rights  of  the  people. 

The  Assembly  of  Connecticut  almost  contemporaneously 
appointed  a  committee  on  the  same  subject,  who,  in  con 
nexion  with  Governor  Fitch,  drew  up  a  powerful  argument 
in  favor  of  colonial  rights. 

The  House  of  Burgesses,  in  Virginia,  met  in  November, 
and  was  not  less  prompt  in  remonstrance.  A  special  com 
mittee  was  appointed  to  report  addresses  to  the  king,  and  to 
both  houses  of  parliament.  These  papers  were  drawn  up  by 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  adopted  by  the  House  of  Burgesses. 
While  they  professed  the  warmest  attachment  to  the  king's 
government  and  person,  they  reproved,  in  firm  language,  the 
new  doctrines  of  taxation,  which  had  been  introduced  into 
the  administration,  and  insisted  upon  their  natural  and  char 
tered  claim  to  be  protected  in  their  "  ancient  and  inestimable 
right  of  being  governed  by  such  laws,  respecting  their  inter 
nal  polity  and  taxation,  as  are  derived  from  their  own  con 
sent,  with  the  approbation  of  their  sovereign  or  his  substitute : 
a  right  which,  as  men,  and  descendants  of  Britons,  they  have 
ever  quietly  possessed,  since  first,  by  royal  permission  and 
encouragement,  they  left  the  mother  kingdom  to  extend  its 
commerce  and  dominion."  This  right,  they  asserted,  they  had 
been  invested  with  from  the  first  establishment  of  a  regular 
government  in  the  colony,  and  requisitions  had  been  con 
stantly  made  to  them  by  their  sovereigns,  on  all  occasions 
when  the  assistance  of  the  colony  was  thought  necessary  to 
preserve  the  British  interest  in  America;  "from  whence  they 
must  conclude,  they  cannot  now  be  deprived  of  a  right  they 
have  so  long  enjoyed,  and  which  they  have  never  forfeited." 
In  fine,  they  maintained  it  to  be  a  fundamental  principle  of  the 
British  constitution,  "  without  which  freedom  can  nowhere 
exist,"  that  the  people  are  not  subject  to  any  taxes  but  such 
as  are  laid  on  them  by  their  own  consent,  or  by  those  who 
are  legally  appointed  to  represent  them :  property  must  be 
come  too  precarious  for  the  genius  of  a  free  people,  which  can 
be  taken  from  them  at  the  will  of  others,  who  cannot  know 
what  taxes  such  people  can  bear,  or  the  easiest  mode  of 
raising  them ;  and  who  are  not  under  that  restraint,  which 


56  HISTORY    OF    THE 

is  the  greatest  security  against  a  burthensome  taxation,  when 
the  representatives  themselves  must  be  affected  by  every  tax 
imposed  on  the  people." 

The  petitions  and  remonstrances  of  New  York  were  re 
markable  for  their  ability  and  fearlessness.  They  were  even 
more  bold  than  those  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  and 
preceded  the  latter  in  point  of  time.  After  reciting  the 
uninterrupted  usage  of  the  colony,  in  raising  by  its  own 
representatives  its  own  taxes,  they  insist  that  "  an  exemption 
from  the  burden  of  all  ungranted  and  involuntary  taxes,  is 
the  grand  principle  of  every  free  state ;  without  such  a  right 
vested  in  themselves,  exclusive  of  all  others,  there  can  be  no 
liberty,  no  happiness,  no  security," — and  this,  they  add,  not 
upon  any  "  privilege,"  but  on  a  basis  more  honorable,  solid, 
and  stable ; — "  they  challenge  it  and  glory  in  it  as  their  right.'91 
In  conclusion  they  declare,  they  have  no  desire  to  derogate 
from  the  power  of  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain ;  "  but  they 
cannot  avoid  deprecating  the  loss  of  such  rights  as  they  have 
hitherto  enjoyed :  rights  established  in  the  first  dawn  of  the 
constitution;  founded  upon  the  most  substantial  reasons, 
confirmed  by  invariable  usage,  conducive  to  the  best  ends ; 
never  abused  to  bad  purposes,  and  with  the  loss  of  which, 
liberty,  property,  and  all  the  benefits  of  life,  tumble  into 
insecurity  and  ruin:  rights,  the  deprivation  of  which  will 
dispirit  the  people,  abate  their  industry,  discourage  trade, 
introduce  discord,  poverty,  and  slavery ;  or,  by  depopulating 
the  Colonies,  turn  a  vast,  fertile,  prosperous  region  into  a 
dreary  wilderness,  impoverish  Great  Britain,  and  shake  the, 
power  and  independence  of  the  most  opulent  and  flourishing 
empire  in  the  world." 

Committees  of  Correspondence  were  also  appointed  to 
confer  with  the  other  assemblies  or  committees  on  the  subject 
of  "the  impending  dangers  which  threaten  the  Colonies,  of 
being  taxed  by  laws  to  be  passed  in  Great  Britain." 

The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  referred  the  subject  to  a 
committee,  who  reported  instructions  to  the  provincial  agent, 
in  England,  to  join  with  the  o.ther  colonies ;  and  maintaining, 
in  their  own  behalf,  that  the  right  of  assessing  their  own  taxes, 
and  freedom  from  impositions,  "  not  granted  by  the  repre» 
sentatives  of  the  people,"  were  secured  to  them  by  the 
charter  from  Chales  II.  They  did  greater  service  to  their 
common  country  by  sending  Dr.  Franklin,  in  November,  as 
their  agent  in  England,  to  assist  in  repelling  these  dangerous 
innovations. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  57 

Most  of  the  other  colonies  adopted  some  mode,  by  petition, 
remonstrance,  or  address,  to  make  known  to  the  British  par 
liament,  the  like  sentiments  in  opposition  to  the  new  scheme. 
The  policy  already  mentioned,  of  forbearing  to  use,  and 
declining  to  import,  British  merchandize,  which  was  very 
generally  adopted  at  this  period,  strengthened,  materially,  the 
party  in  Great  Britain,  already  disposed,  as  well  from  their 
general  whig  principles,  as  from  their  opposition  to  the  exist 
ing  cabinet,  to  favor  the  cause  of  America.  The  manufac 
turing  and  commercial  classes  were  seriously  affected  by  the 
diminution  of  the  American  demand  for  their  goods  ;  and  the 
effect  was  to  create  an  interest  adverse  to  perseverance  in  the 
ministerial  plan.  Attention  was  attracted  to  the  constitutional 
question  with  greater  earnestness ;  and  in  the  session  of  par 
liament  succeeding  that  in  which  these  irritating  measures  had 
passed  without  opposition  and  with  little  notice,  a  party  was 
found,  small  in  numbers,  indeed,  but  remarkable  for  splendor 
of  talent  and  eloquence,  to  resist  them,  first,  as  unjust,  ungrate 
ful,  inexpedient,  and  dangerous;  and  finally,  as  tyrannical 
usurpations. 

The  session  of  parliament  commenced,  after  an  unusually 
long  recess,  on  the  10th  of  January.  During  the  winter  the 
colonial  agents  had  made  strenuous  efforts  to  dissuade  Mr. 
Grenville  from  proceeding.  A  deputation,  selected  by  them, 
waited  upon  him  to  remonstrate  personally  with 
him,  and  to  assure  him  of  the  willingness  of  Ame 
rica  to  contribute  to  the  debt  and  expenses  of  the  empire, 
to  the  extent  of  their  means,  as  they  had  always  done  upon 
royal  requisitions,  they  reserving  the  constitutional  privilege 
of  granting  the  supplies,  by  their  own  votes,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain.  They  urged  the  strong 
repugnance  in  America  to  the  proposed  tax,  and  desired  a 
suspension  of  the  design.  These  representations  availed 
nothing  with  the  minister.  He  declined  receiving  any  pro 
posal  from  the  Colonies,  short  of  an  admission  of  the  parlia 
mentary  right,  and  a  substitute  for  the  tax  proposed,  more 
agreeable  to  themselves,  which  none  of  them  were  authorized 
to  make.  He  offered  them  the  favor  of  being  heard  by 
counsel,  on  the  constitutional  question,  at  the  bar  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  which  they  unanimously  declined ;  because, 
they  said,  the  colonies  were  not  defendants,  amenable  to 
that  jurisdiction — they  protested  against  it.  The  stamp  act 


58  HISTORY    OF    THE 

accordingly  took  its  course,  and  was  formally  introduced  into 
the  Commons  by  a  report  from  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  in  a  series  of  resolutions,  fifty-five  in  number,  which 
were  agreed  to  by  the  House,  on  the  7th  of  February.  Petitions 
against  it  were  presented  from  the  colonies  of  Virginia,  South 
Carolina,  and  Connecticut.  They  were  refused  under  a  stand 
ing  rule  of  the  House,  that  no  petition  can  be  received  against 
a  money  bill.  The  New  York  petition  was  expressed  in  such 
strong  language,  that  no  member  of  the  House  could  be 
found  to  offer  it.  On  the  rejection  of  those  from  the  three 
colonies  named  the  other  petitions  were  withdrawn.  The  bill 
accordingly  passed  by  a  large  majority,  about  250  to  50  ;  was 
carried  through  the  House  of  Lords,  without  difficulty,  on  the 
8th  of  March,  and  received  the  king's  sanction  on  the  22d. 

The  discussions  in  the  Commons,  though  the  numbers 
were  disproportioned,  was  very  animated.  The  ministerial 
speakers  were  Mr.  Grenville,  and  Charles  Townsend,  a  bril 
liant  orator,  just  then  in  the  prime  of  his  faculties,  and  with  a 
growing  reputation.  Mr.  Pitt  was  absent,  confined  to  his  bed 
by  sickness.  The  friends  of  the  colonies  were  Col.  Barre, 
Alderman  Beckford,  Mr.  Jackson,  and  Sir  William  Meredith. 
Col.  Barre  and  Alderman  Beckford  were  the  only  speakers 
who  denied  the  right  of  Great  Britain  to  tax  the  colonies  for 
revenue.  The  others  relied  on  the  danger,  injustice,  and 
inexpediency. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate,  Mr.  Townsend  ended  a  long 
speech  on  the  side  of  the  minister,  in  the  following  words : 
"And  now  will  these  Americans,  children  planted  by  our 
care,  nourished  by  our  indulgence,  till  they  are  grown  to  a 
degree  of  strength  and  opulence,  and  protected  by  our  arms, 
will  they  grudge  to  contribute  their  mite  to  relieve  us  from 
the  heavy  weight  of  that  burden  which  we  lie  under?" 

Col.  Barre,  a  distinguished  officer  and  member  of  parlia-* 
ment,  fired  with  a  generous  indignation,  caught  up  these 
words,  and  on  the  instant  uttered  that  eloquent  retort,  which, 
with  his  other  efforts  in  behalf  of  American  liberty,  has 
made  his  name  dear  to  every  American  heart. 

"  They  planted  by  your  care! — No,  your  oppression  planted 
them  in  America.  They  fled  from  a  tyranny  to  a  then  un 
cultivated  and  inhospitable  country,  where  they  exposed 
themselves  to  almost  all  the  hardships  to  which  human 
nature  is  liable  ;  and  among  others  to  the  cruelty  of  a  savage 
foe  the  most  subtle,  and  I  will  take  upon  me  to  say,  the  most 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  59 

formidable  of  any  people  upon  the  face  of  the  earth ;  and 
yet,  actuated  by  principles  of  true  English  liberty,  they  met 
all  hardships  with  pleasure,  compared  with  those  they  suf 
fered  in  their  own  country,  from  the  hands  of  those  that 
should  have  been  their  friends. 

They  nourished  up  by  your  indulgence! — They  grew  up  by 
your  neglect  of  them.  As  soon  us  you  began  to  care  about 
them,  that  care  was  exercised  in  sending  persons  to  rule 
them  in  one  department  and  in  another,  who  were,  perhaps, 
the  deputies  of  deputies  to  some  members  of  this  House,  sent 
to  spy  out  their  liberties,  to  misrepresent  their  actions,  and 
to  prey  upon  them. — Men  whose  behaviour  on  many  occa 
sions,  has  caused  the  blood  of  these  sons  of  liberty  to  recoil 
within  them. — Men  who,  promoted  to  the  highest  seats  of 
justice,  some,  who,  to  my  knowledge,  were  glad,  by  going 
to  a  foreign  country,  to  escape  being  brought  to  the  bar  of 
a  court  of  justice  in  their  own. 

They  protected  by  your  arms ! — They  have  nobly  taken  up 
arms  in  your  defence,  have  exerted  a  valour,  amidst  their 
constant  and  laborious  industry,  for  the  defence  of  a  country 
whose  frontier  was  drenched  in  blood,  while  its  interior  parts 
yielded  all  its  little  savings  to  your  emolument.  And  believe 
me,  remember  I  this  day  told  you  so,  that  same  spirit  of 
freedom  which  actuated  that  people  at  first  will  accompany 
them  still :  but  prudence  forbids  me  to  explain  myself  further. 
God  knows,  I  do  not  at  this  time  speak  from  any  motives  of 
party  heat ;  what  I  deliver  are  the  genuine  sentiments  of  my 
heart.  However  superior  to  me  in  general  knowledge  and 
experience  the  respectable  body  of  this  House  may  be,  yet 
I  claim  to  know  more  of  America  than  most  of  you,  having 
seen  and  been  conversant  in  that  country.  The  people,  I 
believe,  are  as  truly  loyal  as  any  subjects  the  king  has,  but 
a  people  jealous  of  their  liberties,  arid  who  will  vindicate 
them,  if  ever  they  should  be  violated;  but  the  subject  is  too 
delicate — I  will  say  no  more." 

This  gallant  and  vehement  address  produced  a  deep 
silence,  and  was  left  unanswered.  It  produced  no  change 
in  the  course  of  ministers,  though  the  sensation  it  excited  at 
the  time  was  great ;  and  it  was  long  after  remembered  as  a 
prophetic  warning  of  the  consequences  of  ministerial  rashness. 

The  preamble  of  this  celebrated  act  purports  to  be  a  con 
tinuation  of  the  molasses  act,  and  recites — -that  whereas,  in 
the  previous  session  of  parliament,  "duties  had  been  de- 


60  HISTORY   OF   THE 

manded,  continued,  and  appropriated  towards  defraying  the 
expenses  of  defending,  protecting,  and  securing  the  British 
colonies  and  plantations  in  America," — and  whereas,  it  is 
necessary  "to  raise  a  farther  revenue  in  America,"  therefore 
the  "  Commons  of  Great  Britain"  &c.  do  "give  and  grant" 
the  enumerated  stamp  duties.  The  phraseology  deserves 
notice,  as  containing  in  its  very  terms,  an  argument  against 
the  equity  of  the  act.  It  is  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain 
giving  away  the  property  of  the  Commons  of  America.  This 
was  strongly  urged  in  an  argument  by  Mr.  Pitt,  an  extract 
from  which,  though  it  was  not  delivered  until  the  next  year, 
is  introduced  here,  as  a  forcible  comment  on  the  title  of  this 
extraordinary  act 

"  This  House  represents  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain. 
When  in  this  House  we  give  and  grant,  therefore,  we  give 
and  grant  what  is  our  own,  but  can  we  give  and  grant  the, 
property  of  the  Commons  of  Jlmerica  1  It  is  an  absurdity  in 
terms.  There  is  an  idea  in  some,  that  the  Colonies  are 
virtually  represented  in  this  House.  I  would  fain  know  by 
whom  1  The  idea  of  virtual  representation  is  the  most  con* 
temptible  that  ever  entered  into  the  head  of  man  :  it  does  not 
deserve  a  serious  refutation.  The  Commons  in  America, 
represented  in  their  several  Assemblies,  have  invariably 
exercised  this  constitutional  right  of  giving  and  granting  their 
own  money ;  they  would  have  been  slaves  if  they  had  not 
enjoyed  it.  At  the  same  time  the  kingdom  has  ever  pro 
fessed  the  power  of  legislative  and  commercial  control.  The 
Colonies  acknowledge  your  authority  in  all  things,  with  the 
sole  exception  that  you  shall  not  take  their  money  out  of 
their  pockets  without  their  consent.  Here  would  I  draw  the 
line — quam  ultra  citraque  nequit  consistere  rectum" 

With  the  stamp  act,  and  during  the  same  session,  the 
ministry,  as  if  anticipating  the  necessity  of  supporting  their 
pretensions  to  supremacy  by  force,  passed  another  act  for 
quartering  troops  in  America,  and  requiring  the  inhabitants 
to  furnish  them  with  quarters  and  supplies.  As  a  proof  of 
the  insolence  of  tyranny  with  which  some  of  its  provisions 
were  originally  conceived,  it  may  be  stated,  that  in  the 
draught  of  the  bill,  a  clause  was  inserted  for  quartering  them 
in  private  houses.  This  was  rejected  in  the  course  of  its 
passage,  but  the  fact  remains  as  a  powerful  commentary  upon 
the  extremes  of  violence  to  which  the  British  ministers  were 
prepared  to  rush  at  once,  before  any  proceedings  were  held 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  61 

in  America)  to  secure  the  subjection  of  the  colonists  to  their 
exactions. 

The  night  after  the  passage  of  the  stamp  act,  Franklin 
wrote  from  London  to  his  friend  Charles  Thompson,  after 
wards  the  Secretary  of  Congress — "The  Sun  of  Liberty  is 
set:  the  Americans  must  light  up  the  lamps  of  industry  and 
economy."  The  heroism  of  the  revolution  spoke  in  Mr. 
Thompson's  pithy  answer — "  Be  assured  we  shall  light  up 
torches  of  quite  another  sort." 

The  intelligence  of  the  final  passage  of  these  acts,  pro 
duced,  as  was  anticipated,  a  great  sensation  throughout  Ame 
rica.  The  gloomy  apprehensions,  which  had  prevailed  so 
widely  under  the  recent  policy  of  Great  Britain,  in  regard  to 
the  Colonies,  was  deepened  into  feelings  approaching  to  des 
peration.  They  saw  in  it  a  vital  attack  upon  their  liberty 
and  property,  evidently  in  accordance  with  a  system  of  hos 
tility  to  the  rights  which  they  cherished  most  dearly,  by  a 
powerful  but  unnatural  parent,  against  whom  they  knew  no 
modes  of  defence,  and  entertained  no  hopes,  even  where  they 
ventured  upon  such  contemplations  for  the  future,  of  being 
able  to  make  any  efficient  resistance.  Resentment,  alarm, 
indignation  and  doubt,  were  at  first  universal.  That  it  was 
impossible  to  submit  quietly  to  such  tyrannical  pretensions — 
that,  thenceforth,  there  was  no  security  for  any  of  their  char 
tered  privileges,  or  natural  rights,  was  obvious  to  every  capa 
city.  The  discussions  of  the  preceding  twelve  months,  in 
which  the  doctrine  of  British  supremacy  had  been  sharply 
discussed,  in  every  form  of  argument,  throughout  the  Colo 
nies,  had  prepared  the  whole  continent  to  understand  the 
nature  of  the  principles  involved  in  it,  and  see  all  their  ten- 
'dencies.  Few,  however,  were  prepared  for  any  precise  line 
of  conduct;  few  thought  of  any  concerted  movement  of  re 
sistance  ;  and  force  was,  as  yet,  thought  of  by  none. 

On  this  occasion,  as  on  that  of  the  stamp  resolutions,  the 
course  of  the  ministry  in  postponing  the  operation  of  their 
measures,  favored  the  cause  of  the  colonists.  More  than 
twelve  months  notice  of  the  intention  to  raise  an  American 
revenue,  had  given  them  time  to  concentrate  public  opinion 
against  the  principle ;  and  the  deferring  of  the  measure 
itself  after  its  enactment,  until  the  ensuing  November,  afforded 
them  a  like  opportunity  to  recover  from  the  first  shock  of 
the  infliction  ;  to  unite  public  sentiment ;  and  take  measures 
in  common  for  concerted  action. 
F 


62  HISTORY  OF    THE 

The  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  was  in  session,  when 
the  intelligence  was  received  from  England.  They  had,  in 
consequence,  the  distinguished  honor  of  being  the  first  public 
body  to  proclaim  the  rights  of  America  against  the  despotic 
doctrines  of  the  stamp  act.  To  their  bold  attitude,  and  firm 
language,  is  undoubtedly  due  much  of  the  consistency  of 
action  which  marked  the  proceedings  of  the  Colonies  during 
the  ensuing  year ;  and  they  accordingly  occupy  a  large  space 
among  the  immediate  events  preceding  the  revolution.  In 
estimating  the  value  of  these  measures,  and  the  reputation 
of  the  distinguished  patriots  who  acted  in  them,  the  first  place 
in  honor  is  due  to  Patrick  Henry,  who  moved,  defended, 
and  carried  them,  with  an  overpowering  eloquence,  of  which 
tradition  speaks  in  language  of  the  loftiest  enthusiasm.  Mr. 
Jefferson  bore  his  testimony  to  this  fact,  in  the  emphatic  de 
claration,  that  "Henry  gave  the  first  impulse  to  the  ball  of  the 
revolution." 

His  resolutions  were  offered  near  the  close  of  the  session, 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  month  of  May,  without  consultation 
with  more  than  two  members.  After  a  vehement,  and 
I  what  Mr.  Jefferson  termed  a  '  bloody'  debate,  they 
|  were  carried  by  a  small  majority.  We  transcribe 
them  below,  as  they  were  found  sealed  up  in  the  handwri 
ting  of  Mr.  Henry,  by  his  executors.  Other  copies,  varying 
from  these,  have  been  published,  but  they  are  believed  to  be 
the  resolutions  as  afterwards  revised  and  modified  by  the  timid 
party  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  on  the  second  day,  after  Mr. 
Henry  had  gone  home.  The  original  resolutions,  as  moved 
and  carried,  were  these — the  fifth  of  which,  it  may  be  noted, 
was  that  which,  by  its  fearless  denunciation  of  an  act  of  par 
liament,  formally  passed  with  all  the  sanctions  of  law,  most 
alarmed  the  irresolute,  and  the  adherents  to  Britain. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  this, 
his  majesty's  colony  and  dominion,  brought  with  them,  and 
transmitted  to  their  posterity,  and  all  other  of  his  majesty's 
subjects,  since  inhabiting  in  this  his  majesty's  said  colony, 
all  the  privileges,  franchises,  and  immunities,  that  have  been 
at  any  time  held,  enjoyed,  and  possessed,  by  the  people  of 
Great  Britain. 

"Resolved,  That  by  two  royal  charters,  granted  by  King 
James  the  First,  the  colonists  aforesaid,  are  declared  entitled 
to  all  the  priyileges,  liberties,  and  immunities,  of  denizens 
and  natural  born  subjects,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  63 

they  had  been  abiding  and  born  within  the  realm  of 
England.  1 

"  Resolved,  That  the  taxation  of  the  people  by  themselves, 
or  by  persons  chosen  by  themselves  to  represent  them,  who 
can  only  know  what  taxes  the  people  are  able  to  bear,  and 
the  easiest  mode  of  raising  them,  and  are  equally  affected 
by  such  taxes  themselves,  .is  the  distinguishing  characteristic 
of  British  freedom,  and  without  which  the  ancient  constitu 
tion  cannot  subsist. 

"  Resolved,  That  his  majesty's  liege  people  of  this  most  an 
cient  colony,  have  uninterruptedly  enjoyed  the  right  of  being 
thus  governed  by  their  own  assembly  in  the  article  of  their 
taxes  and  internal  police,  and  the  same  hath  never  been  for 
feited,  or  any  other  way  given  up,  but  hath  been  constantly 
recognized  by  the  King  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

"Resolved,  therefore,  That  the  general  assembly  of  this 
colony  have  the  sole  right  and  power  to  lay  taxes  and  impo 
sitions  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony;  and  that  every 
attempt  to  vest  such  power  in  any  person  or  persons  whatso 
ever,  other  than  the  general  assembly  aforesaid,  has  a  manifest 
tendency  to  destroy  British  as  well  as  American  freedom." 

Two  other  resolutions  were  offered  by  Mr.  Henry,  and  re 
jected  as  of  too  audacious  a  character,  in  the  then  estimate  of 
the  Americans,  to  be  admitted.  They  asserted  that  the  peo 
ple  of  the  colony  were  "  not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to  any 
law  or  ordinance  whatsoever,"  designed  to  impose  taxation 
upon  them,  other  than  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the  general 
assembly  ;  and  that  any  person  who  "by  writing  or  speak 
ing"  should  maintain  the  contrary,  should  be  deemed  "an 
enemy  "  to  the  colonies.  Though  these  were  disagreed  to  by 
the  House  of  Burgesses,  they  were  circulated  in  manuscript 
copies,  and  published  in  the  papers  of  other  colonies,  as  part 
of  the  resolutions  adopted. 

It  was  in  the  heat  of  the  discussion  in  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses,  while  denouncing  in  unmeasured  terms  the  tyranny  of 
the  British  government,  that  Henry  showed  that  celebrated 
example  of  presence  of  mind  and  promptitude  in  debate. 
Transported  by  the  fervor  of  his  zeal  beyond  the  bounds  of 
prudence,  he  exclaimed,  "Csesar  had  his  Brutus,  Charles 
the  First  his  Cromwell,  and  George  the  Third" — "Treason, 
treason,''  resounded  from  all  parts  of  the  house  ; — but,  without 
pausing  or  quailing  for  a  moment,  he  continued,  "  may  profit 
bv  their  example.  If  this  be  treason,  make  your  most  of  it." 


64  HISTORY   OF   THE 

On  the  next  day,  in  the  absence  of  Henry,  the  vote  was 
re-considered,  and  the  fifth  resolution  rescinded — but  the 
whole  went  abroad  together  to  stimulate  the  spirits,  and  rally 
the  resolution  of  the  people,  everywhere  throughout  Ame 
rica.  Other  legislatures  followed  the  example.  That  of  Mas 
sachusetts  in  particular,  had  moved  with  a  kindred  spirit, 
before  they  received  intelligence  of  the  Virginia  resolutions, 
and  had  taken  the  further  decisive  step  of  proposing  a  con 
sultation  of  all  the  colonies,  in  a  congress  of  deputies,  to  meet 
in  the  ensuing  October,  a  few  weeks  previous  to  the  day  ap 
pointed  for  the  stamp  act  to  go  into  operation.  A  circular  let 
ter  was  agreed  upon,  and  addressed  to  the  several  speakers  of 
6th  the  legislatures  of  all  the  other  colonies,  and  a  com 
mittee  to  represent  Massachusetts  selected  forthwith. 
South  Carolina  was  the  first  to  assent  to  the  measure.  Com 
missioners  were  successively  appointed  from  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland. 
Each  of  these  provinces  passed  resolutions,  and  gave  instruc 
tions  to  their  commissioners,  avowing  and  insisting  upon  the 
same  doctrines,  which  were  afterwards  incorporated  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  illustrious  stamp  act  congress.  The  as 
semblies  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  had  been  prorogued, 
and  had,  in  consequence,  no  opportunity  to  act  before  the 
time  of  meeting.  Georgia  and  New  Hampshire  declined 
sending  agents,  but  gave  assurances  of  their  willingness  to 
join  in  the  proposed  petitions  and  remonstrances.  The  New- 
York  legislature  had  been  prorogued ;  but  the  committee  of 
correspondence,  appointed  the  preceding  year  on  the  stamp 
act  resolutions,  assumed  the  responsibility  of  attending  on 
behalf  of  the  province — and  their  authority  was  confirmed  by 
the  next  legislature.  In  Delaware,  the  assembly  met  before 
the  regular  period,  and  unanimously  selected  three  of  their 
own  number  to  represent  the  colony. 

While  these  proceedings  were  going  on,  under  the  sanc 
tion  of  the  colonial  legislatures,  the  popular  feeling  against 
the  stamp  act  was  continually  growing  more  violent,  and  was 
manifested  in  their  primary  meetings  in  the  strongest  terms, 
and  sometimes  with  disorderly  acts.  Town  and  county  meet 
ings  were  summoned  in  every  colony;  at  which  inflamma 
tory  speeches  were  made,  and  angry  resolutions  adopted. 
Committees  of  correspondence  were  established.  Associa 
tions  and  clubs,  for  political  discussion  and  mutual  aid,  were 
formed — and,  in  some  cases,  still  more  active  means  were 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  65 

taken  to  manifest  hostility  to  the  act,  and  a]l  that  favored  it; 
the  authorities  were  insulted,  and  hanged  and  burnt  in  effigy : 
the  persons  and  houses  of  the  adherents  to  the  act,  molested ; 
social  relations  with  them,  were  in  many  places  suspended 
totally,  or  in  part;  and  in  all  directions  every  measure  was  taken 
to  keep  up  and  aggravate  the  popular  discontent.  The  news 
papers  that  at  first  had  spoken  cautiously  and  despondingly, 
took  up  by  degrees  a  bolder  tone,  and  became  zealous,  dar 
ing,  and  efficient ;  urging  the  strongest  measures  with  most 
spirited  language.  Placards,  handbills,  pasquinades,  and  car 
icatures,  abounded  ;  and  in  a  few  months  the  effervescence 
was  universal — pervading,  with  few  exceptions,  the  whole 
continent.  A  few  of  the  popular  movements,  selected  from 
thousands  with  which  the  annals  of  those  times  abound,  will 
serve  to  show  the  temper  of  the  colonies.  The  instructions 
of  the  town  of  Plymouth  to  their  representative  in  the  gene 
ral  court,  deserve,  in  an  especial  manner,  to  be  recorded. 
Plymouth  was  the  first  landing-place  of  the  pilgrim  settlers 
of  New  England  ;  and  speaking  almost  from  the  very  rock 
on  which  they  first  trod,  when  they  brought  the  image  of  lib 
erty  from  enslaved  Europe  to  set  it  up  for  worship  in  the 
wilderness,  their  descendants,  assembled  in  town  meeting, 
thus  addressed  their  agent,  in  a  language  of  becoming  digni 
ty  and  lofty  independence.  "  This  place,  sir,  was  at  first  the 
asylum  of  liberty,  and  we  hope,  will  ever  be  preserved  sa 
cred  to  it,  though  it  was  then  no  more  than  a  barren  wilder 
ness,  inhabited  only  by  savage  men  and  beasts.  To  this 
place  our  fathers,  (whose  memories  be  revered,)  possessed 
of  the  principles  of  liberty  in  their  purity,  disdained  slavery, 
fled  to  enjoy  those  privileges,  which  they  had  an  undoubted 
right  to,  but  were  deprived,  by  the  hands  of  violence  and  op 
pression,  in  their  native  country.  We,  sir,  their  posterity, 
the  freeholders,  and  other  inhabitants  of  this  town,  legally 
assembled  for  that  purpose  ;  possessed  of  the  same  senti 
ments,  and  retaining  the  same  ardor  for  liberty,  think  it  our 
indispensable  duty,  on  this  occasion,  to  express  to  you  these 
our  sentiments  of  the  stamp  act,  and  its  fatal  consequences 
to  this  country,  and  to  enjoin  upon  you,  as  you  regard  not 
only  the  welfare,  but  the  very  being  of  this  people,  that  you, 
(consistent  with  our  allegiance  to  the  King,  and  relation  to 
the  government  of  Great  Britain)  disregarding  all  proposals 
for  that  purpose,  exert  all  your  power  and  influence  in  op 
position  to  the  stamp  act.  at  least  till  we  hear  the  success  of 


66  HISTORY   OF    THE 

our  petitions  for  relief.  We  likewise,  to  avoid  disgracing  the 
memories  of  our  ancestors,  as  well  as  the  reproaches  of  our 
own  consciences,  and  the  curses  of  posterity,  recommend  it 
to  you,  to  obtain,  if  possible,  in  the  honourable  house  of  re 
presentatives  of  this  Province,  a  full  and  explicit  assertion  of 
our  rights,  and  to  have  the  same  entered  on  their  public  re 
cords,  that  all  generations  yet  to  come,  may  be  convinced, 
that  we  have  not  only  a  just  sense  of  our  rights  and  liberties, 
but  that  we  never,  with  submission  to  Divine  Providence,  will 
be  slaves  to  any  power  on  earth." 

The  resolutions  of  the  people  of  Providence,  were  in  like 
tone  of  energy  and  determination.  They  adopted  all  the 
Virginia  resolutions,  except  the  last ;  for  which  they  substi 
tuted  the  stronger  declarations,  that  had  been  considered 
three  months  before,  by  the  Virginia  assembly,  too  bold  for 
them  to  assent  to.  They  pronounced  the  stamp  act  not  only 
to  be  "  unconstitutional,  and  to  have  a  manifest  tendency  to 
destroy  British  as  well  as  American  liberty,"  but  that  they 
"were  not  bound  to  yield  to  any  law  or  ordinance,  designed 
to  impose  any  internal  taxation  whatsoever  upon  them,  other 
than  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the  general  assembly." 
The  assembly  adopted  the  whole  of  these  popular  resolutions, 
and  added  another  still  more  energetic,  directing  all  officers 
to  proceed  in  the  execution  of  their  offices  as  usual,  not 
withstanding  the  stamp  act ;  and  pledging  the  assembly  to 
"indemnify  them,  and  keep  them  harmless,"  in  such  a  course 
of  conduct. 

One  instance  of  the  acrimony  to  which  hostility  against 
the  domestic  favorers  of  Great  Britain  was  carried,  may  be 
furnished  as  an  example  of  the  rest.  Many  such  may  be 
found  in  the  records  of  the  day.  The  people  of  Talbot  coun 
ty,  in  Maryland,  resolved,  in  addition  to  a  general  expression 
of  hatred  to  the  stamp  act,  that  they  would  "detest,  abhor, 
and  hold  in  contempt,  all  and  every  person  and  persons,  who 
shall  merely  accept  of  any  employment  or  office  relating  to 
the  stamp  act,  or  shall  take  any  shelter  or  advantage  of  the 
same,  and  all  and  every  stamp-pimp,  informer,  and  encour- 
ager  of  the  execution  of  the  said  act ;"  and  would  have  "  no 
communication  with  any  such  persons,  unless  it  be  to  in 
form  them  cf  their  vileness." 

In  some  places  the  disaffection  and  excitement  broke  out 
into  tumultuous  violence.  In  August,  several  riots  occurred 
in  the  town  of  Boston,  in  which  much  valuable  property 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  67 

was  destroyed,  notwithstanding  the  earnest  efforts  of  the 
great  body  of  the  citizens  to  discountenance  and  repress 
them.  The  effigy  of  Oliver,  the  proposed  distributer  of 
stamps,  was  publicly  gibbeted  in  the  streets  of  the  town,  on 
an  elm-tree,  afterwards  known  as  "Liberty  Tree."  His  of 
fice  was  torn  down,  his  house  mobbed,  and  great  injury  done 
to  his  furniture.  He  was  compelled  to  decline  the  appoint 
ment,  and  forced,  some  time  after,  to  repeat  the  pledge  publicly 
at  the  foot  of  the  tree.  The  rabble,  soon  after,  broke  into 
and  plundered  the  houses  of  the  collector  of  the  Customs, 
and  Governor  Hutchinson,  the  latter  of  which  was  destroy 
ed,  a  large  sum  of  money  purloined  or  destroyed,  and  much 
costly  property,  and  many  valuable  papers  lost.  The  peo 
ple  met,  and  took  energetic  measures  to  detect  the  perpetra 
tors  of  these  outrages — offering  large  rewards  for  their  appre 
hension. 

Later  in  the  same  month,  a  Gazette  extraordinary  was 
published  in  the  town  of  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  with  the 
motto,  in  large  letters,  "  Vox  Populi,  Vox  Dei" — and  an  in 
scription  beneath, — "  Where  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there 
is  liberty.  St.  Paul."  Riots  followed — effigies  of  the  stamp 
collectors,  and  those  who  favored  Britain,  were  hung  and 
burnt — and  in  Newport  the  house  of -one  of  them  destroyed, 
in  the  popular  fury.  In  New- York,  the  act  was  contemptu 
ously  cried  about  the  streets,  as  "The  folly  of  England,  and 
the  ruin  of  America."  The  house  of  Lieutenant  Governor 
Golden  was  beset,  his  stable  broken  open,  his  carriage  seized, 
an  effigy  put  in  it,  and  paraded  through  the  streets — and  the 
whole  ourrit  together  at  the  doors  of  the  Government  House. 
The  stamp  distributor  resigned,  and  the  stamp  papers  were 
seized  and  destroyed. 

When  the  vessels  carrying  the  stamp  paper  approached 
Philadelphia,  the  vessels  in  the  harbor  hoisted  flags  at  half 
mast,  and  the  bells  were  muffled  and  tolled,  as  for  a  public 
calamity.  The  people  exacted  a  pledge  from  the  stamp  dis 
tributer,  not  to  execute  his  office.  The  stamp  distributor  in 
Maryland,  fled  from  the  demands  of  the  people  to  New- 
York,  and  thence  to  Long  Island,  but  was  followed  up  perse- 
veringly,  and  forced  to  make  his  renunciation  under  oath  be 
fore  a  magistrate.  In  Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire,  the 
stamp  officers  also  resigned  ;  and  everywhere,  except  in 
South  Carolina,  the  governors  of  the  provinces  were  com 
pelled  to  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  for- 


66  HISTORY    OF    THE 

our  petitions  for  relief.  We  likewise,  to  avoid  disgracing  the 
memories  of  our  ancestors,  as  well  as  the  reproaches  of  our 
own  consciences,  and  the  curses  of  posterity,  recommend  it 
to  you,  to  obtain,  if  possible,  in  the  honourable  house  of  re 
presentatives  of  this  Province,  a  full  and  explicit  assertion  of 
our  rights,  and  to  have  the  same  entered  on  their  public  re 
cords,  that  all  generations  yet  to  come,  may  be  convinced, 
that  we  have  not  only  a  just  sense  of  our  rights  and  liberties, 
but  that  we  never,  with  submission  to  Divine  Providence,  will 
be  slaves  to  any  power  on  earth." 

The  resolutions  of  the  people  of  Providence,  were  in  like 
tone  of  energy  and  determination.  They  adopted  all  the 
Virginia  resolutions,  except  the  last ;  for  which  they  substi 
tuted  the  stronger  declarations,  that  had  been  considered 
three  months  before,  by  the  Virginia  assembly,  too  bold  for 
them  to  assent  to.  They  pronounced  the  stamp  act  not  only 
to  be  "  unconstitutional,  and  to  have  a  manifest  tendency  to 
destroy  British  as  well  as  American  liberty,"  but  that  they 
"were  not  bound  to  yield  to  any  law  or  ordinance,  designed 
to  impose  any  internal  taxation  whatsoever  upon  them,  other 
than  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the  general  assembly." 
The  assembly  adopted  the  whole  of  these  popular  resolutions, 
and  added  another  still  more  energetic,  directing  all  officers 
to  proceed  in  the  execution  of  their  offices  as  usual,  not 
withstanding  the  stamp  act ;  and  pledging  the  assembly  to 
"indemnify  them,  and  keep  them  harmless,"  in  such  a  course 
of  conduct. 

One  instance  of  the  acrimony  to  which  hostility  against 
the  domestic  favorers  of  Great  Britain  was  carried,  may  be 
furnished  as  an  example  of  the  rest.  Many  such  may  be 
found  in  the  records  of  the  day.  The  people  of  Talbot  coun 
ty,  in  Maryland,  resolved,  in  addition  to  a  general  expression 
of  hatred  to  the  stamp  act,  that  they  would  "detest,  abhor, 
and  hold  in  contempt,  all  and  every  person  and  persons,  who 
shall  merely  accept  of  any  employment  or  office  relating  to 
the  stamp  act,  or  shall  take  any  shelter  or  advantage  of  the 
same,  and  all  and  every  stamp-pimp,  informer,  and  encour- 
ager  of  the  execution  of  the  said  act ;"  and  would  have  "  no 
communication  with  any  such  persons,  unless  it  be  to  in 
form  them  cf  their  vileness." 

In  some  places  the  disaffection  and  excitement  broke  out 
into  tumultuous  violence.  In  August,  several  riots  occurred 
in  the  town  of  Boston,  in  which  much  valuable  property 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  67 

was  destroyed,  notwithstanding  the  earnest  efforts  of  the 
great  body  of  the  citizens  to  discountenance  and  repress 
them.  The  effigy  of  Oliver,  the  proposed  distributer  of 
stamps,  was  publicly  gibbeted  in  the  streets  of  the  town,  on 
an  elm-tree,  afterwards  known  as  "Liberty  Tree."  His  of 
fice  was  torn  down,  his  house  mobbed,  and  great  injury  done 
to  his  furniture.  He  was  compelled  to  decline  the  appoint 
ment,  and  forced,  some  time  after,  to  repeat  the  pledge  publicly 
at  the  foot  of  the  tree.  The  rabble,  soon  after,  broke  into 
and  plundered  the  houses  of  the  collector  of  the  Customs, 
and  Governor  Hutchinson,  the  latter  of  which  was  destroy 
ed,  a  large  sum  of  money  purloined  or  destroyed,  and  much 
costly  property,  and  many  valuable  papers  lost.  The  peo 
ple  met,  and  took  energetic  measures  to  detect  the  perpetra 
tors  of  these  outrages — offering  large  rewards  for  their  appre 
hension. 

Later  in  the  same  month,  a  Gazette  extraordinary  was 
published  in  the  town  of  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  with  the 
motto,  in  large  letters,  "  Vox  Populi,  Vox  Dei" — and  an  in 
scription  beneath, — "  Where  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there 
is  liberty.  St.  PauL"  Riots  followed — effigies  of  the  stamp 
collectors,  and  those  wrho  favored  Britain,  were  hung  and 
burnt — and  in  Newport  the  house  of  one  of  them  destroyed, 
in  the  popular  fury.  In  New- York,  the  act  was  contemptu 
ously  cried  about  the  streets,  as  "The  folly  of  England,  and 
the  ruin  of  America."  The  house  of  Lieutenant  Governor 
Golden  was  beset,  his  stable  broken  open,  his  carriage  seized, 
an  effigy  put  in  it,  and  paraded  through  the  streets — and  the 
whole  ournt  together  at  the  doors  of  the  Government  House. 
The  stamp  distributor  resigned,  and  the  stamp  papers  were 
seized  and  destroyed. 

When  the  vessels  carrying  the  stamp  paper  approached 
Philadelphia,  the  vessels  in  the  harbor  hoisted  flags  at  half 
mast,  and  the  bells  were  muffled  and  tolled,  as  for  a  public 
calamity.  The  people  exacted  a  pledge  from  the  stamp  dis 
tributer,  not  to  execute  his  office.  The  stamp  distributor  in 
Maryland,  fled  from  the  demands  of  the  people  to  New- 
York,  and  thence  to  Long  Island,  but  was  followed  up  perse- 
veringly,  and  forced  to  make  his  renunciation  under  oath  be 
fore  a  magistrate.  In  Connecticut  and  Newr  Hampshire,  the 
stamp  officers  also  resigned ;  and  everywhere,  except  in 
South  Carolina,  the  governors  of  the  provinces  were  com 
pelled  to  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  for- 


68  HISTORY    OF    THE 

bore  insisting  upon  the  law.  From  Massachusetts  to  Geor 
gia,  the  measures  of  the  people  thus  determined  and  excited, 
made  the  enforcement  of  the  stamp  act  totally  impracticable, 
before  it  went  legally  into  operation.  A  person  high  in 
office  in  New- York,  wrote  home  to  England  in  November  of 
that  year  :  "  Depend  upon  it,  they  (the  Americans)  will  suf 
fer  no  man  to  execute  any  law  to  raise  internal  taxes,  unim- 
posed  by  their  own  assemblies.  None  of  the  distributors 
durst  act ;  and  that  man's  heart  must  be  fortified  with  ten 
fold  steel,  who  ventures  to  approve  the  doctrine,  that  parlia 
ment  has  a  right  to  give  away  the  estates  of  the  colonists, 
witho-it  their  consent." 

In  the  midst  of  these  excitements,  which  were  still  in 
creasing  in  violence,  the  stamp  act  congress  met  at  New- 
York  on  the  second  Tuesday  in  October.  Nine  colonies 
were  represented  by  twenty-eight  deputies.  There  were, — 
from  Massachusetts,  James  Otis,  Oliver  Partridge,  and  Timo 
thy  Ruggles  ;  from  Rhode  Island,  Metcalf  Bowler,  and  Henry 
Ward ;  from  Connecticut,  Eliphalet  Dyer,  David  Rowland, 
and  William  S.  Johnson ;  from  New  York,  Robert  R.  Liv 
ingston,  John  Cruger,  Philip  Livingston,  William  Bayard,, 
and  Leonard  Lispenard ;  from  New  Jersey,  Robert  Ogden, 
Hendrick  Fisher,  and  Joseph  Berden  ;  from  Pennsylvania, 
John  Dickinson,  John  Morton,  and  George  Bryan  ;  from 
Delaware,  Thomas  McKean,  and  Csesar  Rodney ;  from  Ma 
ryland,  William  Murdock,  Edward  Tilghman,  and  Thomas 
Ringgokl ;  and  from  South  Carolina,  Thomas  Lynch,  Chris 
topher  Gadsden,  and  John  Rutledge. 

It  was  voted  that  each  colony  be  entitled  to  one  voice,  in 
the  determining  of  questions ;  and  Mr.  Ruggles,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  was  chosen  to  preside. 

On  the  19th  of  October,  the  declaration  of  rights  and  griev 
ances  was  agreed  to.  It  consisted  of  fourteen  articles  ;  which, 
re-affirmed,  in  substance,  the  doctrines  previously  contained 
in  the  resolutions  of  the  colonial  assembly,  that  the  colonists 
were  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and  liberties  of  natural  born 
subjects  ;  that  it  is  inseparable  from  freedom,  and  the  un 
doubted  right  of  Englishmen,  not  to  be  taxed  without  their 
own  consent,  or  that  of  their  representatives — that  the  colo 
nies  were  not,  and  could  not,  be  represented  in  Great  Bri 
tain,  but  were  only  represented  in  the  colonial  legislatures  ; 
which  alone  possessed  the  right,  and  had  exercised  it  to  that 
time  exclusively,  of  raising  money  from  them  by  internal 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  69 

taxation  ;  that  trial  by  jury,  is  the  "  inherent  and  invaluable 
right"  of  every  subject  in  the  colonies — and  that  the  stamp 
act,  and  other  acts  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  admiral 
ty  courts  beyond  the  ancient  limits,  had  "  a  manifest  tenden 
cy  to  subvert  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  colonists."  This 
declaration  was  followed  by  three  petitions,  addressed  seve 
rally  to  the  king  and  the  two  houses  of  parliament.  They 
were  drawn  up  with  singular  ability  and  scholarship — and, 
considering  the  temper  of  the  people,  with  great  prudence 
and  moderation,  but  with  inflexible  zeal  for  the  rights  of 
America.  They  were  approved  by  all  the  members  except 
Mr.  Ruggles,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Ogden,  of  New  Jer 
sey.  The  delegates  from  Connecticut  arid  South  Carolina, 
were  not  authorized  to  sign  them,  being  under  instructions  to 
report  to  their  respective  assemblies  ;  and  the  New- York  com-  . 
missioners  were  entirely  without  powers.  Six  colonies,  how 
ever,  signed ;  and  all  the  rest,  whether  represented  or  not, 
afterwards  approved  of  their  measures  adopted.  Congress 
completed  its  labors,  and  adjourned  on  25th  of  October,  one 
week  before  the  day  appointed  for  the  stamp  act  to  take 
effect. 

When  that  fatal  day  arrived,  so  thoroughly  had  the  popu 
lar  work  been  perfected,  that  no  stamp  paper 

.     ,       f        S    .       A        '  .  TI  i      i  u     '          ii       November,  1765. 

was  to  be  found  m  America.  It  had  been  all 
destroyed,  or  re-shipped  to  England.  There  were  no  stamp 
distributors  to  be  found,  all  having  thrown  up  their  appoint 
ments,  or  been  coerced  into  declining  to  act.  By  the  terms 
of  the  act,  therefore,  no  lawful  business  could  be  transacted 
in  America  ;  and,  for  some  time,  all  business  was  suspended. 
The  courts  were  closed  ;  marriages  ceased ;  the  publication  of 
newspapers  was  suspended ;  no  more  clearances  were  taken 
out  for  vessels  ;  transactions  between  commercial  men  stop 
ped  ;  all  engagements  and  associations  of  trade  were  arrested  ; 
and  all  the  social  and  mercantile  affairs  of  a  continent,  stag 
nated  at  once.  Such  a  remarkable  state  of  things,  could  not 
exist  long.  By  degrees,  things  resumed  their  usual  course  ; 
newspapers  were  issued  ;  licenses  of  all  kinds  granted ;  law 
and  business  papers,  written  on  unstamped  paper ;  and  the 
whole  machinery  of  society  went  on  as  before,  without 
regard  to  the  act  of  parliament. 

The  first  of  November  was,  nevertheless,  kept  as  a  day  of 
mourning  and  humiliation.  Shops  were  generally  shut;  the 
vessels  dressed  themselves  with  flags  at  half  mast,  as  for  the 


70  HISTORY    OF    THE 

death  of  public  freedom  ;  bells  were  muffled  and  tolled  as  for 
a  funeral ;  and,  in  the  evening,  bonfires  were  made,  and  ef 
figies  hung  and  burnt,  and  placards  distributed,  warning  the 
inhabitants  against  distributing  or  using  stamped  paper  ;  and 
every  thing  done  to  manifest  the  determined  hatred  of  the 
people  against  the  act,  its  authors  and  advocates.  In  New 
Hampshire,  these  exhibitions  of  feeling  were  accompanied 
by  a  curious  emblematic  ceremony.  The  bells  were  tolled 
generally,  as  for  the  dead  ;  and  the  people  invited  to  attend 
the  funeral  of  liberty.  A  coffin  was  prepared,  with  an  in 
scription,  "LIBERTY — AGED  CXLV."  ;  dating  from  the  land 
ing  at  Plymouth  in  1620 — minute  guns  were  fired — and  a 
solemn  oration  pronounced  over  the  deceased.  It  was  then 
announced,  that  signs  of  life  remained ;  the  coffin  was  rais 
ed  ;  the  inscription  changed  to  "  Liberty  REVIVED  ;"  and  the 
bells  rung  a  merry  peal,  as  a  token  of  triumphs  to  come. 

About  the  same  time,  the  assqciation  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty, 
which  had  existed  for  some  months,  assumed  an  extent  and 
importance,  which  had  vast  influence  on  after  events.  It 
was  originally  composed  of  citizens  of  Connecticut  and  New- 
York  ;  the  latter  of  whom,  on  the  7th  of  November,  held  a 
meeting,  at  which  it  was  determined  to  risk  life  and  fortune 
to  resist  the  stamp  act,  and  to  form  a  system  of  co-operation 
with  the  sons  of  liberty  in  other  colonies.  Notice  was  sent 
first  to  the  Connecticut  association  ;  and  articles  of  union  be 
tween  the  sons  of  liberty  in  two  provinces,  were  soon  after 
agreed  upon  and  signed.  In  these,  after  denouncing  the 
stamp  act,  as  a  flagrant  outrage  on  the  British  constitution, 
they  most  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to  march  with  their 
whole  force,  whenever  required,  at  their  own  proper  cost  and 
expense,  to  the  relief  of  all  who  should  be  in  danger  from 
the  stamp  act  or  its  abettors — to  be  vigilant  in  watching  for 
the  introduction  of  stamped  paper,  to  consider  all  who  were 
caught  in  introducing  it  as  betrayers  of  their  country,  and  to 
"bring  them,  if  possible,  to  condign  punishment,  whatever  may 
be  their  rank — to  defend  the  liberty  of  the  press  in  their  respec 
tive  colonies  from  all  violations  or  impediments  on  account 
of  the  said  act — to  save  all  judges,  attornies,  clerks  and 
others  from  fines,  penalties,  or  any  molestation  whatever,  who 
shall  proceed  in  their  respective  duties  without  regard  to  the 
stamp  act.  And  lastly,  they  pledged  themselves  to  use  their 
utmost  endeavors  to  bring  about  a  similar  union  with  all  the 
colonies  on  the  continent. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  71 

In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  circular  letters  were  addressed 
to  the  sons  of  liberty  in  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and 
southwardly  as  far  as  South  Carolina.  Everywhere  the 
scheme  was  received  with  enthusiasm  ;  and,  in  a  few  weeks, 
a  grand  colonial  alliance  of  voluntary  defenders  of  liberty, 
was  actively  in  operation  throughout  the  continent. 

A  method  of  resistance,  through  the  medium  of  associa 
tions,  still  more  efficient  because  retaliatory,  attacking  the 
pecuniary  interests  of  Great  Britain,  was  adopted  by  the 
merchants  of  New- York,  Boston,  and  Philadelphia.  They 
entered  into  reciprocal  engagements  with  each  other,  not 
only  to  order  no  more  goods  from  Great  Britain  until  the  act 
was  repealed,  and  to  withdraw  the  orders  already  given, 
which  should  not  be  executed  by  the  1st  of  January,  but  not  to 
receive  on  commission,  nor  permit  the  sale  of  English  mer 
chandize  shipped  after  that  date.  This  example  was  follow 
ed  by  similar  combinations  in  other  cities,  towns,  and  coun 
ties — and  the  same  principle  extended  itself  to  individuals 
and  families,  including  many  females.  They  denied  them 
selves  the  use  of  all  foreign  luxuries — all  imported  articles  of 
dress — forbade  the  killing  of  sheep,  in  order  to  secure  a  sup 
ply  of  wool — and  became  exclusively  manufacturers,  and 
consumers  of  domestic  goods.  Lawyers  too,  entered  exten 
sively  into  mutual  compacts,  to  prevent  the  bringing  of  any 
suit  for  an  inhabitant  of  England,  against  a  colonist. 

The  whole  face  of  affairs  in  America,  thus  changed  from 
despondence  and  submission,  to  firmness,  angry  preparation, 
and  resolute  determination  not  to  submit  to  the  acts  of  par 
liament,  levying  taxes. 

Accounts  of  these  proceedings  were  regularly  transmitted 
to  England,  where  they  were  received  with  resentment  and 
alarm.  In  the  mean  time,  important  changes  had  taken 
place  in  the  ministry  ;  brought  about,  in  some  degree,  by  the 
distress  which  began  to  be  felt  there,  from  the  non-importa 
tion  and  non-consumption  associations  of  the  Americans, 
which  contributed  to  the  unpopularity  of  Mr.  Grenville's  ad 
ministration.  It  was  finally  overthrown  in  July;  and  after 
an  effort  to  bring  Mr.  Pitt  into  power,  which  failed,  from  his 
disagreement  with  Lord  Temple,  a  new  ministry  was  form 
ed,  at  the  head  of  which  was  placed  the  marquis  of  Rock- 
ingham,  with  the  duke  of  Grafton,  and  General  Conway,  as 
Secretaries  of  State — the  latter  for  the  colonies.  This  ap 
pointment  was  very  agreeable  to  the  Americans,  Col.  Con- 


72  HISTORY   OF    THE 

way  having  been  an  ardent  opponent  to  the  whole  train  ot 
measures  against  them,  ending  with  the  sugar  and  stamp 
acts.  The  new  ministry,  however,  had  a  difficult  part.  They 
did  not  command  the  confidence  of  Mr.  Pitt  and  the  liberal 
party,  at  the  head  of  which  that  statesman  stood  in  the  coun 
try  ;  and  were  certain  of  the  exasperated  opposition  of  the 
high  prerogative  party,  and  the  friends  of  the  late  ministry, 
to  every  proposal  in  favor  of  the  Americans.  On  one  side, 
they  were  met  with  intelligence  of  alarming  disturbances 
and  disaffection  in  America,  bordering  upon  rebellion,  and 
goaded  into  a  vindication  of  the  laws  of  the  country — and, 
on  the  other,  were  assailed  with  loud  complaints  by  the 
manufacturing  and  trading  classes  of  England,  of  the  ruin 
which  threatened  them  from  a  perseverance  in  this  policy. 
By  the  resolute  refusal  of  the  American  merchants  to  take 
any  more  British  merchandize,  the  largest  market  for  it  was 
suddenly  lost ;  manufactures  were  at  a  stand ;  the  chief 
sources  of  commerce  were  cut  off;  the  laboring  population 
were  thrown,  to  a  great  extent,  out  of  employment ;  the 
price  of  provisions  was  raised,  and  the  currency  deranged  by 
the  failure  of  the  customary  remittances  from  the  colonies. 
In  this  posture  of  affairs,  the  ministry  managed  adroitly, 
until  the  ensuing  session  of  parliament — sending  soothing  let 
ters  to  the  principal  men  in  the  colonies — and,  without 
pledging  themselves  to  any  question  of  principle,  under 
taking,  in  general  terms,  to  redress  their  grievances.  Parlia 
ment  met  in  December ;  and,  early  in  the  session,  American 
affairs  were  brought  before  them  for  discussion  and  decision. 
The  American  papers,  relating  to  the  origin,  progress,  and 
I  tendency,  of  the  disturbances  in  the  colonies, 
I  were  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the 
14th  of  January  ;  and  the  28th  assigned  for  taking  them  into 
consideration.  During  the  progress  of  the  inquiry,  Dr.  Frank 
lin  was  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  house,  and  his  answers 
produced  a  great  impression.  To  the  question,  "  Do  you 
think  the  Americans  would  submit  to  the  stamp  duty,  if  it 
was  moderated  ?"  he  answered,  "  Never,  unless  compelled 
by  force  of  arms."  When  asked,  what  was  the  temper  of 
America  towards  Great  Britain,  before  the  year  1763?  he 
replied,  "The  best  in  the  world.  They  submitted  willingly 
to  the  government  of  the  crown ;  and  paid  in  their  courts 
obedience  to  the  acts  of  parliament.  Numerous  as  the  peo 
ple  are  in  the  several  old  provinces,  they  cost  you  nothing 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  73 

In  forts,  citadels,  garrisons,  and  armies,  to  keep  them  in  sub 
jection.  They  were  governed  by  this  country,  at  the  ex 
pense  only  of  a  little  pen,  ink,  and  paper — they  were  led  by 
a  thread.  They  had  not  only  a  respect,  but  an  affection  for 
Great  Britain — for  its  laws,  its  customs  and  manners,  and 
even  for  its  fondness  for  its  fashions,  which  greatly  increased 
the  commerce."  It  was  asked  of  him,  What  is  their  temper 
now  ? — to  which  he  answered  frankly,  "Very  much  alter 
ed.''  He  gave  it  as  his  judgment  of  the  opinion  of  the 
Americans,  on  the  nature  of  the  acts  in  question,  that  "every 
assembly  on  the  continent,  and  every  member  in  every 
assembly,  concurred  in  denying  the  right.'' 

The  policy  of  the  ministry  was  soon  after  settled.  They 
resolved  to  pursue  a  middle  course— to  repeal  the  stamp  act 
and  at  the  same  time  assert  the  power ; — to  give  up  the  tax  on 
the  ground  of  inexpediency  and  difficulty,  but  declare  the 
absolute  right  of  parliament  to  bind  the  colonies.  This  policy 
was  introduced  in  the  form  of  resolutions  ;  the  declarator}'  reso 
lutions  being  first  brought  in,  and  the  resolution  to  repeal  fol 
lowing  a  few  days  after.  Parties  shifted  on  the  debate.  Mr. 
Grenvjlle,  and  those  who  acted  with  him,  supported  the 
declaration,  and  resisted  the  repeal;  and  Pitt,  Lord  Camden, 
Col.  Barre,  and  their  friends,  sustained  the  repeal,  and  deny- 
ed  vehemently  the  whole  power  in  question.  In  the  course 
of  the  debate,  Mr.  Grenville  replying,  with  some  severity,  to 
a  speech  of  Mr.  Pitt,  said,  "The  seditious  spirit  of  the 
colonies  owes  its  birth  to  the  factions  in  this  house  ;;'  and  con 
cluded  with  charging  the  Americans  with  "  breaking  out,  al 
most  into  open  rebellion."  Mr.  Pitt's  reply  was  noble,  and 
is  known  almost  by  heart  by  every  American.  "  Sir,  (said 
he,  addressing  the  speaker.)  a  charge  is  brought  against  gen 
tlemen  sitting  in  this  house,  for  giving  birth  to  sedition  in 
America.  The  freedom  with  which  they  have  spoken  their 
sentiments  against  this  unhappy  ad,  is  imputed  to  them  as  a 
crime  ;  but  the  imputation  shall  not  discourage  me.  It  is  a 
liberty  which  I  hope  no  gentleman  will  be  afraid  to  exercise  ; 
it  is  a  liberty,  by  which  the  gentleman  who  calumniates  it, 
might  have  profited.  He  ought  to  have  desisted  from  his 
project.  We  are  told  America  is  obstinate — America  is  al 
most  in  open  rebellion.  Sir,  I  rejoice  thai  America  has  resist 
ed;  three  millions  of  people  so  dead  to  all  the  feelings  of  lib 
erty,  as  voluntarily  to  submit  to  be  slaves,  would  have  been 
fit  instruments  to  make  slaves  of  all  the  rest.  I  came  not 

G 


74  HISTORY   OP    THE 

here  armed  at  all  points  with  law  cases  and  acts  of  parlia» 
ment,  with  the  statute  book  doubled  down  in  dog's  ears  to 
defend  the  cause  of  liberty  ;  *  *  *  but  for  the  defence  of 
liberty  upon  a  general,  constitutional  principle — it  is  a  ground 
on  which  I  dare  meet  any  man.  »  *  *  The  honorable 
gentleman  boasts  of  his  bounties  to  America.  Are  not  these 
bounties  intended  finally  for  the  benefit  of  this  kingdom  ?  If 
they  are  not,  he  has  misapplied  the  national  treasures.  I  am 
no  courtier  of  America — I  maintain  that  parliament  has  a 
right  to  bind,  to  restrain  America.  Our  legislative  power 
over  the  colonies  is  sovereign  and  supreme.  The  honorable 
gentleman  tells  us,  he  understands  not  the  difference  between 
internal  and  external  taxation  ;  but  surely  there  is  a  plain 
distinction,  between  taxes  levied  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue,  and  duties  imposed  for  the  regulation  of  commerce. 
'  When,'  said  the  honorable  gentleman,  '  were  the  colonies 
emancipated  ?'  At  what  time,  say  I  in  answer,  were  they 
made  slaves  ?  The  Americans  have  been  wronged — they 
have  been  driven  to  madness  by  injustice.  Will  you  pun 
ish  them  for  the  madness  you  have  occasioned  ?  No  :  let 
this  country  be  the  first  to  resume  its  prudence  and  temper  ; 
I  will  pledge  myself  for  the  colonies,  that,  on  their  part,  ani 
mosity  and  resentment  will  cease."  He  concluded  an  im 
passioned  speech,  by  expressing  his  deliberate  judgment, 
that  the  stamp  act  ought  "  to  be  repealed,  absolutely,  totally, 
and  immediately." 

The  declaratory  act  was  finally  carried  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  by  a  vote  of '275  to  167 — and  the  repealing  act  by 
a  vote  of  250  to  122.  Both  went  to  the  House  of  Lords ; 
and,  after  vehement  debate,  were  finally  carried  there,  and 
received  the  royal  assent  on  the  18th  March.  Lord  Camden 
distinguished  himself  on  the  occasion,  by  the  ardor  of  his 
zeal  for  American  liberty. 

The  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  was  placed  upon  the  ground 
that  its  continuance  would  be  detrimental  to  British  com 
merce — and  the  declaratory  act  affirmed,  that  "Parliament 
could  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever;"  and  that 
"votes  and  resolutions  of  assemblies  in  America,  derogatory 
to  the  rights  and  power  of  the  British  Parliament,  were  null 
and  void." 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  75 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  produced  great  rejoicings  in 
America.  It  was  considered  a  virtual  triumph  over  the  doc 
trine  of  parliamentary  supremacy,  by  the  signal  defeat  of  the 
measures  in  which  it  had  been  for  the  first  time  practically 
declared.  The  energy  and  determination  of  the  colonies,  had 
driven  the  British  government  from  their  chosen  position — 
and  this  was  just  cause  for  congratulation.  Accordingly,  the 
repeal  was  celebrated  with  bonfires  and  illuminations.  Mas 
sachusetts  voted  her  thanks  to  the  king,  the  duke  of  Grafton, 
and  Mr.  Pitt — and  the  house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia,  pass 
ed  a  bill  for  erecting  a  statue  to  the  king,  and  an  obelisk  to 
commemorate  those  who  had  been  most  active  in  behalf  of 
America,  in  the  British  parliament.  Other  events,  however, 
soon  cooled  this  warmth  of  gratitude ;  and  the  succeeding 
house  of  burgesses  postponed  the  project  indefinitely. 

The  passage  of  the  declaratory  act,  simultaneously  with  the 
repealing  act,  was  a  sufficient  warning  that  Great  Britain  had 
only  consented  to  a  truce  in  her  war  against  American  rights. 
In  the  temper  of  the  colonies,  it  must  have  been  foreseen  by 
them,  that  though  they  might  very  properly  exult  in  the 
defeat  of  the  measures  of  Great  Britain,  they  could  not  cor 
dially  return  to  the  same  state  of  confidence  and  affection 
towards  her,  while  the  principle  against  which  they  had  con 
tended  so  strenuously  as  a  tyrannical  innovation,  remained 
incorporated  in  her  statutes  by  the  same  act  which  abandoned 
its  enforcement  for  the  time.  The  immediate  danger  of  col 
lision  was  passed ;  but  it  had  so  passed,  as  to  leave  materials 
for  perpetual  dissension,  and  the  disposition  to  instant  re 
sistance,  on  any  future  attempt  at  internal  taxation.  The  re 
peal  itself  was  thus,  by  the  declaratory  act,  made  inoperative 
for  permanent  conciliation ;  and  other  immediate  measures 
were  calculated  to  weaken  its  effects  yet  further.  The  re 
strictions  upon  trade,  and  the  treasury  regulations,  were  still 
in  force  ;  the  courts  of  admiralty  still  retained  their  extraor 
dinary  jurisdiction,  so  oppressive  and  unpopular  among  the 
people,  especially  on  account  of  the  suspension  of  jury  trials  ; 
and  the  bills  restraining  the  paper  circulation  of  the  colonies, 


76  HISTORY   OF    THE 

were  unrepealed.  In  addition  to  these  latent  sources  of  dis- 
s  cord,  the  first  acts  of  the  royal  authorities,  in  regard  to  the  stamp 
act  repeal,  tended  to  revive  one  of  those  quarrels  with  the 
general  assembly  of  Massachusetts,  which  had  so  powerful 
an  influence  on  the  colonial  cause.  The  whole  stamp  act 
controversy,  had  sharpened  the  jealousy  of  the  Americans 
against  all  British  pretensions,  and  had  enlightened  the  pub 
lic  mind  by  the  ablest  disquisitions  in  every  branch  of  all  the 
questions  of  constitutional,  chartered,  and  original  rights. 

Secretary  Conway's  circular  letter  to  the  Governor,  dated 
March  31st,  expressed  the  disposition  of  the  government  to 
forget  and  forgive  the  "unjustifiable  marks  of  undutiful  dis 
position,"  which  had  been  shown  in  the  colonies ;  and  re 
commended  the  colonial  assemblies  to  make  compensation  to 
those  who  had  suffered  in  New- York  and  Boston,  during  the 
disturbances  of  the  preceding  year. 

In  laying  this  communication  before  the  assembly  of  Mas- 
I  sachusetts,  Governor  Bernard  arrogantly  styled  it 
I  a  requisition ;  and  told  them,  that  the  authority 
by  which  it  was  introduced,  should  "  preclude  all  disputation 
about  it."  The  stern  independence  of  the  assembly,  met  at 
once  this  attempt  to  impose  the  recommendations  of  the  king, 
as  obligatory  upon  them  ;  and  they  returned  him  an  answer 
to  his  speech,  conceived  in  the  very  temper  of  the  stamp  act 
resistance.  They  delayed  granting  the  compensation  until 
December ;  and  then  only  granted  it  on  terms  highly  offen 
sive  to  the  government.  A  declaratory  resolution  accompa 
nied  the  act  of  relief,  protesting  that  it  was  done  from  a  grate 
ful  regard  to  the  king's  recommendation,  and  from  deference 
to  the  "  opinion  of  the  illustrious  patrons  of  the  colonies  in 
Great  Britain,"  without  any  interpretation  of  the  recommen 
dation  into  a  '  requisition,' — "  with  full  persuasion  that  the 
sufferers  had  no  just  claim  or  demand  on  the  province  ;"  and 
that  it  should  not  be  drawn  into  a  precedent.  The  same  act 
granted  full  "  pardon,  indemnity,  and  oblivion,  to  all  offend 
ers  in  the  late  times" — a  proceeding  which  so  displeased  the 
ministry,  that  the  whole  act  was  disallowed.  The  compen 
sation  to  the  sufferers  was,  however,  paid. 

New- York  made  provision  for  the  same  class  of  persons, 
but  dissensions  arose  immediately  both  there,  and  in  other 
colonies,  especially  Massachusetts,  on  the  subject  of  furnish 
ing  supplies  for  the  soldiery  quartered  among  them.  The 
demand  was  made  upon  them  "in  pursuance  of  the  act  ofpar* 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  77 

liament"  passed  contemporaneously  with  the  stamp  act,  for 
more  necessaries  than  had  been  usual  under  former  requisi 
tions.  The  extent  of  the  claim,  and  the  form  in  which  it 
was  made,  revived  the  taxing  question.  New-York  refused, 
peremptorily,  to  comply  with  the  act — and  one  of  the  conse 
quences  was,  a  bill  passed  in  the  next  session,  for  suspend 
ing  the  legislative  power  of  that  assembly,  until  they  should 
consent  to  carry  the  '  mutiny  act,'  as  it  was  called,  into 
effect. 

Some  time  previous  to  that  event,  and  in  the  summer  of 
1766,  the  Rockingham  ministry  had  been  dissolved,  and  a 
new  cabinet  brought  in  under  Mr.  Pitt,  who  was  created 
Earl  of  Chatham.  These  changes  took  place  in  July.  Lord 
Shelburne  re-entered  the  administration  as  one  of  the  Secre 
taries  of  State  with  Gen.  Con  way — and  Charles  Townshend, 
a  man  of  brilliant  and  versatile  genius,  but  capricious  and 
unstable,  was  made  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  The 
duke  of  Grafton  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury,  and 
Lord  Camden  was  made  Lord  Chancellor.  This  is  the  che 
quered  administration,  afterwards  so  humorously  described 
by  Burke,  in  his  review  of  the  life  and  character  of  Chat 
ham.  The  scheme  of  taxing  America  was,  with  some  art 
ful  modifications,  while  Lord  Chatham  was  confined  by  sick 
ness  in  the  country,  revived  under  the  influence  of  Mr.  Town 
shend,  who  had  been  goaded  in  some  degree  into  the  exper 
iment,  by  the  taunts  of  the  ex-minister  Grenville.  Previous 
to  this  final  measure,  the  new  ministry  were  called  upon  to 
meet  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  colonies,  arising  from  the  op 
position  to  the  act  for  quartering  soldiers.  The  assembly  of 
New  York  were  punished  for  their  refusal  to  comply  with 
the  act,  by  the  suspension  of  their  legislative  Ju] 
privileges  ;  which  arbitrary  measure,  while  it  re 
duced  New  York  to  submission,  roused  a  general  feeling  of 
resentment  and  alarm  throughout  America.  It  was  well  de 
scribed  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  as  'a  flaming 
sword,'  hung  over  the  heads  of  the  other  colonies. 

Another  act,  passed  at  the  same  time,  was  also  regarded 
with  similar  dread  and  dislike.  By  it,  a  board  of  trade  was 
established  in  the  colonies,  independent  of  colonial  regula 
tions,  as  a  permanent  body  of  administrators  of  the  revenue, 
to  administer  such  reg-ulations  as  the  king  or  council  might 
make,  as  to  American  commerce.  The  sensitive  jealousy  of 
the  people  of  Boston,  saw  in  this  new  board,  part  of  a  system 


78  HISTORY    OF   THE 

of  embarrassment  to  their  trade,  and  hostility  to  their  prin 
ciples. 

But  the  most  important  act,  was  that  of  Mr.  Townshend, 
for  imposing  duties  on  glass,  tea,  paper,  and  painter's  colors, 
imported  from  Great  Britain  into  the  colonies — which  was 
passed  with  little  opposition — to  take  effect  on  the  20th  of 
November.  Professing,  in  the  body  of  the  act,  and  the  form 
of  the  exaction,  to  be  a  regulation  of  commerce,  it  declared 
in  the  preamble,  that  it  was  <:  expedient  to  raise  a  revenuein 
America,  and  to  make  a  more  certain  and  adequate  provision 
for  defraying  the  charge  of  the  administration  of  justice,  and 
the  support  of  the  civil  government  of  the  provinces,  and  for 
defraying  the  expenses  of  defending,  protecting,  and  secu 
ring  them."  This  included,  palpably,  some  of  the  most  odi 
ous  designs  with  which  the  Grenville  ministry  had  been 
charged — especially  that  of  making  a  new  civil  list  in  the 
colonies,  dependent  upon  ministerial  patronage  solely,  and  to 
be  paid  out  of  the  proceeds  of  colonial  taxation. 

These  three  acts  all  passed  towards  the  close  of  the  ses 
sion — and  were  approved  by  the  king  on  the  same  day.  Be 
fore  their  effect  could  be  known,  their  author,  Mr. 
Charles  Townshend,  died  suddenly  of  a  putrid  fever, 
succeeded  by. Lord  North.  A  new  office  was  cre- 


July  1767, 
Septem'r. 

and  was 


ated  of  Secretary  of  State  for  the  colonies ;  and  Lord  Hills- 
borough,  who  had  performed  the  duties  as  first  Lord  of  Trade 
and  Plantations  under  Mr.  Grenville's  ministry,  was  appointed 
to  the  place.  The  earl  of  Chatham  continued  unable  to  at 
tend  to  business,  and  some  months  afterwards  resigned  his 
office,  in  which  he  was  succeeded  by  the  Earl  of  Bristol. 

The  excitement  in  America,  on  the  receipt  of  the  intelli 
gence  of  these  bills,  was  scarcely  less  than  on  the  passage  of 
the  stamp  act,  two  years  before.  The  whole  effect  of  the 
repeal  of  that  ill-judged  measure,  in  quieting  the  public  feel 
ing,  was  totally  destroyed.  The  colonial  assemblies  prompt 
ly  commenced  another  and  equally  spirited  series  of  resolu 
tions,  memorials,  remonstrances,  petitions,  and  protests, 
against  the  powers  set  up,  and  the  oppression  practised.  Sym 
pathy  for  the  persecuted  state  of  the  province  of  New  York, 
overpowered  any  timid  apprehensions  of  encountering  the 
like  arbitrary  suspension  of  their  functions;  and  they  ac 
cordingly  expressed  a  generous  zeal  for  her  violated  rights. 

The  first  popular  measures,  were  the  same  that  had  been 
found  so  effective  in  the  former  contest.  Resolutions  against 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  79 

the  use  and  importation  of  British  fabrics,  commenced  at 
Boston  in  October,  and  were  concurred  in,  shortly  after 
wards,  by  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  most  of  the  prin 
cipal  towns  engaged  in  commerce.  The  terms  of  the  agree 
ment,  were  to  encourage  the  growth  and  consumption  of  do 
mestic  articles,  and  to  discourage  the  introduction  into  the 
country  of  any  thing  whatever  from  Great  Britain,  not  abso 
lutely  necessary.  Early  in  the  next  session  of  the  general 
court,  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachu-  I  Ja^?  17Cg 
setts  took  the  lead  in  protesting  against  all  these  | 
measures,  including  the  yet  unrepealed  and  offensive  sugar 
act,  which  had  been  lost  sight  of,  in  the  victory  over  the 
stamp  act.  The  subtle  distinction,  by  which  the  new  duties 
had  been  made  to  differ  from  the  stamp  duties,  in  being 
external  taxes  combining  regulations  of  trade  with  revenue, 
instead  of  internal  duties  solely  for  revenue,  was  met  and 
exposed  boldly.  '  It  is  the  glory,'  said  they,  '  of  this  con 
stitution,  that  it  hath  its  foundation  in  the  law  of  God  and 
nature.  It  is  an  essential  natural  right,  that  a  man  shall  quiet 
ly  enjoy,  and  have  the  sole  disposal  of  his  own  property. 
This  natural  and  constitutional  right  is  so  familiar  to  Ameri 
can  subjects,  that  it  would  be  difficult,  if  possible,  to  convince 
them,  that  any  necessity  can  render  it  just,  equitable,  and 
reasonable,  in  the  nature  of  things,  that  parliament  should 
impose  duties,  subsidies,  talliage,  and  taxes,  internal  or  ex 
ternal,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  revenue.'  They  declared  the 
act  laying  duty  on  tea,  as  well  as  the  stamp  act  and  the  su 
gar  act,  to  be,  both  in  form  and  substance,  as  much  revenue 
acts,  as  the  land  tax,  customs,  and  excises  of  England.  They 
warmly  reprobated  the  act  establishing  a  permanent  commis 
sion  of  the  customs  of  America,  and  stigmatized  the  suspen 
sion  of  the  New  York  Legislature  as  an  alarming  act  to  the 
rest  of  the  colonies — from  which  '  political  death  and  annihi 
lation  '  were  to  be  apprehended. 

A  circular  was  adopted  to  the  other  colonies,  set-  I 

,.        f     .,     ,,  •  j        i  •  .•  February. 

ting  lorth  these  views,  and  asking  co-operation. 

Pennsylvania  had  nearly,  contemporaneously,  passed  simi 
lar  resolutions ;  and  on  the  receipt  of  the  circular  of  Massa 
chusetts,  it  was  entered  upon  their  minutes  with  great  una 
nimity.  The  house  of  burgesses,  in  Virginia,  in  particular, 
applauded  the  course  of  Massachusetts,  and  proclaimed  the 
same  principles  and  opinions  in  relation  to  all  these  acts,  in 
language  of  determined  boldness,  as  "replete  with  every 


80  HISTORY    OF    THE 

mischief,    and   utterly  subversive    of  all  that  is  dear  and 
valuable." 

In  Great  Britain,  the  circular,  and  other  proceedings  of 
Massachusetts,  were  received  with  alarm  and  resentment. 
They  were  viewed  as  preparatory  to  another  congress,  and 
a  united  opposition — and,  in  consequence,  the  earl  of  Hills- 
borough  addressed  a  letter  to  Governor  Bernard,  directing 
him  to  'require'  of  the  house  of  representatives,  in  his  ma 
jesty's  name,  to  rescind  the  resolution  which  gave  birth  to 
the  circular  letter  of  the  speaker,  and  to  declare  their  disap 
probation  of,  and  dissent  to,  that  rash  and  hasty  proceeding." 
He  was  further  directed,  if  the  house  refused,  to  dissolve 
them,  and  report  to  the  king,  that  measures  might  be  taken 
for  the  future,  to  prevent  "a  conduct  of  so  extraordinary 
and  unconstitutional  a  nature."  A  circular  was  addressed,  at 
the  same  time,  to  the  governors  of  the  other  colonies,  instruct 
ing  them  to  prevent  the  several  assemblies  from  taking 
notice  of  the  Massachusetts  circular;  or,  if  the  assemblies 
proved  refractory,  to  dissolve  them. 

Governor  Bernard  laid  the  directions  of  the  minister  be 
fore  the  house,  at  their  meeting  in  June.  Their  spirit  rose 
with  the  occasion;  and  they  passed  a  nearly  unanimous 
vote,  not  to  rescind,  as  they  had  been  ordered  ;  and  re-affirm 
ed  the  same  opinions  in  still  more  energetic  language — add 
ing,  as  another  ground  of  complaint,  the  attempt  to  restrain 
their  right  of  deliberation.  They  expressed  their  surprise, 
that  they  should  be  called  upon  to  rescind  a  resolution  of  a 
former  legislature — a  resolution  that  had  been  executed,  and 
consequently  only  existed,  as  a  historical  fact.  But,  they 
added,  if  by  rescinding,  the  government  required  them  to  ex 
press  their  disapprobation  of  that  resolution,  "we  have  only 
to  inform  you,  that  we  have  voted  not  to  rescind ;  and  that 
on  a  division  on  the  question,  there  were  92  nays  and  17 
yeas  " — a  piece  of  information,  intended  to  reprove  the  let 
ters  he  had  written  to  England,  charging  the  passage  of  the 
resolution  to  "unfair"  practices.  The  governor  dissolved 
them — but  not  before  the  same  committee  who  had  drawn 
up  this  reply,  had  drawn  a  petition  to  the  king  to  recall  the 
governor,  which  was  adopted  by  the  house.  The  ministerial 
circular  to  the  other  provinces,  met  a  similar  fate. 

The  assembly  of  Maryland,  in  reply  to  Governor  Sharpe's 
message,  told  him,  with  firmness,  that  they  would  not  be  de 
terred  from  joining  in  constitutional  measures  for  common 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  81 

objects,  with  the  legislatures  of  the  other  colonies.  "  We  shall 
not  be  intimidated,"  say  they,  "  by  a  few  sounding  expres 
sions,  from  doing  what  we  think  to  be  right." 

Other  colonies  adopted  similar  resolutions.  Virginia,  in 
her  memorial,  protested  that  she  would  not  "  consent  to 
anti-constitutional  powers  ;"  and  Georgia  pronounced  the  Mas 
sachusetts  resolutions  complained  of,  to  be  not  of  a  danger 
ous  and  factious  tendency,  as  Lord  Hillsborough  had  termed 
them — but,  "on  the  contrary,  tending  to  a  justifiable  union 
of  subjects  aggrieved,  in  lawful  and  laudable  endeavors  to 
obtain  redress."  New- York,  in  addition  to  language  equally 
decided,  appointed  a  committee  of  correspondence. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  excitement  in  the  town  of  Boston 
against  the  new  board  of  customs,  had  risen  to  a  great  height, 
and  produced  a  violent  conflict  between  them,  in  the  latter 
part  of  May.  At  the  requisition  of  Governor  Bernard,  who 
complained  of  the  refractory  spirit  of  the  Bostonians,  it  had 
been  determined  to  station  a  military  force  among  them;  and, 
for  that  purpose,  General  Gage  was  ordered  to  quarter  a  regi 
ment  of  the  regular  troops,  in  that  town.  Before  they  arriv 
ed,  however,  the  seizure  of  the  sloop  Liberty,  belonging  to 
John  Hancock,  for  a  violation  of  the  odious  revenue  laws-, 
had  produced  a  great  ferment  in  the  town,  and  resulted  in 
riotous  proceedings  ;  during  which,  the  collector,  comptrol 
ler,  and  inspector  of  the  customs,  were  roughly  handled  by 
the  populace,  and  their  houses  assaulted.  They  were  final 
ly  compelled  to  take  refuge,  first  on  board  of  the  Romney 
man-of-war,  and  then  in  Castle  William.  The  dissatisfac 
tion  of  the  people  was  increased,  by  the  impressment  of 
American  seamen,  by  officers  of  the  Romney.  The  disturb 
ances  in  the  city,  together  with  the  attacks  upon  the  reve 
nue  officers,  were  brought  before  the  legislature — who  ex 
pressed  their  disapprobation  of  the  disorders,  and  directed 
prosecutions  to  be  commenced  against  the  persons  principal 
ly  concerned  in  it.  At  the  same  time  they  denounced  the 
conduct  of  the  revenue  officers  as  haughty,  tyrannical,  and 
insulting. 

The  legislature  being  dissolved,  the  governor  refused  to 
convene  another,  without  the  express  commands  of  the 
king.  About  the  first  of  September,  a  rumor  began  to  pre 
vail  of  the  expected  arrival  of  troops,  to  compel  the  obedience 
of  the  town  to  the  acts  of  parliament.  The  inhabitants  im 
mediately  held  a  town  meeting,  and  asked  information  of  the 


82  HISTORY    OF    THE 

governor  of  the  truth  of  this  rumor.  Receiving  an  evasive 
answer,  they  passed  resolutions,  at  "the  peril  of  their  lives 
and  fortune,"  to  maintain  their  rights — and,  affecting  to  an 
ticipate  a  French  war,  voted  that  all  the  inhabitants  should 
observe  the  law  of  the  province,  which  required  them  to  be 
provided  "with  a  well-finished  fire-lock,  musket,  accoutre 
ments,  and  ammunition  " — a  significant  sign  of  their  resolu 
tion  to  be  prepared  for  all  extremities.  On  the  refusal  of  the 
governor  to  summon  a  legislature,  they  voted  to  invite  the 
rest  of  the  towns  to  a  convention,  to  be  held  in  a  few  weeks 
afterwards,  to  consult  upon  measures  "for  his  majesty's  ser 
vice,  and  the  safety  of  the  province."  Ninety-six  of  the 
ninety-seven  townships  concurred,  and  the  convention  ac 
cordingly  met  on  the  22d  September.  Their  proceedings 
were  marked  by  much  moderation  ;  and  after  a  session  of  five 
days,  they  adjourned,  having  disclaimed  any  legislative  au 
thority — made  professions  of  loyalty — adopted  petitions  and 
remonstrances,  in  which  they  complained  of  being  grievous 
ly  misrepresented  to  the  king — and  recommended  forbear 
ance,  good  order,  and  the  preservation  of  the  peace. 

A  few  days  after  their  adjournment,  the  troops  disembark 
ed  with  great  parade.  The  fleet  of  men-of-war  and 
frigates  which  brought  them,  drew  up  in  warlike 
order;  and  two  regiments,  instead  of  one,  were  landed  under 
cover  of  the  guns,  as  if  invading  an  enemy's  country.  The 
selectmen  being  applied  to,  to  provide  quarters  for  the  sol 
diers,  peremptorily  refused — and  Fanueil  Hall  was,  by  order 
of  the  governor,  opened  to  them.  This  building  also 
contained  the  courts  and  public  offices.  It  was  immedi 
ately  put  into  the  condition  of  a  garrison.  Two  field-pieces 
were  placed  immediately  in  front.  Guards  were  stationed  at 
the  door — soldiers  were  constantly  marching  and  counter 
marching — and  the  sentries  challenged  the  inhabitants  as 
they  passed.  The  sabbath,  so  religiously  observed  in  Mas 
sachusetts,  was  profaned  by  drillings  and  parades,  the  march 
ing  of  troops,  and  the  sound  of  martial  music.  The  resent 
ment  of  the  people  was,  for  a  while,  checked  in  its  manifes 
tations,  by  this  display  of  force,  and  by  the  want  of  their 
house  of  representatives,  which  had  been  dissolved,  and 
could  not  legally  meet,  except  on  the  summons  of  the  gov 
ernor,  until  the  next  May.  But  their  indignation  was  only 
suppressed,  not  quelled.  Bickerings  and  collisions  be 
tween  the  soldiery  and  the  populace  occurred  daily,  to  exa,s- 


Oct.  17C8. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  83 

perate  the  temper  of  the  colonies  more  keenly  against,  not 
only  thepe  measures  of  the  British  government,  but  against 
British  authority  altogether.  Out  of  this  military  occupation 
of  the  town  of  Boston,  sprang  some  of  the  most  exciting  and 
dangerous  collisions  that  preceded  the  revolution. 

Before  these  proceedings  were  known  in  Great  Britain,  the 
Earl  of  Chatham,  who  had  not,  for  a  long  time,  been  able  to 
attend  to  business,  had  withdrawn  from  the  ministry — and 
Lord  Shelburne  had  given  way  to  Lord  Weymouth. 

When  parliament  met  in  November,  American  affairs  were 
immediately  brought  before  them  ;  and  on  the  ]5th  of  De 
cember,  the  house  of  lords  passed  a  number  of  resolutions, 
censuring  the  conduct  of  the  legislature  and  people  of  Mas 
sachusetts  in  the  severest  terms — approving  the  measures  al 
ready  taken  by  the  ministry  to  suppress  these  attacks,  upon 
the  authority  of  his  majesty — and  praying  his  majesty  to  di 
rect  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  "to  take  the  most  effec 
tual  methods  for  procuring  the  fullest  information,  touching 
all  treasons  or  misprisions  of  treasons,  committed  within  the 
government,  since  the  3Qth  day  of  December  1767 ;  and  to 
transmit  the  same,  together  with  the  names  of  the  persons 
who  were  most  active  in  the  commission  of  such  offences,  to 
one  of  the  Secretaries  of  State,  in  order  that  his  majesty 
might  issue  a  special  commission,  for  inquiring  of,  hearing 
and  determining,  the  said  offences  within  the  realm  of  Great 
Britain,  pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the  statute  of  the  35th 
of  King  Henry  the  8th." 

The   house   of  commons   concurred   in  these   resolutions 
without  opposition  ;  and  thus  the  three  branches  of  the  Brit 
ish  government,  solemnly  approved  of  the   whole 
train  of  measures  pursued  by  the  ministry  at  home, 
and  the  royal  governors  in  the  colonies,  to  enforce  the  taxing 
power  against  every  resistance  and  remonstrance. 

But,  in  the  interim,  the  combinations  in  America  against 
the  importation  of  British  merchandize,  had  produced  the 
same  effect  in  England  as  when  they  had  been  employed  to 
defeat  the  stamp  act.  The  trade,  commerce,  manufactures, 
navigation,  and  revenue  of  the  kingdom,  suffered  materially  ; 
and  the  bad  policy  of  irritating  the  Americans,  had  become 
obvious  to  the  authors  of  the  mischief.  To  retreat  from  the 
stand,  taken  in  favor  of  the  British  claims,  was  neither  practi 
cable,  had  they  been  so  disposed,  consistent  with  the  tem 
per  of  parliament  and  the  state  of  parties — nor  did  it  accord 


84  HISTORY    OF   THE 

with  their  own  feelings  and  doctrines.  Few  friends  of  Amer 
ica,  on  the  constitutional  point,  were  yet  to  be  found ;  and 
most  of  those  who  opposed  ministers,  rested  upon  the  inex 
pediency  of  exercising  these  powers  at  that  time,  and  in  such 
a  mode.  The  cabinet  accordingly  pursued  nearly  the  same 
policy  as  had  been  adopted,  with  such  little  success,  in  the 
repeal  of  the  stamp  act.  Accompanying  the  resolutions, 
so  hostile  to  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  for  her  zeal  in  the 
cause  of  America,  and  so  subversive  of  the  liberties  of  all 
Americans,  by  making  them  subject  to  transportation  to  Eng 
land  for  trial  upon  the  king's  suit,  was  a  circular  letter,  en 
gaging  to  make  certain  concessions  and  alterations  in  the 
acts  complained  of;  which,  it  was  thought,  would  make  them 
more  acceptable.  A  repeal  of  all  the  taxes,  except  that  on 
tea,  was  offered.  That  tax,  notwithstanding  its  trifling  amount, 
was  to  be  retained,  in  the  nature  of  a  declaratory  act ;  and, 
it  was  believed,  that  this  union  of  rigor  and  concession,  would 
vindicate  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  and  secure  the  acquies 
cence  of  the  colonies. 

The  expectation  was  totally  disappointed.  The  conflicts 
of  four  years,  against  the  principle  of  taxation,  under  such 
constantly  reiterated  assaults  upon  their  liberties  in  other 
forms,  had  embittered  the  feelings  of  the  colonists  towards 
Great  Britain,  and  imbued  them  with  a  thorough  distrust  of 
all  the  acts  and  policy  of  the  British  government.  The  con 
ciliatory  promise  was  altogether  disregarded;  and  the  provi 
sion  for  the  trial  of  accused  persons,  under  the  act  of  Henry 
VIII.  became  a  new  subject  for  alarm,  angry  suspicion, 
remonstrance,  and  resentment. 

The  Massachusetts  legislature  was  not  in  session  ;  but  the 
house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia,  promptly  led  the  way  in  de 
nouncing  the  acts  aimed  against  a  sister  colony,  as  an  assault 
upon  the  common  liberty.  Early  in  May  they  re-asserted 
their  sole  and  exclusive  right  to  raise  taxes;  and  declared 
that  all  trials  for  "  treason,  misprisions  of  treason,  or  for  any 
felony  or  crime  whatever,  committed  in  the  colony,  ought  to 
be  before  the  courts  of  the  colony  ;"  and  that  "  sending  them 
beyond  the  seas"  to  be  tried,  is  ''highly  derogatory  to  the 
rights  of  British  subjects."  The  governor,  Lord  Botetourt, 
informed  of  these  proceedings,  and  highly  incensed,  appear 
ed  unexpectedly  in  the.  house,  on  the  next  day,  and  ad 
dressed  them  in  these  words:  "Mr.  Speaker,  and  gentlemen 
of  the  house  of  representatives,  I  have  heard  of  your  resolves, 


REVOLUTION.  85 

£nd  atlgur  ill  of  their  effects ;  you  have  made  it  my  duty  to 
dissolve  you,  and  you  are  accordingly  dissolved."  The 
members  instantly  met  in  an  unofficial  capacity ;  and  choos 
ing  Peyton  Randolph,  the  late  speaker,  moderator,  entered 
into  a  written  engagement  not  to  import  any  of  the  taxed  ar 
ticles;  and  included  in  the  prohibition  other  articles,  the  di 
minution  of  the  consumption  of  which  might  affect  the  inter* 
ests  of  Great  Britain.  Maryland,  Delaware,  and  New- York, 
adopted  similar  resolutions  ;  and  the  assembly  of  the  last 
mentioned  province  ordered  those  of  Virginia  to  be  entered 
at  large  on  the  journals.  Those  of  North  Carolina  were 
so  strong,  that  Governor  Tryon  dissolved  the  assembly. 
South  Carolina  not  only  joined  in  these  views,  but  openly 
disobeyed  the  act  for  quartering  troops. 

The  non-importation  agreements  became  general — it  might 
almost  be  said  universal.  Those  signed  by  the  Virginia  bur 
gesses,  were  rapidly  circulated  ;  and  signatures  of  a  vast  num 
ber  of  individuals,  were  speedily  obtained.  A  non-importa 
tion  confederacy  was  extended  throughout  the  provinces,  and 
committees  organized  for  superintending  and  enforcing  the 
execution  of  the  compact.  Georgia  and  Rhode  Island,  were 
the  last  to  come  into  the  league  ;  and  such  was  the  temper 
with  which  their  refusal  was  regarded,  that  some  places  of 
considerable  magnitude — Charleston,  in  South  Carolina,  for 
example — discontinued  all  intercourse  with  them  until  they 
joined,  Georgia  in  September,  and  Rhode  Island  in  October. 

While  the  other  colonies  were  thus  generously  and  firmly 
espousing  the  cause  of  American  rights,  vitally  assailed  in 
the  oppressive  measures  put  in  force  against  Massachusetts, 
that  undaunted  commonwealth  was  gallantly  waging  a  direct 
controversy  with  the  royal  governor,  backed  by  a  British 
fleet  and  army.  When  the  general  court  met  in  May,  their 
first  measure  was  to  demand  from  the  governor  the  immedi 
ate  removal  of  the  land  forces  out  of  the  city,  and  sea  forces 
from  the  port,  during  the  session  of  the  assembly ;  for  the 
reason,  as  they  expressed  it,  that  "an  armament  by  sea  and 
land,  investing  the  metropolis,  and  a  military  guard,  with 
cannon  pointed  at  the  door  of  the  state  house,  are  inconsist 
ent  with  that  dignity  and  freedom,  with  which  they  had  a 
right  to  deliberate,  consult,  and  determine."  Upon  his  re 
fusal,  they  peremptorily  refused  to  proceed  to  business,  until 
he  adjourned  them  to  Cambridge.  Notwithstanding  their  re 
peated  denials  of  his  power  to  adjourn  them  to  any  place  out 

H 


October. 


86  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  Boston,  they  proceeded  to  discuss  the  subject  of  their 
rights ;  and,  concurring  in  the  Virginia  resolutions,  with 
respect  to  the  transporting  of  Americans  to  Great  Britain  for 
trial,  they  added  an  energetic  declaration,  that  the  establish 
ment  of  "a  standing  army  in  the  colony  in  time  of  peace, 
without  the  consent  of  the  general  assembly,  is  an  invasion 
of  the  natural  rights  of  the  people,"  as  well  as  those  which 
they  claimed  by  "  magna  charta,  the  bill  of  rights,  and  the 
charter  of  the  province." 

Towards  the  close  of  the  session,  the  governor  made  a  re 
quisition  upon  them,  to  provide  funds  for  paying  for  the 
quartering  of  the  troops.  After  repeated  demands  on  his 
part,  they  passed  some  high-toned  resolves ;  concluding  with 
resolving,  that  they  'never '  would  make  any  such  provision  as 
he  asked  for  ;  as  they  could  not  do  it  consistently  with  their 
'  own  honor,'  or  their  '  duty  to  their  constituents.'  The  gov- 
Jul  12  ernor  accordingly  prorogued  them  to  the  10th  of  the 
next  January;  and  on  the  1st  August,  he  sailed  for 
Europe,  having  been  ordered  home  by  the  ministry  ;  and 
was  succeeded  in  the  government  of  the  province  by  lieuten 
ant  governor  Hutchinson. 

Shortly  afterwards,  the  people  of  Boston,  at  a 
town  meeting,  took  into  consideration  the  circular 
letter  of  Lord  Hillsborough,  of  which  mention  has  been  be 
fore  made  in  this  chapter,  offering  a  repeal  of  all  the  duties 
in  dispute,  under  the  last  revenue  act,  except  the  tea  duty. 
They  resolved  that  such  a  measure  "  would  not  be  satisfacto 
ry  ;  that  it  would  not  relieve  trade  from  its  burdens,  much 
less  remove  the  grounds  of  discontent,  which  prevailed 
throughout  the  continent,  upon  HIGHER  PRINCIPLES."  "In 
short,"  they  continued,  "the  grievances  which  lie  heavy 
upon  us  we  shall  never  think  redressed,  till  every  act  passed  by 
the  British  parliament,  for  the  express  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue  upon  us  without  our  consent,  is  repealed — till  the 
American  Board  of  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  is  dissolved ; 
the  troops  recalled;  and  things  are  restored  to  the  state  they 
were  in  before  the  late  extraordinary  measures  of  adminis 
tration  took  place." 

The  letter  of  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia,  to  their  cor 
respondents  in  London,  dated  2oth  of  November,  1769,  de 
scribes  most  faithfully  and  strongly  the  temper  of  the  times, 
and  the  points  in  dispute.  Some  extracts  follow  : 

"  We  are  very  sensible  that  the  prosperity  of  the  colonies 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  87 

depends  upon  their  union  and  connexion  with  Great  Britain. 
In  this  sentiment  all  the  Americans  concur ;  yet  they  cannot 
bring  themselves  to  think,  that  for  this  reason  they  ought  to 
be  divested  of  liberty  and  property.  Yet  this  must  be  the 
case,  if  the  parliament  can  make  laws  to  bind  the  colonies  in 
all  cases  whatever — can  levy  taxes  upon  them  without  their 
consent,  dispose  of  the  revenues  thus  raised  without  their 
consent,  multiply  officers  at  pleasure,  and  assign  them  fees 
to  be  paid  without,  nay  contrary  to  and  in  direct  violation  of 
acts  of  assembly  regularly  passed  by  the  colonies  and  approv 
ed  by  the  crown  ;  can  enlarge  the  power  of  admiralty  courts, 
divert  the  usual  channels  of  justice,  deprive  the  colonists  of 
trials  by  jury  of  their  own  countrymen  ;  in  short,  break  down 
the  barriers  which  their  forefathers  have  erected  against  arbi 
trary  power,  and  enforce  their  edicts  by  fleets  and  armies. 
To  such  a  system  of  government  the  Americans  cannot  tame 
ly  submit ;  not  from  an  impatience  of  subordination,  a  spirit 
of  independence,  or  want  of  loyalty  to  their  king;  for  in  a 
quiet  submission  to  just  government,  in  zeal,  affection,  and 
attachment  to  their  king,  the  people  of  the  colonies  dare  to 
vie  with  any  of  the  best  of  their  fellow  subjects ;  but  from  an 
innate  love  of  liberty  and  the  British  constitution."  *  *  * 

"  For  this  reason  we  think  ourselves  obliged  to  inform  you, 
that  though  the  merchants  have  confined  their  agreements  to 
the  repeal  of  the  act  laying  a  duty  on  tea,  paper,  glass,  &c. 
yet  nothing  less  than  a  repeal  of  all  the  revenue  acts,  and 
putting  things  on  the  same  footing  they  were  before  the  late 
innovations,  can  or  will  satisfy  the  minds  of  the  people.  The 
fleets  and  armies  may  overawe  our  towns ;  admiralty  courts 
and  boards  of  commissions,  with  their  swarms  of  underlings, 
may,  by  a  rigorous  execution  of  severe  unconstitutional  acts, 
ruin  our  commerce,  and  render  America  of  little  use  to  the 
people  of  Britain  ;  but  while  every  farmer  is  a  freeholder,  the 
spirit  of  liberty  will  prevail ;  and  every  attempt  to  divest  them 
of  the  privileges  of  freemen,  must  be  attended  with  conse 
quences  injurious  to  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country." 

On  the  other  hand,  the  British  government  were  actuated 
by  a  most  unwise  policy  in  determining  obstinately  to  adhere 
to  the  principle  of  taxation,  and  not  to  remove  any  of  the 
other  causes  of  discontent.  Deceived  by  the  representations 
of  their  agents  and  officers  in  America,  they  thought  the  dis 
orders  which  had  taken  place,  were  the  work  of  a  few  fac 
tious  leaders ;  and  that  relief  from  the  burden  of  taxation, 


88  HISTORY   OF   THE 

would  quiet  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  leaving  the  promi 
nent  agitators  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  law. 

Accordingly,  on  the  meeting  of  parliament  in  January, 
this  imbecile  plan  was  carried  into  effect.  The  duke  of 
Grafton,  having  resigned  his  office  of  first  lord  of  the  treasu 
ry,  Lord  North,  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  succeeded  him,, 
and  became  the  head  of  the  administration.  | 
Lord  Chatham,  who  had  unexpectedly  recovered  | 
his  health,  in  part,  attended  in  the  house  of  lords,  and  made 
several  ineffectual  efforts,  in  conjunction  with  the  marquis ol 
Buckingham,  to  have  all  the  grievances  of  America  taken 
into  consideration,  and  redressed.  He  admitted  the  excesses 
that  had  been  committed  there  :  "but,"  said  he,  "such  is  my 
partiality  to  America,  that  I  am  disposed  to  make  allowance 
even  for  these  excesses.  The  discontents  of  three  millions 
of  people,  deserve  consideration  :  the  foundation  of  those 
discontents  ought  to  be  removed."  Lord  North  was  obsti 
nate  ;  and  a  large  majority  of  parliament  sustained  him.  A 
partial  measure  of  redress,  totally  inadequate  to  the  claims  of 
the  colonies,  was  introduced  on  the  5th  of  March,  the  very 
day  on  which  the  Boston  massacre  took  place  in  another  hemi 
sphere  ;  and  was  adopted  in  April.  The  duties  imposed  by 
the  act  of  1767  were  all  taken  off,  except  the  insignificant 
duty  on  tea,  left  to  maintain  the  doctrine  of  supremacy. 

No  permanent  effect  favorable  to  the  interests  of  Great 
Britain,  was  produced  by  this  measure.  Lord  North,  in  sup 
porting  it,  had  declared,  that  to  temporize  with  the  right  was 
to  yield  it ;  and  that  "a  total  repeal "  could  not  be  thought  of, 
until  America  was  "prostrate  at  the  feet"  of  the  British  par 
liament.  So  the  Americans  estimated  it  very  generally  ;  and 
the  retention  of  the  tea  duty,  met  with  no  less  spirited  oppo 
sition  from  the  colonial  legislatures,  than  the  whole  act  had 
done  before.  The  non-importation  agreements  were  in  part 
relinquished,  chiefly  from  the  defection  of  the  province  of 
New  York;  but  the  combination  against  the  purchase  and 
use  of  tea,  was  continued. 

Before  the  knowledge  of  the  repeal  reached  America, 
a  riot  of  an  alarming  nature  had  occurred  in  the  town  of  Bos 
ton  ;  in  which  the  soldiery  had  fired  on  and  killed  some  of 
the  citizens.  On  the  2d  of  March,  a  slight  affray  had  taken 
place  between  some  of  the  regular  troops  and  some  rope- 
makers,  in  which  the  soldiers  were  worsted.  Party  feeling  was 
roused  ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  5th,  a  crowd  of  citizens 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  89 

attacked  the  city  guard,  and  pelted  them  with  stones  and 
snow  balls,  till  the  word  was  given  to  "  fire  "  in  return ;  when 
eight  pieces  were  discharged ;  three  citizens  were  killed, 
and  several  severely  wounded.  The  crowd  immediately 
dispersed  in  all  directions  to  raise  the  city ;  the  bells  were 
rung,  alarm  spread  everywhere,  drums  beat,  and  the  cry  "  to 
arms,"  was  raised.  Theexcitement  soon  brought  an  immense 
crowd  together,  who  menaced  the  soldiers  with  destruction,  and 
were  with  difficulty  appeased  by  the  promises  of  Governor 
Hutchinson,  that  justice  should  be  done  in  the  morning. 
They  accordingly  re-assembled  under  the  lead  of  Samuel 
Adams  and  Royal  Tyler,  to  the  number  of  many  thousands  ; 
and  a  long  and  angry  conference  was  held  with  the  gover 
nor.  They  insisted  upon  the  instant  removal  of  the  troops 
from  the  town ;  and,  for  twenty  hours,  they  bore  with  the 
prevarications  and  evasions  of  the  governor,  who  denied  his 
po\ver  over  the  military,  and  declined  giving  the  order  for 
removal,  even  when  the  commanding  officer  expressed  his 
willingness  to  acquiesce  in  the  wishes  of  the  people.  The 
stern  resolution  and  persevering  boldness  of  Samuel  Adams, 
who  warned  the  governor  of  the  consequences  of  the  refusal, 
and  put  them  entirely  upon  his  responsibility,  succeeded  in 
extorting  the  order  without  violence,  and  the  troops  were 
removed. 

Captain  Preston  and  his  company  were  arrested,  and  tried 
for  murder,  by  the  colonial  courts.  It  is  one  of  the  finest 
traits  of  revolutionary  virtue,  love  of  justice  and  order,  and 
obedience  to  the  law,  that  these  soldiers,  tried  in  the 
midst  of  a  community  so  exasperated  against  the  military 
in  general,  and  provoked  by  daily  insults  and  conflicts, 
were  zealously  and  eloquently  defended  on  universal  princi 
ples  of  law  and  equity,  by  John  Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy, 
two  of  the  most  eminent  American  patriots  ;  and  six  of  them 
acquitted  by  a  conscientious,  unprejudiced,  and  magnanimous 
jury.  Two  of  the  soldiers  were  convicted  of  manslaughter. 

The  Boston  massaci'e,  as  it  continues  to  be  called,  produced 
a  great  sensation  throughout  the  colonies,  and  nearly  pro 
duced  similar  riots  with  the  military  in  other  places.  The 
slain  were  buried  together,  with  much  public  solemnity;  and 
annual  orations  were  delivered,  to  commemorate  the  disas 
trous  event. 

Although  it  resulted  in  the  acquittal  of  the  chief  per 
sons  accused,  it  served  to  aggravate  the  hostility  of  the 


IKl  HISTORY   OF   THE 

people  towards  the  military;    of  which  numerous  proofs 
were  given  almost  daily.     Not  long  afterwards,   Governor 
Hutchinson,  who  had  taken  no  measures  to  relieve  the  alarm 
of  the  people  in  respect  to  the  tragical  affair,  sent  a  special 
message  to  complain  of  some  petty  obstructions  to  the  custom 
house  officers  at  Gloucester.     The  answer  of  the  house  was 
in  the   loftiest  strain   of  indignant   eloquence.     "The  in 
stance,"  said  they,   "which  your  honor  recommends  to  our 
attention,  admitting  it  to  be  true,  cannot  be  more  threatening 
to  government,   than    those   enormities   which    have    been 
known  to  be  committed  by  the  soldiery  of  late,  and  have 
strangely  escaped  punishment,  though  repeated  in  defiance 
of  the  laws  and  authority  of  government.     A  military  force, 
posted  among  the  people  without  their  express  consent,  is 
itself  one  of  the  greatest  grievances,  and  threatens  the  total 
subversion  of  a  free  constitution;  much  more,  if  designed  to 
execute  a  system  of  corrupt  and  arbitrary  power,  and  even  to 
exterminate  the  liberties  of  the  country.      The  bill  of  rights, 
passed  immediately  after  the  revolution  of  1688,  expressly  de 
clares,  that  the  keeping  of  a  standing  army  within  the  king 
dom,  in  time  of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  the  parliament, 
is  against  law ;  and  we  take  this  occasion  to  say,  that  the  keep 
ing  of  a  standing  army  within  this  province,  in  a  time  of  peace, 
without  the  consent  of  the  general  assembly,  is  against  law." 
"Such  a  standing  army  must  be  designed  to  subjugate  the 
people  to  arbitrary  measures.     It  is  a  most  violent  infraction 
of  their  natural  and  constitutional  rights.     It  is  an  UNLAWFUL 
ASSEMBLY — of  all  others  the  most  dangerous  and  alarming — 
and  every  instance  of  its  restraining  the  liberty  of  any  indi 
vidual,  is  a  crime  which  infinitely  exceeds  what  the  law  in 
tends  by  a  riot.     Surely,  then,  your  honor  cannot  think  that 
this  house  can  descend  to  a  consideration  of  matters  compa 
ratively  trifling,  wrhile  the  capital  of  the  province  has  so  lately 
been  in  a  state  of  actual  imprisonment,  and  the  government 
is  under  duress." 

After  tracing  the  disorders  and  dissensions  to  "unconstitu 
tional  acts,"  and  the  sentence  of  the  laws  under  the  terror 
of  arms,  they  conclude  : 

"  We  yet  entertain  a  hope,  that  the  military  power,  so 
grievous  to  the  people,  will  soon  be  removed  from  the  pro 
vince.  Till  then,  we  have  nothing  to  expect,  but  that  tyran 
ny  and  confusion  will  prevail,  in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  the 
land,  and  the  just  and  constitutional  authoritjr  of  government.' 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  91 

These  quotations  are  made  more  at  large,  because  for  the 
next  two  years  the  chief  permanent  sources  of  collision  be 
tween  the  royal  authorities  and  the  colonists,  arose  from 
these  military  occupations,  which  the  Americans  insisted 
upon  were  tyrannical  and  unconstitutional.  Out  of  them  grew 
perpetual  conflicts  and  quarrels  between  the  citizens  and  the 
soldiery. 

The  Massachusetts  assembly  had  a  constant  dispute  with 
the  governor,  concerning  their  place  of  meeting — he 
having  convened  J;hem  at  Cambridge — while  they  reso 
lutely  insisted  upon  their  constitutional  right  to  meet  at  Bos 
ton  ;  and  yielded  only  from  the  necessities  of  public  business. 
No  tax  bill  was  passed  during  the  year  1771 ;  the  governor 
having  informed  them  that  he  had  his  majesty's  command, 
"  not  to  give  his  assent  to  an 3^  act  subjecting  the  commission 
ers  of  the  customs  and  other  officers  of  the  crown,  to  be 
taxed  by  the  usual  assessors,  for  the  profits  of  their  commis 
sions — and  that  they  must  therefore  so  qualify  their  tax  bill." 
The  house  in  reply  told  him,  "  they  knew  of  no  commis 
sioners  of  his  majesty's  custo?ns,  nor  of  any  revenue  his  majesty 
had  a  right  to  establish  in  North  America.  We  know  and 
feel  (said  they,)  a  tribute  levied  and  extorted  from  those, 
who,  if  they  have  property,  have  a  right  to  the  absolute  dis 
posal  of  it." 

Throughout  the  colonies,  the  non-importation  agreements 
were  continued ;  and  were  the  only  measures  of  opposition 
to  the  British  claims,  employed  during  the  year  1771.  Angry 
complaints,  increasing  bitterness  of  feeling,  and  a  more 
general  sentiment  of  repugnance  to  Great  Britain,  were  the 
chief  results  of  the  weak  and  tyrannical  policy  of  Great 
Britain.  In  1772,  a  new  grievance  was  imposed  upon  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts,  by  a  royal  regulation,  making  pro 
vision  for  the  support  of  the  governor,  independent  of  the. 
colonial  assembly  ;  which  the  house  of  representatives,  con 
vened  for  the  first  time  since  their  removal  to  Cambridge,  at 
Boston,  resolved  to  be  an  "infraction  of  the  rights  of  the 
inhabitants,  granted  by  the  royal  charter."  This  was  con 
sidered  so  alarming  a  measure — so  fraught  with  danger  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  by  making  their  executive  and  judi 
cial  officers  dependent  entirely  upon  the  crown,  j  , 
and  beyond  the  reach  of  the  people — that  it  led,  j 
under  the  active  exertions  of  Samuel  Adams,  and  Joseph 
Warren,  to  the  formation  of  committees  of  correspondence, 


92  HISTORY    OF    THE 

in  most  of  the  towns  of  the  colony — which  plan  formed  the 
germ  of  that  continental  union  of  counsels,  which  carried  the 
colonies  forward  together  to  the  declaration  of  Independence. 
The  appointment  of  these  committees,  created  a  long  and 
able  controversy  between  the  Governor  and  the  House  of 
"Representatives  ;  in  which  it  was  plainly  to  be  seen,  that  the 
coercive  measures  of  the  British  government,  so  far  from 
breaking  the  spirit,  or  lessening  the  demands  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  had  only  served  to  elevate  both.  The  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  unhesitatingly  concluded,  that  parliament  had  no 
claim  to  bind  the  colonies  in  any  case  whatsoever.  "  If," 
said  they,  "there  have  been  any  late  instances  of  submission 
to  acts  of  parliament,  it  has  been,  in  our  opinion,  rather  from 
inconsideration,  or  reluctance  at  the  idea  of  contending  with 
the  parent  state,  than  from  a  conviction  or  acknowledgment 
of  the  supreme  legislative  authority  of  parliament." 

In  June  of  that  same  year,  the  opposition  of  Rhode  Island 
to  the  revenue  acts  was  manifested  in  a  daring  manner.  The 
British  armed  schooner  Gaspee  in  pursuing  a  packet  sloop  that 
had  refused  to  lower  her  colors  as  a  salute,  run  aground.  A 
party  of  the  citizens  of  Providence,  headed  by  John  Brown, 
a  wealthy  merchant,  boarded  the  schooner  at  night,  and 
burnt  her,  with  all  her  stores.  The  British  government 
offered  a  reward  of  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  for  the  per 
petrators,  and  appointed  a  commissioner  to  try  them,  but  no 
evidence  could  be  obtained.  Another  tyrannical  act  was  the 
consequence.  Burning  the  royal  stores  was  made  felony, 
for  which  the  culprit  could  be  tried  in  any  county  in  Great 
Britain. 

Active  resistance  and  remonstrance  for  the  years  1771 
and  1772  wrere  confined  to  New  England,  and  chiefly  to 
Massachusetts.  The  ill-omened  presence  of  the  troops 
quartered  there,  and  the  particular  sufferings  of  a  commercial 
people  under  the  restrictions  upon  trade,  threw  them 
in  advance  of  the  other  colonies  during  that  time,  in  the 
great  struggle  of  rights.  The  spring  of  1773  was  signalized 
by  a  union  of  interests  and  action  in  all  the  colonies  by  the 
establishment  of  standing  committees  of  correspondence. 
The  plan  was  formed,  and  proposed,  nearly  at  the  same  time 
in  Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  by  Richard  Henry  Lee  and 
Samuel  Adams.  The  resolutions  of  Virginia  were  introduced 
on  the  12th  of  March,  1773,  by  Dabney  Carr,  a 


March,  1773. 


member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  93 

After  reciting  the  prevalence  of  rumors  of  proceedings 
tending  to  deprive  them  of  their  "ancient,  legal  and  consti 
tutional  rights ;" — and  reciting  further,  that  the  affairs  of 
Virginia,  were  very  frequently  connected  with  those  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  other  colonies,  rendering  a  "  communication 
of  sentiment"  necessary  to  "  remove  the  uneasiness  and  quiet 
the  minds  of  the  people,"  they  appointed  a  committee  of 
eleven  to  obtain  intelligence  of  all  proceedings  in  England 
relative  to  America,  and  maintain  a  communication  with  the 
other  provinces  concerning  them  :  and  particularly  to  inquire 
into  the  recent  act  constituting  the  court  of  inquiry  in  Rhode 
Island,  with  power  to  transport  Americans  to  Great  Britain 
for  trial.  These  were  accompanied  by  a  proposition  to  the 
other  colonies,  to  join  in  the  same  measure. 

So  nearly  contemporaneous  were  the  resolutions  of  Massa 
chusetts  that,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  messengers 
who  carried  the  intelligence  crossed  each  other  on  the  road. 
Thence  forward  the  proceedings  of  the  colonists  assumed  a  con 
sistency  and  uniformity  of  activity  eminently  favourable  to 
success,  and  highty  instrumental  in  producing  the  revolution. 
Occasions  were  not  wanting  for  calling  these  committees  into 
immediate  duty.  The  first  subject  after  the  organization  was 
a  contested  question  between  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts 
and  the  governor,  concerning  the  salaries  of  the  judges — he 
refusing  to  approve  a  grant  they  had  made  for  that  purpose, 
on  the  allegation  that  the  king  had  taken  the  support  of  the 
colonial  judiciary  into  his  own  hands.  The  assembly  remon 
strated,  and  four  of  the  judges  disclaimed  the  governor's 
views ;  the  fifth,  however,  adhered,  and  they  voted  to 
impeach  him,  which  the  governor  refused  to  sanction,  and 
the  impeachment  accordingly  failed — but  the  controversy 
formed  an  agitating  subject  of  discussion  throughout  the 
country.  The  attempt  to  make  the  judges  dependent  upon 
the  ministry  was  considered  a  violent  assault  upon  the  liber 
ties  of  the  colony. 

But  another  circumstance  occurred  shortly  after,  which 
carried  the  hostility  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  against 
the  governor,  to  a  height  of  greater  exasperation.  This  was 
the  publication  of  certain  private  letters,  written  by  him  and 
lieutenant-governor  Oliver,  to  England,  during  the  years 
1768  and  1769,  on  the  subject  of  American  affairs.  They 
recommended  violent  measures  to  reduce  the  colonies, 
especially  Massachusetts,  to  subjection,  and  represented  the 


94  HISTORY    OF    THE 

views  and  characters  of  the  patriots  in  the  blackest  colors 
Their  advice  seems  to  have  been  powerful  in  England ;  and 
many  of  the  measures  adopted  there,  hostile  to  the  colonies, 
were  in  accordance  with  their  suggestions.  They  went  even 
farther  than  the  ministry  had  yet  gone,  in  urging  alterations 
or  suspensions  of  the  charters — the  institution  of  a  privileged 
order  of  nobility — the  enactment  of  severe  penal  laws,  and 
the  execution  of  some  of  the  "principal  incendiaries." 
These  letters  were  obtained  in  England  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and 
confidentially  transmitted  to  some  of  his  friends  at  Boston  for 
their  information.  They  were  of  so  alarming  a  tenor  that 
they  were  brought  before  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  sitting  with  closed  doors,  by  Samuel 
Adams,  and  afterwards  ordered,  by  them,  to  be  published  in 
self-defence.  When  they  were  read  in  secret  session,  the 
House  unanimously  voted  that  their  tendency  was  "  to  over 
throw  the  constitution  of  this  government,  and  to  introduce 
arbitrary  power  into  the  province."  They  next  adopted  a 
petition  to  the  king,  "  to  remove  the  governor  Hutchinson, 
and  the  lieutenant-governor  Oliver  for  ever  from  the  govern 
ment  of  the  province."  In  favor  of  this  petition,  there  were 
eighty-two  out  of  ninety-four  voices. 

Dr.  Franklin  was  instructed  to  present  this  petition  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  who  had  succeeded  Lord  Hillsborough  as  secre 
tary  to  the  colonies,  in  the  autumn  of  the  preceding  year. 
By  him  it  was  laid  before  the  king  in  council,  where  Dr. 
Franklin  was  summoned  to  support  it.  It  was  on  that  occa 
sion  that  Mr.  Wedderburn — afterwards  Lord  Loughborough — 
as  counsel  in  opposition  to  the  petition,  poured  out  that 
memorable  volley  of  insult  and  vituperation,  upon  Dr. 
Franklin,  as  the  alledged  author  of  the  disturbances  in  Ame 
rica.  The  philosophic  patience  with  which  this  was  borne 
by  the  venerable  Franklin,  is  reported  to  have  given  way  in 
but  one  significant  whisper  to  the  attorney  general,  "  I  will 
make  your  master  a  little  king  for  this." 

The  petition  was  dismissed,  and  the  odious  officers  left  in 
command  of  the  discontented  province. 

At  this  critical  juncture,  the  British  ministry,  with  the  aiji 
of  the  East  India  Company,  undertook  to  effect,  by  policy, 
what  had  in  the  stamp  act,  and  other  acts  of  that  nature, 
been  previously  attempted  by  open  measures,  accompanied 
by  coercion.  The  TEA  duty  had  been  reserved  as  a  mere 
assertion  of  supremacy — being  too  trifling  in  amount  to  be 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION  95 

regarded  for  the  sake  of  revenue.  The  Americans  had, 
nowever,  by  their  non-importation  agreements,  effectually 
resisted  its  collection  for  several  years.  It  was  now  con 
trived,  by  concert  between  the  British  government  and 
the  Directory  of  the  East  India  Company,  that  tea  should  be 
introduced  into  America,  at  very  low  prices,  by  a  relaxation 
of  the  duties  in  England,  still  retaining  the  duty  on  importa 
tion  into  America.  A  naked  question  of  principle,  on  tax 
ation,  was  thus  presented — and  it  remained  to  be  seen, 
whether  the  colonies  would,  without  the  allegation  of  oppres 
sive  taxation,  encounter  the  whole  force  of  the  mother 
country.  It  was  an  insidious  plan  ;  but  the  virtue  and  energy 
of  the  Americans  foiled  it  most  signally.  Three  pence  a 
pound  upon  tea,  accompanied  with  drawbacks  of  duty  at  the 
place  of  exportation  more  than  compensating  for  the  tax, 
was  in  itself  insignificant  as  a  burden ;  but  the  principle  of 
tyranny  was  strong  in  it,  and  resistance  was  as  instantaneous 
and  unyielding,  as  though  it  had  been  an  act  of  confiscation. 
•  The  non-importation  agreements,  so  faithfully  observed, 
had  deprived  the  East  India  Company  of  an  extensive  market 
for  their  tea.  The  exports  from  Great-Britain  had  diminished, 
until  it  was  computed  that  at  least  seventeen  millions  of  pounds 
of  tea  had  accumulated  in  the  company's  warehouses. 
Anxious  to  reduce  this  quantity,  and  secure  some  portion  of 
their  commercial  profits,  the  company  at  first  urged  the 
repeal  of  the  tea  duty,  levied  in  America.  This  being 
refused,  a  compromise  was  agreed  upon,  by  which  they 
were  authorized  to  export  their  tea  from  England  duty  free, 
paying  the  tax  in  the  colonies ;  by  which  means  the  price 
would  have  been  lower  in  America  than  on  the  repeal  of  the 
American  duty,  without  the  drawback  at  home.  Vast  quan 
tities  were  accordingly  freighted  to  America,  and  agents 
appointed  to  dispose  of  it,  on  the  faith  that  no  obstruction 
would  be  offered .  The  shipments  were  principally  to  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  Charleston,  and  Boston. 

There  was  not,  however,  a  moment's  hesitation  in  Ame 
rica,  on  the  question.  The  first  tidings  of  the  scheme  pro 
duced  a  universal  determination  to  defeat  it.  The  com 
mittees  of  correspondence  became  active,  and  mutual  pledges 
were  soon  obtained  from  every  port,  that  the  tea  should  not 
be  landed.  These  were  easily  redeemed  in  Philadelphia  and 
New  York,  at  which  places  the  consignees  were  intimidated, 
and  the  sale  of  the  tea  prevented,  or  the  ships  com- 


96  HISTORY   OP   THE 

pelled  to  return  without  breaking  bulk — "  and  they  sailed 
up  the  Thames,"  in  the  language  of  John  Adams,  "to 
proclaim  to  all  the  nation  that  New  York  and  Penn 
sylvania  would  not  be  enslaved."  In  Charleston  it  was 
landed,  indeed,  but  the  agents  were  not  permitted  to  offer  it 
for  sale,  and  it  was  in  consequence  stored  in  cellars,  where 
it  finally  perished.  In  Boston,  however,  the  inveterate 
obstinacy  of  Governor  Hutchinson,  and  of  the  board  of  cus 
toms  under  his  direction,  prevented  so  peaceable  a  termina 
tion  of  the  affair.  The  courage  of  the  town-people  was  mom 
than  equal  to  his  obstinacy ;  and  town-meeting  after  town 
meeting  was  held  to  reiterate  their  firm  resolution  that  the 
tea  should  not  be  landed,  nor  duty  paid,  and  that  they  would 
maintain  this  position  at  the  "risk  of  life  and  property." 
Still  the  authorities  refused  to  give  clearances,  and  Admiral 
Montague,  who  commanded  on  the  station,  was  directed  to 
prevent  all  vessels,  except  coasters,  from  passing  out,  without 
a  written  permit  from  the  governor.  Night  after  night  the 
Bostonians  kept  guard  upon  the  wharves,  to  obstruct  any 
attempt  to  land  privately ;  and  in  this  state  of  excitement 
the  controversy  continued  till  the  middle  of  December.  The 
__  patriot  leaders,  the  Adamses,  Otis  and  Quincy, 
and  the  rest,  were  indefatigable  in  stimulating  the 
people  to  perseverance,  and  finally  urged  the  daring  feat  of 
destroying  the  tea.  On  the  19th  of  that  month,  all  things 
were  prepared,  and  a  messenger  was  despatched  to  the 
governor  for  his  final  reply.  During  his  absence,  Josiah 
Quincy  warned  them  of  the  consequences  of  the  contem 
plated  act,  while  he  roused  their  courage  in  the  following 
nervous  style : — 

"It  is  not,"  said  he,  "Mr.  Moderator,  the  spirit  that 
vapours  within  these  walls  that  must  stand  us  in  stead.  The 
exertions  of  this  day  will  call  forth  events,  which  will  make 
a  very  different  spirit  necessary  for  our  salvation.  Whoever 
supposes,  that  shouts  and  hosannas  will  terminate  the  trials 
of  the  day.  entertains  a  childish  fancy.  We  must  be  grossly 
ignorant  of  the  importance  and  value  of  the  prize  for  which 
we  contend ;  we  must  be  equally  ignorant  of  the  power  of 
those  who  have  combined  against  us ;  we  must  be  blind  to 
that  malice,  inveteracy,  and  insatiable  revenge,  which  actu 
ate  our  enemies,  public  and  private,  abroad  and  in  our 
bosom,  to  hope  that  we  shall  end  this  controversy  without 
the  sharpest — the  sharpest  conflicts — to  flatter  ourselves 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  97 

that  popular  resolves,  popular  harangues,  popular  acclama 
tions,  and  popular  vapour,  will  vanquish  our  foes.  Let  us 
consider  the  issue.  Let  us  look  to  the  end.  Let  us  weigh 
and  consider,  before  we  advance  to  those  measures  which 
must  bring  on  the  most  trying  and  terrible  struggle  this  coun 
try  ever  saw." 

Their  actions  answered  promptly  this  spirit-stirring  appeal. 
When  it  was  announced  that  the  governor  had  refused  the 
pass,  they  dissolved  the  meeting,  and  shortly  afterwards, 
several  parties  of  men,  some  of  them  disguised  as  Mohawk 
Indians,  boarded  the  ships,  in  the  presence  of  thousands  of 
spectators  who  lined  the  wharves,  broke  open  the  chests  of 
tea,  and  emptied  their  contents  into  the  bay.  They  then 
dispersed,  peaceably,  to  their  homes. 

The  destruction  of  the  tea,  formed  a  new  and  momentous 
crisis  in  the  relations  between  America  and  Great  Britain. 
It  was  the  first  open  exercise  of  popular  force  against  the 
authority  of  acts  of  parliament ;  a  bold  step  towards  resistance 
by  force  of  arms  to  the  British  claims  of  supremacy.  The 
timid  were  struck  with  dismay  at  the  effects  they  anticipated,  and 
few  knew  how  to  look  steadily  upon  the  future.  Indepen 
dence  did  not,  as  yet,  form  any  consistent  part  of  the  designs, 
even  of  the  leading  patriots,  and  with  the  vast  majority  the 
return  to  a  peaceful  enjoyment  of  their  rights  under  the 
British  constitution,  as  they  construed  it  to  apply  to  America, 
was  the  most  of  their  hopes.  Not  to  submit  to  anything 
less,  was  the  general  determination  ;  and  the  ardor  of  the 
mass,  and  the  confident  zeal  of  heroic  leaders,  hurried  the 
whole  people  onward  to  joint  resolution,  common  objects, 
and  finally  to  one  single  aim — that  of  complete  emancipation 
from  unrelenting  tyranny.  The  events  which  followed  in 
rapid  succession,  soon  left  no  alternative,  but  unyielding 
resistance  or  unlimited  submission. 

I 
i 


March  7,1774. 


98  HISTORY   OF    THE 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PARLIAMENT  met  in  January,  but  American  affairs  were  not 
mentioned  in  the  King's  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  session. 
A  special  message  was  laid  before  both  Houses  in 
March,  informing  them  "of  the  unwarrantable 
practices  carried  on  in  North  America,  and  particularly  of  the 
violent  and  outrageous  proceedings  at  Boston,  with  a  view  of 
obstructing  the  commerce  of  the  kingdom,  and  upon  grounds 
and  pretences,  immediately  subversive  of  its  constitution." 
In  presenting  these  papers,  the  minister  spoke  vehemently 
of  inflicting  "punishment"  on  this  "daring  and  criminal 
conduct,"  and  vindicating  the  "  dignity  of  the  crown;" — - 
threats  which  were  re-echoed  by  the  addresses  of  both 
Houses.  The  measures  which  followed,  showed  the  vindic 
tive  temper  of  parliament,  and  their  determination  to  remove 
every  obstruction  of  law,  constitutions,  charters,  natural 
and  vested  rights,  and  common  equity,  in  order  to  punish 
the  audacity  of  the  Bostonians,  and  the  offending  colony. 

Three  bills  were  introduced,  and  carried  with  little  show 
of  opposition — almost  by  acclamation. 

The  First — known  in  history  as  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  pro 
vided — "for  the  immediate  removal  of  the  officers  con 
cerned  in  the  collection  of  customs  from  Boston,  and  to  dis 
continue  the  landing  and  discharging,  lading  and  shipping  of 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandize,  at  Boston,  or  within  the 
harbour  thereof,  "  after  the  ensuing  first  June  ; — to  continue 
during  his  Majesty's  pleasure.  It  also  levied  a  fine,  for  the 
indemnification  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  all  others 
who  had  been  injured  in  the  "late  riots."  The  board  of 
customs  was  removed  to  the  town  of  Salem. 

The  Second — subverted  the  whole  constitution  and  charter 
of  the  province,  that  all  power  out  of  the  hands  of  the  peo 
ple,  to  vest  it  absolutely  in  the  crown — deprived  the  lower 
house  of  their  agency  in  the  selection  of  counsellors,  and  of 
the  privilege  of  appointing  sheriffs,  judges,  and  magistrates, 
both  which  it  gave  to  the  governor;,  and  further  suppressed 
all  town-meetings,  not  sanctioned  by  his  permission. 

The  Third  Bill — "for  the  impartial  administration  of  jus- 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  99 

tice,  in  Massachusetts  Bay ;"  authorized  the  removal  to  Eng 
land,  for  trial,  of  any  person  indicted  for  murder,  in  the 
colonies,  on  the  allegation  that  the  act  was  committed  in  aid 
ing  the  civil  authorities  in  the  execution  of  the  laws  ;  a  pro 
vision  designed  for  the  protection  of  soldiers,  whom  it  might 
be  found  necessary  to  employ  in  shooting  the  Americans. 

Protests  against  these  acts  were  entered  on  the  journals  of 
the  House  of  Lords  by  eleven  peers,  as  dangerous,  unjust, 
and  unconstitutional.  The  Earl  of  Chatham  was  unable  to 
attend  the  House  until  they  had  been  passed,  but  took  occa 
sion  to  raise  a  warning  voice  against  them,  on  a  subsequent 
agitation  of  the  matter. 

"  I  condemn,"  said  he,  "  in  the  severest  manner,  the  tur 
bulent  and  unwarrantable  conduct  of  the  Americans,  in  some 
instances,  particularly  in  the  late  riots  at  Boston ;  but,  my 
lords,  the  mode  which  has  been  pursued  to  bring  them 
back  to  a  sense  of  their  duty,  is  so  diametrically  opposite  to 
every  principle  of  sound  policy,  as  to  excite  my  utmost 
astonishment.  You  have  involved  the  guilty  and  the  inno 
cent  in  one  common  punishment,  and  avenge  the  crime  of 
a  few  lawless  depredators  upon  the  whole  body  of  the 
inhabitants." 

"  My  lords,  it  has  always  been  my  fixed  and  unalterable 
opinion,  and  I  will  carry  it  with  me  to  the  grave,  that  this 
country  had  no  right  under  heaven,  to  tax  America.  It  is 
contrary  to  all  the  principles  of  justice  and  civil  policy  :  it  is 
contrary  to  that  essential,  unalterable  right  in  nature,  ingrafted 
into  the  British  Constitution  as  a  fundamental  law,  that  what 
a  man  has  honestly  acquired  is  absolutely  his  own,  which 
he  may  freely  give,  but  which  cannot  be  taken  away  from 
him,  without  his  consent.  Pass,  then,  my  lords,  instead  of 
these  harsh  and  severe  edicts,  an  amnesty  over  their  errors  : 
by  measures  of  lenity  and  affection  allure  them  to  their  duty  ; 
act  the  part  of  a  generous  and  forgiving  parent.  A  period 
may  arrive,  when  this  parent  may  stand  in  need  of  every 
assistance  she  can  receive  from  a  grateful  and  affectionate 
offspring." 

Colonel  Barre  failed  not  to  enforce  the  same  views,  but  in 
vain.  The  ministry  were  doomed  to  slight  every  counsel  in 
which  safety  for  British  interests  could  have  been  found. 

The  Port  Bill  passed  in  March,  the  other  bills  in  May  ; 
and  in  the  latter  month,  General  Gage,  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  royal  forces  in  North  America,  arrived  in  Bos- 


100  HISTORY    OF    THE 

ton,  with  a  commission  to  supersede  Mr.  Hutchinson  as 
governor  of  the  province.  He  was  received  personally  with 
courtesy,  by  the  people  ;  but  the  measures  he  was  appointed 
to  enforce,  were  met  by  unflinching  opposition.  A  meeting 
was  instantly  held,  to  consider  the  Port  Bill,  then  the  only 
one  received,  at  which  it  was 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  town,  that  if  the 
other  colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all  importa 
tion  from  and  exportation  to  Great  Britain,  and  every  part  of 
the  West  Indies,  till  the  act  be  repealed,  the  same  will  prove 
the  salvation  of  North  America  and  her  liberties;  and  that 
the  impolicy,  injustice,  inhumanity,  and  cruelty  of  the  act, 
exceed  all  our  powers  of  expression.  We  therefore  leave 
it  to  the  just  censure  of  others,  and  appeal  to  God  and  the 
world."  * 

Virginia  again  nobly  came  to  the  succor  of  Massachusetts  in 
her  adversity.  The  house  of  burgesses  appointed  the  1st  of 
June,  the  day  on  which  the  Port  Bill  was  to  go  into  effect,  as  a 
day  of  "  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer,"  in  consideration  of 
the  "  hostile  invasion  of  the  city  of  Boston,  in  our  sister  colony 
of  Massachusetts"  —  "devoutly  to  implore  the  divine  interposi 
tion  for  averting  the  heavy  calamity  which  threatens  tiestruc- 

n  *°  our  c^v^  ri0*8'  an^  tne  ev^s  °f  CIV1^  war  '•> 


Ma  07 

I  to  give  us  one  heart  and  one  mind,  firmly  to  oppose, 

by  all  just  and  proper  means,  every  injury  to  American 
rights." 

Governor  Dunmore  resenting  this  proceeding,  dissolved 
the  assembly,  who  instantly  reassembled  to  the  number  of 
eighty-nine,  and  formed  themselves  into  a  non-importing 
association,  including  in  their  agreements,  one  not  to  use  any 
East  India  productions  whatever  except  spices  and  salt-petre, 
until  the  wrongs  of  America  were  redressed.  The  Port  Bill 
they  pronounced  a  "most  dangerous  attempt  to  destroy  the 
liberty  and  rights  of  all  North  America."  They  concluded 
with  proposing  a  "  general  Congress"  of  the  colonies,  "to 
deliberate  on  those  general  measures  which  the  united  inter 
ests  of  America  may,  from  time  to  time,  require." 

The  Massachusetts  assembly,  which  met  by  adjournment  at 
Salem,  on  the  Tth  of  June,  voted  to  send  deputies  to  a  general 
Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  first  Monday  of  Septem 
ber  ;  and  by  degrees,  the  same  measure  was  adopted  in  every 
colony  except  Georgia.  When  Governor  Gage  learned  what 
the  House  of  Representatives  were  doing  on  this  occasion, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  101 

he  sent  to  dissolve  them;  but  they,  with  equal  alertness, 
being  informed  of  his  design,  closed  their  doors.  Samuel 
Adams  secured  the  key ;  and  they  finished  their  proceedings, 
while  the  proclamation  of  dissolution  was  read  upon  the 
stairs.  Every  where  in  assenting  to  these  movements,  the  live 
liest  sympathy  was  expressed  for  the  dangers  and  distresses 
of  the  devoted  people  of  Boston,  and  the  suffering  colony 
of  Massachusetts.  Pennsylvania,  in  addition,  resolved '  to  break 
off  all  commercial  intercourse  whatever  with  every  town, 
city,  colony,  or  individual,'  which  should  fail  to  go  thoroughly 
with  the  cause  of  liberty.  The  several  assemblies  and  con 
ventions  of  the  colonies  were  instructed  by  popular  meetings, 
and  in  every  form  by  which  the  public  will  could  be  ex 
pressed,  to  go  to  the  last  extremity  in  support  of  Massa 
chusetts. 

The  day  on  which  the  Port  Bill  was  appointed  to  go  into 
operation  was  observed,  generally,  according  to  the  recom 
mendation  of  Virginia,  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer.  Busi 
ness  was  arrested,  houses  were  closed,  and  a  deep  sorrow 
manifested  everywhere,  for  the  sufferings  of  the  patriotic 
Bostonians,  and  the  threatened  subversion  of  colonial  liber 
ties.  The  character  of  that  atrocious  bill  cannot  be  more 
briefly  described  than  it  was  by  Josiah  Quincy,  in  his  cele 
brated  essay.  We  copy  the  passage  as  one  illustrating  the 
common  estimation  of  the  act  which  pervaded  the  resolutions 
and  addresses  with  which  the  whole  continent  abounded. 

"The  Boston  Port  Bill,  condemns  a  whole  town  unheard, 
nay,  uncited  to  answer;  involves  thousands  in  ruin  and 
misery,  without  the  suggestion  of  any  crime  by  them  com 
mitted  ;  and  it  is  so  constituted,  that  enormous  pains  and 
penalties  must  ensue,  notwithstanding  the  most  perfect 
obedience  to  its  injunction.  The  destruction  of  the  tea, 
which  took  place  without  any  illegal  procedure  of  the  town,  is 
the  only  alleged  ground,  consigning  thousands  of  its  inhabit 
ants  to  ruin,  misery,  and  despair.  Those  charged  with  the 
most  aggravated  crimes,  are  not  punishable  till  arraigned 
before  disinterested  judges  ;  heard  in  their  own  defence,  and 
found  guilty  of  the  charge.  But  here  a  whole  people  are 
accused,  prosecuted  by,  they  know  not  whom ;  tried,  they 
know  not  where ;  proved  guilty,  they  know  not  how ;  and 
sentenced  to  suffer  inevitable  ruin.  Their  hard  fate  cannot 
be  avoided  by  the  most  servile  submission,  the  most  implicit 
obedience  to  the  statute.  The  first  intimation  of  it  was  on 

I  2 


102  HISTORY  OF   THE 

the  10th  of  May,  and  it  took  place  on  the  1st  of  June  ;  thence 
to  continue  in  full  force,  till  it  shall  sufficiently  appear  to  his 
majesty,  that  full  satisfaction  has  been  made,  &c.  So  short 
a  space  is  given  for  staying  the  torrent  of  threatened  evils, 
that  the  subject,  although  exerting  his  utmost  energy,  must 
be  overwhelmed,  and  driven  to  madness,  by  terms  of  deli 
verance,  and  deny  relief  till  his  ruin  is  inevitable." 

This  description  of  the  effects  upon  the  city  thus  inhumanly 
condemned  to  ruin,  was  not  exaggerated.  The  deepest  distress 
pervaded  all  classes.  Capital  could  no  longer  be  used,  and  labor 
had  no  more  employment.  The  common  necessaries  of  life  were 
hardly  within  the  reach  of  the  opulent,  and  the  poor  became 
suddenly  destitute  almost  of  food.  Animated  by  the  spirit 
of  liberty,  they,  however,  bore  these  inflictions  with  inflex 
ible  constancy.  Contributions  for  their  relief  soon  poured  iri 
from  all  parts.  Corporate  bodies,  town-meetings,  popular 
assemblages,  individual  charity  and  sympathy  sent  them  aid, 
encouragement,  and  applause.  The  inhabitants  of  Marble- 
head  tendered  the  Boston  merchants  the  use  of  their  harbor, 
wharves,  warehouses,  and  their  own  personal  attendance, 
free  of  charge ;  and  the  people  of  Salem,  whither  it  had  been 
thought  that  the  course  of  trade  would  turn,  magnanimously 
refused  to  accept  the  boon,  and  concluded  a  generous  remon 
strance,  with  the  protestation, — "  We  must  be  dead  to  every 
idea  of  justice,  lost  to  all  feelings  of  humanity,  could  we 
indulge  one  thought  to  seize  on  wealth,  and  raise  our  for 
tunes  on  the  ruins  of  our  suffering  neighbours." 

The  evils  of  the  Port  Bill  extended  themselves  through 
out  the  colony,  spreading  general  distress  upon  a  large  and 
populous  province,  in  punishment  of  an  untried  offence, 
which  amounted,  in  the  worst  sense,  to  an  act  of  trespass 
against  the  property  of  the  East  India  Company,  by  some 
unknown  offenders. 

One  great  benefit  to  the  general  cause,  however,  sprung 
out  of  it,  which  counterbalanced  the  partial  evils,  intense  as 
they  were  in  their  effects.  The  feelings  of  all  America  were 
aroused  to  a  pitch  of  uncontrollable  resentment,  and  they 
perceived  the  futility  of  expecting  any  relenting  in  the 
course  of  British  oppression,  unless  extorted  by  the  united 
resistance  of  the  colonies. 

Just  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly, 
the  two  additional  acts,  for  "the  better  regulating  the  go-' 
verament  of  Massachusetts  Bay,"  and  for  the   "  impartial 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  103 

administration  of  justice ;"  reached  America,  and  added 
new  fuel  to  the  flame  of  discontent.  Additional  force  arrived, 
and  was  quartered  in  the  town ;  and  Governor  Gage  pro 
ceeded,  against  the  remonstrances  and  protests  of  the  people 
and  authorities  of  the  town,  to  fortify  Boston  Neck,  the  only 
entrance  into  the  city,  since  the  suspension  of  all  access 
by  water,  under  the  infamous  Port  act. 

On  the  5th  of  September,  the  first  Congress  of  the  united 
colonies  met  at  Philadelphia.  A  more  august  assemblage  in 
the  weight  of  character  of  the  members,  the  ex-  I 

•  •  ••  .  •  i'il      fecpt.  l/74t 

citing  causes,  and  momentous  questions  which  J 
brought  them  together,  the  subsequent  distinction  acquired 
by  the  leading  men  who  composed  it, — a  distinction  unsur 
passed  by  that  of  any  other  names  in  history, — and  in  the  vast 
consequences  to  America  and  to  the  world,  which  flowed 
from  their  wisdom,  virtue,  and  courage,  never  met  before  or 
since,  in  any  country  or  nation.  Thirteen  colonies  were  repre 
sented.  Their  names,  and  those  of  their  delegates,  follow: 

Massachusetts — Thomas  Gushing,  James  Bowdoin,  Robert 
Treat  Paine,  Samuel  Adams,  and  John  Adams. 

New  Hampshire — John  Sullivan,  and  Nathaniel  Folsom. 

Connecticut — Eliphalet  Dyer,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Silas 
Deane. 

Rhode  Island — Stephen  Hopkins  and  Samuel  Ward. 

New  York — Isaac  Low,  John  Alsop,  John  Jay,  James  Du- 
ane,  William  Floyd,  Henry  Weisner,  and  Samuel  Bocrum. 

Pennsylvania — John  Dickinson,  Thomas  Mifflin,  Joseph 
Galloway,  Charles  Humphreys,  Edward  Biddle,  John  Mor 
ton,  and  George  Ross. 

New  Jersey — James  Kinsey,  William  Livingston,  Stephen 
Crane,  and  Richard  Smith. 

Delaware — Caesar  Rodney,  Thomas  M'Kean,  and  George 
Read. 

Maryland — Matthew  Tilghman,  Thomas  Johnson,  William 
Paca,  and  Samuel  Chase. 

Virginia — Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George 
Washington,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Har 
rison,  and  Edward  Pendleton. 

North  Carolina — William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes,  and 
R.  Caswell. 

South  Carolina — Henry  Middleton,  Thomas  Lynch,  Chris 
topher  Gadsden,  John  Rutledge,  and  Edward  Rutledge. 

The  Congress  organized  themselves  by  the  appointment  of 


104  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Peyton  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  as  President,  and  Charles 
Thompson,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary.  The  leading  orators 
were  Patrick  Henry  and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia, 
and  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts.  The  business  was 
opened  by  Patrick  Henry,  who  had  already  acquired  a  repu 
tation  co-extensive  with  the  continent,  for  extraordinary 
eloquence,  great  courage,  ability,  and  energy,  and  invincible 
patriotism. 

It  was  settled  that  each  colony  should  have  only  one  vote 
in  determining  questions,  and  committees  were  appointed 
to  state  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  the  wrongs  they  had 
suffered,  by  the  acts  of  parliament  since  1763 ;  to  prepare 
petitions  to  the  king,  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  to  the 
people  of  Canada,  and  to  the  several  colonies.  Resolutions, 
which  had  been  adopted  by  the  people  of  Suffolk  county,  in 
Massachusetts,  remarkable  for  energy  and  boldness,  were 
taken  up  at  an  early  day,  and  unanimously  approved.  Among 
those  resolutions  was  one  recommending  all  collectors  of 
taxes,  and  other  officers  having  public  moneys  in  their  hands, 
to  retain  the  same  until  the  civil  government  of  the  province 
should  be  placed  on  a  "  constitutional  foundation,"  or  it 
should  be  otherwise  ordered  by  a  "Provincial  Congress." 
Congress,  among  the  first  of  their  acts,  "thoroughly"  com 
mended  these  resolves,  as  the  counsels  of  "wisdom  and  for 
titude." 

On  the  8th  of  October,  resolutions  were  adopted  still  more 
explicitly  commending  the  course  of  Massachusetts,  and 
pledging  the  rest  of  the  provinces  to  adhere  to  her,  through 
out,  in  her  conflict  with  "wicked  ministers."  Two  of  these 
were  in  the  following  terms : 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  do  approve  of  the  opposition 
made  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  the 
execution  of  the  late  acts  of  Parliament;  and  if  the  same 
shall  be  attempted  to  be  carried  into  execution  by  force,  in 
such  case  all  America  ought  to  support  them  in  their  oppo 
sition. 

Resolved,  unanimously,  That  every  person  or  persons  who 
soever,  who  shall  take,  accept,  or  act  under  any  commission 
or  authority,  in  any  W7ise  derived  from  the  act  passed  in  the 
last  session  of  Parliament,  changing  the  form  of  government 
and  violating  the  charter  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  ought  to  be  held  in  detestation  and  abhorrence  by  all  good 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  105 

men,  and  considered  as  the  wicked  tools  of  that  despotism, 
which  is  preparing  to  destroy  those  rights,  which  God,  nature, 
and  compact  have  given  to  America." 

On  the  14th,  a  declaration  of  rights  was  adopted,  asserting 
the  liberties  and  privileges  of  the  colonies,  by  nature,  com 
pact,  and  under  the  British  constitution ;  and  reciting  the 
several  acts  of  the  British  parliament,  which  were  considered 
as  infringing  them.  They  were  those  which  we  have  endea 
vored  to  trace  succinctly  in  this  volume — the  acts  of  1764-5-6, 
and  '7,  for  imposing  duties  for  revenue,  beginning  with 
the  molasses  act,  and  ending  with  the  tea  tax ;  for  extending 
the  power  of  the  admiralty  courts,  and  for  suspending  the  trial 
by  jury ;  the  act  of  1772,  arising  out  of  the  Gaspee  affair, 
creating  a  new  criminal  offence,  and  depriving  American 
citizens  of  the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  the  vicinage,  and 
making  them  liable  to  transportation  to  any  part  of  Great 
Britain  for  trial;  and  the  three  acts  passed  at  the  preceding 
session  (of  1774)  ; — the  Boston  port  bill,  the  bill  for  altering 
the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  bill  for  the  administra 
tion  of  justice.  The  Quebec  act  passed  at  the  same  time, 
which  was  designed  to  repress  the  growth  of  the  colonies,  by 
extending  the  limits  of  Canada,  and  setting  up  adverse  insti 
tutions  and  interests  there,  was  included  in  the  list;  as  was 
also  the  act  for  quartering  soldiers  in  America.  A  distinct  reso 
lution  was  passed,  that  "the  keeping  of  a  standing  army  in. 
several  of  these  colonies  in  time  of  peace,  without  the  con 
sent  of  the  legislature  of  the  colony  in  which  such  army  was 
kept,  is  against  law." 

As  the  most  effectual  means  of  enforcing  the  attention 
of  the  people  of  Great  Britain  to  these  demands,  the  Congress 
entered  into  a  general  non-importation  agreement  for  them 
selves  and  their  constituents.  By  this  they  bound  them 
selves,  and  those  whom  they  represented,  to  cease,  after  the 
ensuing  December,  all  importations  whatsoever  from  Great 
Britain  or  Ireland,  directly  or  indirectly ;  all  East  India  tea 
from  any  part  of  the  world  ;  most  of  the  productions  of  the 
West  Indian  islands,  and  other  numerous  articles  from  places 
through  which  Great  Britain  might  be  benefited.  To  this 
was  added  an  agreement,  to  take  effect  instantly,  not  to  use 
any  goods  upon  which  duties  were  claimed,  or  had  been,  or 
should  be,  paid;  and  a  third  to  export  nothing  whatever 
to  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  or  the  West  Indies,  after  the  10th 
of  September,  1775,  in  case  the  acts  complained  of  should 


106  HISTORY   OF    THE 

not  be  repealed  before  that  date.  Efficient  measures  were 
taken  for  organizing  committees  in  every  county,  city,  and 
town,  to  see  that  this  agreement  was  enforced,  by  every 
species  of  popular  influence. 

The  addresses  which  accompanied  these  measures  cannot 
be  read  without  the  highest  admiration  of  the  courage, 
genius,  patriotism,  and  eloquence  of  the  authors.  They  are 
documents  from  which  to  extract  is  to  mutilate,  and  of  which 
no  detached  fragment  can  give  an  adequate  idea.  They 
should  be  read  and  studied  by  Americans  in  all  generations, 
as  models  of  elevated  style,  dignity  of  remonstrance,  and  lofty 
purity  of  principle.  When  they  were  brought  before  the 
British  House  of  Lords,  Lord  Chatham  passed  upon  them 
this  noble  eulogium — "For  myself,  I  must  declare  and 
avow,  that  in  all  my  reading  and  observation — and  history 
has  been  my  favorite  study — I  have  read  Thucydides  and 
have  studied  and  admired  the  master  states  of  the  world — 
that  for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom 
of  conclusion,  no  nation,  or  body  of  men,  can  stand  in  pre 
ference  to  the  general  congress  at  Philadelphia." 

The  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  contained  the 
following  announcement  of  the  alternatives  to  which  the 
colonies  looked.  "  If  you  are  determined  that  your  minis 
ters  shall  wantonly  sport  with  the  rights  of  marfkind;  if 
neither  the  voice  of  justice,  the  dictates  of  law,  the  princi 
ples  of  the  constitution,  nor  the  suggestions  of  humanity,  can 
restrain  your  hands  from  shedding  human  blood,  in  such  an 
impious  cause,  we  must  then  tell  you  that  we  will  never 
submit  to  be  hewers  of  wood,  or  drawers  of  water,  for  any 
ministry  or  nation  in  the  world." 

"  Place  us  in  the  same  circumstances  in  which  we  were 
at  the  close  of  the  late  war,  and  our  former  harmony  will  be 
restored. 

"  But  lest  the  same  supineness,  and  the  same  inattention 
to  our  common  interest,  which  you  have  for  several  years 
shown,  should  continue,  we  think  it  necessary  to  anticipate 
the  consequences." 

In  the  address  to  the  "  people  of  the  colonies,"  they 
udvise  them  to  be  prepared  for  the  '  worst,'  and  for  '  every 
contingency.' 

After  a  session  of  eight  weeks,  Congress  dissolved  them 
selves,  having  previously  given  it  as  their  opinion,  that 
another  Congress  should  be  held  on  the  10th  of  the  next 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  107 

May,  unless  previous  redress  should  have  been     Dec 
obtained ;  and  recommending  to  all  the  colonies 
to  choose  deputies  as  soon  as  possible  to  be  prepared  for 
every  event. 

A  majority  of  the  members  of  this  Congress  believed  that 
these  measures,  especially  the  non-importation,  and  non- 
exportation  agreements,  would  procure  them  a  peaceable 
redress.  Patrick  Henry  was,  however,  of  a  different  opinion, 
and  boldly  avowed  that  force  must  finally  be  resorted  to 
to  defend  the  rights  of  America ;  and  prophesied  that,  with 
the  aid  of  France  and  Spain,  America  would  finally 
triumph. 

The  legislatures,  or  their  substitutes  the  provincial  con 
ventions,  which  had  in  the  mean  time  sprung  into  authority, 
very  generally,  throughout  the  colonies,  approved  of  these 
proceedings.  New  York,  which  had  fallen  under  the  influ 
ence  of  the  Tories,  was  alone  excepted.  The  people  every 
where  sanctioned  and  obeyed  their  recommendations  with 
as  much  order  as  though  clothed  with  all  the  sanctions  of 
regular  government. 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  had  been  convoked 
by  Governor  Gage,  for  the  4th  of  October,  and  was  dissolved  by 
proclamation  on  the  5th.  They  met,  however,  organ 
ized  themselves  into  a  Provincial  Convention,  and  elected 
John  Hancock  president.  After  adjournment,  in  defiance 
of  the  governor,  they  met  again  at  Cambridge  on  the  17th, 
and  appointed  committees  of  "  Safety,"  and  of  "  Supplies;" 
the  first  of  which,  was  to  call  out  the  militia  of  the  province 
for  its  defence.  They  voted  to  raise  12,000  militia — enlist 
one-fourth  of  the  militia,  to  be  ready  at  a  moment's  warning, 
thence  called  minute  men ;  and  appointed  three  general  offi 
cers — JedediahPreble,  Artemas  Ward,  and  Colonel  Pome- 
roy.  They  gave  information  to  the  other  New  England 
colonies,  asking  their  aid,  to  make  up  an  army  of  20,000 
men.  They  were  emboldened  to  these  measures  by  the 
alacrity  with  which  the  people  had  risen  spontaneously,  on 
a  rumor,  circulated  in  September,  that  the  governor 
had  ordered  an  attack  upon  Boston,  and  that  the  fleet  was 
actually  bombarding  the  town.  Within  two  days,  30,000 
volunteers  were  in  arms,  on  their  way  to  Boston,  before  it 
was  ascertained  that  the  rumor  was  unfounded. 

Similar  preparations  were  made  in  other  colonies,  with  a 
like  spirit,  but  less  in  extent. 


108  HISTORY    OF    THE 

In  the  mean  time,  a  new  parliament  had  met  in  Great 
Britain.  The  king's  speech  was  threatening  towards 
America,  avowing  his  determination  to  sustain  "  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  legislature,  over  all  the  dominions  of  the 
crown."  The  American  papers  were  laid  before  Parlia 
ment,  in  January.  Mr.  Quincy,  of  Massachusetts,  then  in 
Ja  }  London,  after  several  interviews  with  the  minis 

try,  became  convinced  that  none  other  than 
coercive  measures  would  be  adopted,  and  wrote  home — "I 
look  to  my  countrymen  with  the  feelings  of  one  who  verily 
believes  that  they  must  yet  seal  their  faith  and  constancy  to 
their  liberties  with  blood."  Events  soon  confirmed  his 
judgment. 

Lord  Chatham  magnanimously  took  the  lead  in  opposition 
to  the  ministers,  and  moved  an  address  to  the  king,  for  the 
removal  of  the  troops  from  Boston.  In  one  of  the  fine  pas 
sages  with  which  his  speech  abounded,  he  told  the  ministry  : 
"Resistance  to  your  acts  was  necessary,  and  therefore  just ; 
and  your  vain  declarations  of  the  omnipotence  of  Parliament, 
and  your  imperious  doctrines  of  the  necessity  of  submission, 
will  be  equally  impotent  to  convince  or  enslave  America." 

"  You  may,  no  doubt,"  said  he,  "  destroy  their  cities  ;  you 
may  cut  them  off  from  the  superfluities,  perhaps  the  con 
veniences  of  life  ;  but,  my  lords,  they  will  still  despise  your 
power,  for  they  have  yet  remaining  their  woods  and  their 
liberty." 

The  motion  was  lost  by  a  considerable  majority,  as  was 
a  subsequent  bill  which  he  introduced,  with  the  view  of 
settling  the  general  question. 

The  petition  of  Congress  was,  after  debate,  refused  a 
hearing,  as  proceeding  from  an  illegal  assembly,  and  on  the 
9th  of  February  the  Houses  joined  in  an  address 
to  his  majesty,  declaring  that  rebellion  actually 
existed  in  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  requesting  him  to 
use  every  means  to  enforce  obedience ;  and  pledging  him 
their  support,  with  their  lives  and  property.  The  address 
was  followed  by  a  ministerial  act,  which  soon  passed, 
restraining  the  trade  of  the  four  New  England  colonies,  as 
the  most  '  obstinate  and  refractory,'  with  Great  Britain,  Ire 
land,  and  the  British  West  Indies,  and  totally  prohibiting 
their  fisheries.  These  provisions  were  afterwards  extended 
to  all  the  colonies  represented  in  the  Congress,  except 
New  York  and  North  Carolina.  An  addition  to  the  king's 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  109 

forces,  by  sea  and  land,  was  demanded  ;  in  the  midst  of 
which,  Lord  North  unexpectedly  brought  forth  a  series  of 
propositions  for  conciliation,  induced,  probably,  by  I 
the  petitions  of  the  British  merchants,  upon  whom  | 
the  suspension  of  trade  in  America  had  fallen  heavily. 
The  scheme  was  substantially  a  stipulation,  that  if  the  colo 
nies  would  consent  to  tax  themselves  to  the  amount  required, 
disposable  by  Parliament,  and  engage  to  support,  besides, 
their  own  civil  administrations,  Parliament  would  forbear, 
during  the  time  of  such  agreement,  to  exercise  the  taxing 
power,  except  for  the  regulation  of  commerce.  Plans  of 
conciliation  were  offered  by  Mr.  Burke,  and  Mr.  Hartley, 
both  of  which  failed,  and  Lord  North's  proposition  was 
finally  adopted  by  a  large  vote,  against  the  wishes  of  some 
of  his  friends,  who  were  obstinate  enough  to  think  it  too 
indulgent.  Parliament  soon  after  adjourned,  and  several 
ships  of  the  line,  and  ten  thousand  troops,  were  dispatched 
to  aid  in  repressing  the  rebellion  apprehended. 

In  America,  the  approaching  conflict  became  daily  more 
evident.  Boston,  as  the  head-quarters  of  the  army,  was  par 
ticularly  exposed  to  collisions  with  them  ;  and  in  anticipation, 
every  exertion  was  made  to  procure  arms  and  ammunition. 
Cannon,  cannon  balls,  powder,  muskets,  and  military  stores, 
were  constantly  introduced  into  the  city  by  every  artifice, 
and  in  every  disguise.  In  New  Hampshire,  a  number  of 
armed  people  seized  on  the  powder  in  the  royal  caslle  of 
William  and  Mary.  Colonel  Leslie,  who  had  been  dis 
patched  by  Governor  Gage,  to  seize  some  cannon  at  Salem, 
was  obstructed  by  the  citizens,  until  the  cannon  were 
removed  beyond  his  reach,  and  he  returned  without  succeed 
ing  in  his  object ;  and,  in  New  York,  a  riotous  combat  took 
place  between  the  populace  and  the  troops,  in  which  the 
latter  were  beaten.  In  Virginia,  the  convention  adopted 
spirited  resolutions,  for  arming  and  disciplining  the  militia, 
and  procuring  the  necessary  supplies. 

In  March,  the  Massachusetts  Congress  met  at  Concord, 
where  the  committees  of  'Safety'  and  'Supplies'  had 
collected  a  large  quantity  of  stores  and  ammunition.  A 
part  of  their  stores  had  been  seized  at  Boston  Neck  ;  and  in 
April,  the  Governor,  having  received  intelligence  of  the 
proceedings  of  Parliament,  made  an  effort  to  seize  the  whole 
stock — an  attempt  which  produced  the  battle  of  Concord, 
the  first  bloodshed  of  the  revolutionary  war,  where  the 

K 


110  HISTORY  OF    THE 

king's  troops  were  openly  opposed  by  the  colonists.  It  is 
the  first  of  a  new  stage  of  events,  in  which  resistance  by 
arms,  against  unconstitutional  oppression,  took  the  place  of 
remonstrances,  petitions,  and  protests ;  but  still  without 
renunciation  of  allegiance  to  the  British  crown. 

A  party  of  men,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Colo 
nel  Smith,  and  Major  Pitcairn,  were  dispatched,  by  General 
I  Gage,  on  this  expedition.  The  reported  object 
|  was  the  seizure  of  Samuel  Adams  and  John 
Hancock,  whose  active  labors  in  the  patriotic  cause  had 
made  them  peculiarly  odious  to  the  British  party  ;  but  the 
real  object  was  understood.  At  Lexington,  on  the  road, 
they  found  a  party  of  about  seventy  militia,  commanded  by 
Captain  Parker,  on  parade,  with  a  number  of  spectators 
of  the  village,  on  the  green.  Notwithstanding  the  precau 
tions  of  the  British  officers  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the 
intelligence,  the  march  of  the  troops  had  been  made  known 
by  expresses,  signal  guns,  and  the  ringing  of  church  bells. 

They  reached  Lexington  about  five  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing,  when  Major  Pitcairn,  seeing  the  militia  gathered,  rode 
up,  with  drawn  sword,  calling  out — "  Disperse,  ye  rebels  ; 
throw  down  your  arms  and  disperse."  They  hesitated,  upon 
which  he  discharged  his  pistol,  and  ordered  his  corps,  the 
advanced  guard  of  the  detachment,  to  fire.  They  gave  a 
general  discharge,  by  which  eight  Americans  were  killed, 
and  several  wounded.  The  rest  dispersed  ;  but  the  soldiery 
kept  up  their  fire,  when  some  of  the  militia  returned  it. 

Thence  the  party  proceeded  to  Concord  ;  and  the  militia, 
who  had  assembled  there,  being  too  few  to  oppose  them, 
retired.  A  great  part  of  the  stores  had  been  removed,  and  the 
detachment  executed  their  orders  by  destroying  what  remain 
ed,  including  a  number  of  barrels  of  flour.  The  militia  had,  in 
themean  time  reassembled;  and  on  a  movement  made  by  them 
with  apparent  design  to  cross  the  bridge,  into  the  town,  then 
in  possession  of  the  British,  they  were  fired  on,  and  two  Ame 
ricans  killed.  The  fire  was  promptly  returned,  and  the  troops 
repulsed,  with  loss  of  several  killed,  wounded,  and  poisoners. 
The  whole  country  was  up  in  arms  instantly,  and  the  British 
forces,  on  commencing  their  retreat,  found  themselves 
attacked  on  every  side,  by  straggling  shooters,  and  parties 
of  volunteers.  Every  wall,  fence,  house,  and  tree,  contri 
buted  to  shelter  some  exasperated  New  Englander;  and  a 
perpetual  fire  was  kept  up  in  this  manner,  until  the 


AMERICAS    REVOLUTION.  Ill 

detachment  reached  Lexington.  A  reinforcement,  headed 
by  Lord  Percv,  amounting  to  nine  hundred  men,  with  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  there  met  them,  and  the  united  forces 
moved  rapidly  towards  Boston,  harassed  by  the  provincial 
fire,  and  committing  devastation  along  their  route ;  burning 
houses,  shooting  unarmed  countrymen,  and  destroving  stock. 
After  a  march  of  forty  miles  they  encamped  at  Bunker  Hill, 
for  the  night,  under  the  protection  of  the  men-of-war,  and 
the  next  day  passed  over  to  Boston.  In  these  actions,  the 
loss  of  the  British  was  two  hundred  and  ninety-three  ;  and 
of  the  provincials,  only  ninety-three. 

The  results  were  of  the  greatest  moment.  The  blow  had 
been  struck,  by  which  open  war  was  commenced,  under  cir 
cumstances  that  roused  the  universal  indignation  of  the  Ame 
ricans,  while  the  issue  invigorated  their  spirits.  They  had 
rallied  in  great  numbers  at  the  signal  of  strife,  and  driven  in 
the  regulars  with  loss,  after  baffling  the  object  of  their  expe 
dition.  Wherever  the  tidings  of  the  battle  were  carried, 
enthusiasm  rose,  addresses,  pledges,  congratulations,  and 
triumph,  overpowered  all  apprehensions  of  the  consequences, 
and  the  whole  continent  was  animated  with  one  spirit  of 
determination. 

The  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts  took  instant 
measures,  both  to  arm  the  province  for  defence,  and  to 
justify  the  conduct  of  the  militia,  to  the  authorities  of  Great 
Britain.  They  dispatched  to  England  an  account  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  with  depositions  to  prove  the  aggres 
sions  committed  by  the  troops.  With  it  they  sent  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  which,  after  assuring 
them  of  continued  loyalty  to  the  king,  avowed  a  determina 
tion  "not  tamely  to  submit  to  the  persecution  and  tyranny 
of  his  evil  ministry."  They  added,  emphaticallv — {J  Appeal 
ing  to  heaven  for  the  justice  of  our  cause,  we  determine  to 
die  or  be  free."  Dr.  Franklin  was  the  agent  sent  to 
Great  Britain.  The  House  proceeded  to  put  the  colony  in 
?  ot  defence.  They  resolved  to  raise  an  armv  of 
thirteen  thousand  men,  and  requested  the  neighboring  colo 
nies  to  make  the  amount  up  to  thirty  thousand.  They 
directed  the  treasurer  to  borrow  £100.000  for  the  use  of  the 
province,  and  declared  the  citizens  absolved  from  their  obli 
gations  of  obedience  to  Governor  Ga^e. 

Volunteers  offered  themselves  in  such  numbers,  that  they 
could  not  be  received  for  want  of  means  to  subsist  them*, 


112  HISTORY   OF   THE 

and  in  a  short  time,  the  king's  forces,  amounting  to  nearly 
ten  thousand  men,  were  hemmed  in  by  a  superior  force  of 
provincials.  General  Ward  was  appointed  commander-in- 
chief,  and  Heath,  Prescott,  Thomas,  and  Putnam,  generals. 
Putnam  was  at  his  plough  when  the  account  of  the  battle 
was  brought  him  ;  and  without  finishing  the  furrow,  or  re- 
entering  his  house,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  his 
neighbors,  and  started  for  the  army.  Arnold,  subsequently 
so  infamous  in  his  treachery,  was  among  the  first  to  reach 
Boston,  having  raised  a  company  in  New  Haven,  and  forced 
a  march  to  the  spot  of  action  within  ten  days  after  the  fight 
at  Lexington. 

The  example  of  Gage,  in  endeavoring  to  seize  the  colo 
nial  stores,  was  improved  by  the  Americans,  in  numerous 
places.  The  New  Jersey  people  seized  upon  the  royal 
treasury;  and  the  people  of  Baltimore  and  Charleston 
possessed  themselves  of  the  stands  of  arms  belonging  to  the 
troops.  At  Williamsburg,  in  Virginia,  Governor  Dunmore 
had  seized  upon  a  quantity  of  powder  in  the  magazine  ;  and 
when  the  return  was  demanded,  gave  evasive  answers. 
Patrick  Henry,  not  trusting  to  his  faith,  summoned  the 
people  to  arms ;  and,  at  the  head  of  five  thousand  volunteers, 
extorted  payment  from  his  excellency,  and  wras  in  return, 
proclaimed  as  an  outlaw — an  idle  ceremony  which  only 
made  the  governor's  weakness  more  conspicuous. 

A  party  of  Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire  militia 
promptly  formed  the  plan  of  seizing  the  important  fortresses 
of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  They  were  commanded 
by  Colonels  Ethan  Allen,  and  Benedict  Arnold.  By  forced 
marches  they  surprised  Ticonderoga ;  and  the  two  officers 
entering  abreast,  at  day-break,  demanded  of  the  astonished 
commander  the  surrender  of  the  fort.  "  By  wrhose  autho 
rity?"  demanded  he.  "In  the  name  of  the  great  Jehovah, 
and  of  the  Continental  Congress,"  was  the  prompt  answer  of 
Allen,  and  the  fort  was  surrendered  unconditionally.  Crown 
Point  was  also  secured  without  the-  loss  of  a  man. 

Generals  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Clinton,  arrived  in  Bos 
ton,  from  England,  with  reinforcements,  in  the  latter  part 
of  May  ;  and  General  Gage,  emboldened  by  their  aid,  pro- 

I claimed  martial  law  throughout  the  province,  and 
issued  a  proclamation,  offering   free  pardon    to  all 
ould  lay  down  their  arms,  and  return  to  the  duties 
of  peacable   subjects,    except  SAMUEL  ADAMS  and   JOHN 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  113 

HANCOCK,  "  whose  offences  are  of  too  flagitious  a  nature  to 
admit  of  any  other  consideration  than  that  of  condign  punish 
ment."  This  proclamation  only  strengthened  the  union  of 
the  colonists,  and  elevated  these  proscribed  patriots  to  a 
higher  position  in  the  confidence  of  their  countrymen.  The 
proudest  peer  in  Europe  might  exult  in  a  patent  for  ances 
tral  honors,  so  honorable  in  the  eyes  of  posterity  as  this  tes 
timony  from  the  enemy,  of  the  unflinching  public  virtue  of 
Hancock  and  AdanrKs. 

Adams,  in  particular,  was  the  object  of  special  dread  to  the 
adherents  of  Great  Britain.  "  This  man,"  said  Mr.  Gallo 
way,  one  of  the  Tories,  who  joined  the  enemy  and  went  to 
Britain,  and  afterwards  published  a  work  there: — "this 
man  eats  little,  drinks  little,  sleeps  little,  thinks  much,  and 
is  most  indefatigable  in  the  pursuit  of  his  object  It  was  he 
who,  by  superior  application,  managed  at  once  the  factions 
in  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  and  the  factions  in  New  Eng 
land." 

When  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  the  beginning  of  these 
disturbances,  was  asked  why  he  did  not  quiet  Adams  by  the 
use  of  his  patronage,  he  answered — "Such  is  the  obstinacy  and 
inflexible  disposition  of  this  man,  that  he  never  can  be  con 
ciliated  by  any  offices  or  gift  whatever."  Under  Governor 
Gage,  the  attempt  was  renewed  through  a  certain  Colonel 
Fenton,  just  after  the  military  occupation  of  Boston,  to 
detach  him  from  the  American  cause,  by  large  offers,  and 
with  apparently  friendly  solicitation  and  advice  to  reconcile 
himself  to  the  king.  His  answer  is  a  noble  specimen  of 
revolutionary  patriotism  and  intrepidity.  "  I  trust  I  have 
long  since  made  my  peace  with  the  King  of  kings.  No 
personal  consideration  shall  induce  me  to  abandon  the 
righteous  cause  of  my  country.  Tell  Governor  Gage,  it  is 
the  advice  of  Samuel  Adams  to  him,  no  longer  to  insult  the 
feelings  of  an  exasperated  people." 

In  the  mean  time  the  general  Congress  had  met  at 
Philadelphia,  on  the  10th  of  May.  The  members  were, 
with  few  exceptions,  the  same  as  in  the  first  Congress; 
but  under  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  they  had  been,  by 
the  instructions  of  their  constituents,  invested  with  larger 
powers,  and  they  soon  assumed,  without  any  express  direc 
tion,  but  with  full  consent  of  the  people,  most  of  the. 
attributes  of  delegated  sovereignty.  On  the  exception  of 
John  Hancock,  by  Governor  Gage,  out  of  his  proclamation 
K  2 


114  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  amnesty,  the  Congress  manifested  their  disregard  of  the 
menace,  and  their  confidence  in  the  man,  by  electing  him 
president,  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Randolph,  who  was  called 
home  on  business. 

The  Congress  opened  its  labors  by  proposing  and  sending 
addresses  and  appeals  to  the  king  and  people  of  Great 
Britain,  and  then  proceeded  to  prepare  for  every  alterna 
tive,  by  organizing  the  defence  of  the  colonies.  They  voted 
to  raise  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men — appointed  the 
general  officers,  and  emitted  bills  of  credit  to  the  amount  of 
three  millions  of  dollars,  pledging  the  TWELVE  UNITED  COLO 
NIES,  Georgia  not  having  yet  joined  the  confederation,  for  the 
redemption  of  the  debt.  On  the  5th  of  June,  on  motion  of 
Mr.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  was 
unanimously  appointed  commander-in-chief,  and  accepted 
the  appointment  in  the  following  address,  marked  with  that 
unaffected  modesty,  which  clothed  with  such  a  gentle  grace, 
his  great  qualities  and  unrivalled  virtues. 

"  Though  I  am  truly  sensible  of  the  high  honor  done  me 
in  this  appointment,  yet  I  feel  great  distress,  from  a  consci 
ousness,  that  my  abilities  and  military  experience  may  not 
be  equal  to  the  extensive  and  important  trust.  However,  as 
the  Congress  desire  it,  I  will  enter  upon  the  momentous 
duty,  and  exert  every  power  I  possess  in  their  service,  and 
for  the  support  of  the  glorious  cause.  I  beg  they  will  accept 
my  most  cordial  thanks  for  this  distinguished  testimony  of 
their  approbation.  But,  lest  some  unlucky  event  should 
happen  unfavorable  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be 
remembered  by  every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that  I  this 
day  declare,  with  the  utmost  sincerity.  I  do  not  think  myself 
equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with.  I  beg  leave,  Sir, 
to  assure  the  Congress,  that  as  no  pecuniary  consideration 
could  have  tempted  me  te  accept  this  arduous  employment, 
at  the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not 
wish  to  make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact 
account  of  my  expenses — those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  dis 
charge,  and  that  is  all  I  desire." 

At  the  same  time,  Artemas  Ward,  Charles  Lee,  Philip 
Schuyler,  and  Israel  Putnam,  were  appointed  majors-gene 
ral;  and  Horatio  Gates,  adjutant-general. 

Two  days  afterwards,  in  another  quarter,  was  fought  the 
fnemorable  battle  of  Bunker  Hill;  a  battle,  the  memory  of 
which  is  dear  to  the  hearts  of  Americans,  as  one  of  the  first 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  115 

and  most  glorious  among  those  early  conflicts  in  which  the 
strength  of  a  young  and  untried  people,  struggling  for  liberty, 
was  measured  with  the  veteran  and  disciplined  forces  of  a 
gigantic  and  insolent  oppressor. 

The  arrival  of  the  British  generals,  Howe,  Clinton,  and 
Burgoyne,  led  the  Americans,  at  Boston,  to  believe  that 
strong  offensive  demonstrations  would  soon  be  made  against 
them.  In  order  to  command  the  access  to  the  city,  they 
determined  to  make  entrenchments,  and  station  a  force  upon 
Bunker  Hill,  a  large  eminence,  just  at  the  entrance  of  the 
peninsula  of  Charlestown,  and  so  situated  as  to  command  the 
entrance  to  both  rivers.  On  the  night  of  the  16th  of  June, 
a  detachment  of  a  thousand  men,  under  Major  Prescott,  and 
accompanied  by  General  Putnam,  was  dispatched  to  occupy 
the  hill,  and  throw  up  the  necessary  works.  By  some 
error,  Breed's  Hill,  another  eminence  nearer  the  town,  and 
overlooking  it  within  cannon  shot,  was  marked  out,  and  the 
provincials  labored  with  such  silence  and  diligence,  that  by 
dawn  of  day,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  British  fleet,  which 
lay  in  sight,  they  had  thrown  up  a  redoubt  nearly  eight  rods 
square.  They  continued  to  labor  at  it,  notwithstanding  an 
incessant  fire  from  the  ships  of  war,  and  a  battery  of  six 
guns,  on  Copp's  Hill,  until  they  had  erected  a  breast-work 
from  the  redoubt  to  the  bottom  of  the  Hill,  towards  the 
Mystic.  Without  stopping  to  return  a  single  gun,  and  with 
out  being  relieved  by  the  American  army,  they  persevered, 
under  a  murderous  discharge  from  the  sea  and  from  the  hill, 
until  their  defences  were  completed.  In  the  course  of  the 
day,  they  were  reinforced  by  a  detachment  of  five  hundred 
men,  under  Stark,  Warren,  and  Pomeroy,  and  orders  were 
given  to  extend  the  works,  so  as  to  protect  the  flank,  on  the 
side  of  the  Mystic  river;  which  was  done  by  running  two 
parallel  lines  of  rail  fences,  filling  the  intervals  with  hay. 

Orders  were  given,  by  the  British  general,  to  drive  them 
from  this  position,  and   Generals  Howe  and  Pigot,  with  a 
force  of  infantry  and  grenadiers,  amounting  to  three 
thousand  men,  with  a  powerful  park  of  artillery, 
advanced  in  two  lines — the  former  to  attack  the  flank,  and 
the  latter  the  redoubt  in  front.     The  attack  was  begun  by  a 
heavy  cannonading,   and   the   troops   marched    slowly   to 
observe  its  effects.     At  the  same  time,  the  barbarous  order 
was  given  to  set  fire  to  Charlestown,  containing  four  hundred 
houses,  which  was  quickly  in  flames ;  and  thus  a  small  force 


116  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  young  and  untrained  soldiers  were  waiting,  under  the 
fire  of  a  tremendous  battery  of  guns,  illuminated  by  the 
glare  of  a  burning  village,  the  approach  of  a  veteran  force 
of  double  their  number.  Their  coolness  was  admirable. 
The  order  of  Putnam,  not  to  fire  till  they  could  distin 
guish  the  whites  of  the  eyes  of  the  advancing  force,  was  scru 
pulously  obeyed  ;  and  the  enemy  were  permitted  to  approach 
within  about  sixty  yards,  when  a  deadly  fire  of  small  arms 
was  opened  upon  them  with  such  effect,  that  whole  ranks 
were  mowed  down  ;  and  the  line,  wavering  for  a  moment, 
broke  and  gave  way,  falling  precipitately  back  to  the  land 
ing  place.  They  rallied,  and  again  advanced,  and  were 
again  beaten  back  by  the  same  destructive  and  incessant 
stream  of  fire.  General  Clinton,  who  had  come  to  the  aid 
of  his  brother  generals,  rallied  them  again,  and  led  them  a 
third  time  to  the  charge,  which  at  length  proved  successful. 
Powder  began  to  fail  in  the  redoubt,  and  the  cannon  from 
the  fleet  had  taken  a  position  which  raked  it  through  and 
through.  Under  the  fire  from  ships,  batteries,  and  field 
artillery,  and  attacked  by  a  superior  force  on  three  sides  at 
once,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  without  bayonets  or 
powder  themselves,  the  provincials  slowly  evacuated  the 
fort,  not  without  obstinate  resistance,  some  of  them  persist 
ing  to  fight  with  the  butts  of  their  guns. 

The  attempt  to  take  the  position  in  flank,  was  met  in  the 
same  way,  and  with  the  same  undaunted  spirit.  The  Ame 
ricans  maintained  their  position,  under  every  disadvantage, 
covering  the  retreat  of  the  main  body,  and  then  made  their 
own  retreat  over  Charlestown  -Neck,  with  inconsiderable 
loss,  though  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  Glasgow  man-of-war, 
and  several  floating  batteries.  The  Americans  entrenched 
themselves  on  Prospect  Hill,  a  few  miles  farther  on  the  way 
to  Cambridge,  and  still  maintained  their  command  of  the 
entrance  to  Boston. 

The  British  loss  was  one  thousand  and  fifty-four — the 
Americans,  four  hundred  andilfty- three.  Among  these,  was  the 
lamented  Joseph  Warren,  who  had  been  one  of  the  earliest, 
ablest,  most  zealous,  and  energetic  friends  of  liberty,  and 
whose  virtues  and  talents  had  given  him  the  highest  rank  as 
a  patriot  in  the  estimation  of  his  countrymen.  Every  honor 
which  affectionate  gratitude  and  regret  could  devise  was 
paid  to  his  memory. 

The  general  result  of  the  battle,  in  a  military  point  of 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  117 

view,  was  disastrous  to  the  British  forces.  The  continental 
troops  were  inspirited  by  the  proofs  of  courage,  and  capacity 
to  cope  with  the  regulars,  which  had  been  shown  by  a  raw 
and  undisciplined  militia,  and  drew  up  a  line  of  force,  which 
completely  hemmed  the  British  army  within  the  town  of 
Boston.  On  the  3d  of  July,  General  Washington  arrived  at 
Cambridge  from  Philadelphia,  to  take  command.  On  his 
way,  he  had  been  received  everywhere  with  honors  and 
congratulations,  to  wrhich  he  gave  replies,  expressing  his 
earnest  desire  to  bring  the  controversy  with  Great  Britain 
to  a  speedy  and  amicable  conclusion. 

The  force  which  he  found  amounted  to  about  fourteen 
thousand  men,  which  was  soon  after  augmented  to  about 
fifteen  thousand  five  hundred,  by  the  arrival  of  some  rifle 
regiments  from  the  south.  They  were  re-arranged,  and 
divided  into  three  commands ;  the  right  under  General 
Ward,  at  Roxbury ;  the  left  under  General  Lee,  at  Prospect 
Hill ;  and  the  centre  at  Cambridge,  under  the  commander- 
in-chief.  The  lines  of  communication  by  posts  extended 
over  a  space  of  more  than  ten  miles,  and  parties  were  sta 
tioned  in  small  towns  in  the  neighborhood.  Commissions, 
granted  by  Congress,  to  eight  brigadiers,  were  issued.  They 
were  Pomeroy,  Heath,  and  John  Thomas,  of  Massachusetts  ; 
Montgomery,  of  New  York  ;  Wooster  and  Spencer,  of  Con 
necticut  ;  Sullivan,  of  New  Hampshire ;  and  Greene,  of 
Rhode  Island. 

The  army  thus  organized,  had  little  else  to  rely  upon  for  > 
success  than  the  enthusiasm  which  brought  them  together. 
The  task  of  bringing  them  into  the  forms  of  discipline  was 
one  of  great  difficulty,  and  occupied  the  wThole  time  and 
anxious  attention  of  the  commander-in-chief.  Their  zeal, 
and  independence  of  habits,  rendered  them  better  fitted  to 
partizan  expeditions,  requiring  gallantry  and  enterprise, 
than  to  the  orderly  and  obedient  duties  of  regular  forces, 
engaged  in  one  common  object,  under  a  single  commander. 
They  were,  moreover  insufficiently  armed,  and  without 
the  necessary  tools  and  experience  to  erect  properly  the 
necessary  fortifications.  Their  powder  was  very  deficient 
in  quantity — so  much  so,  that  at  one  time  there  was  not 
enough  in  the  whole  camp  to  have  enabled  them  to  repel 
an  assault.  This  immediate  want  was  soon  supplied  by  a 
quantity  sent  from  Elizabethtown,  in  New  Jersey.  Add  to 
these  embarrassments  the  total  want  of  preparation,  both 


118  HISTORY    OF    THE 

with  regard  to  money,  provisions,  and  clothing,  and  the 
undefined  and  conflicting  nature  of  the  powers  exercised 
under  colonial  authority,  and  by  the  direction  of  Congress, 
and  it  will  readily  be  seen  that  the  position  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  as  well  as  that  of  his  army,  was  by  no 
means  encouraging.  When  the  heat  of  immediate  ex 
citement  passed  off,  and  all  the  privations  and  difficulties 
growing  out  of  these  deficiencies  pressed  upon  them  fully; 
the  effects  were,  for  a  while,  dispiriting,  particularly  as  they 
had  looked  for  a  short  campaign,  and  a  speedy  settlement 
of  the  controversy.  For  a  season,  however,  keen  resent 
ment,  and  a  resolute  determination  to  expel  the  British 
army  from  the  province,  kept  these  raw,  undisciplined,  and 
unprovided  soldiers  together,  so  strongly,  as  to  overawe  the 
forces  of  General  Gage.  Those  forces  amounted  to  about 
eight  thousand  men ;  which,  with  the  aid  of  the  shipping, 
might  be  concentred  at  any  point  of  the  American  lines. 
The  attempt,  however,  was  not  made;  and,  during  the 
autumn,  the  blockading  forces  continued  to  make  approaches 
nearer  to  the  British  line.  Arms  and  ammunition  were 
provided,  with  great  industry  and  perseverance,  and  voy 
ages,  made  for  that  purpose,  with  great  success,  even  to  the 
coast  of  Africa.  Privateers  were  commissioned,  and  Cap 
tain  Manly,  the  first  naval  officer  created  by  Congress,  in  the 
privateer  Lee,  captured  a  British  ordnance  ship,  laden  with 
military  stores,  singularly  adapted  to  the  precise  wants  of 
the  American  army.  Other  ships  similarly  laden,  soon 
after  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  colonial  privateers. 

Following  the  advice  of  Congress,  the  colonies  had 
assumed  a  practical  independence  of  British  authority,  and 
either  formed  provisional  conventions  for  administering 
their  political  affairs  ;  or,  as  in  the  cases  of  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island,  acted  on  the  same  principles  under  their 
ancient  forms  and  charters. 

Everywhere  the  tidings  of  the  battles  of  Lexington  and 
Bunker  Hill,  stirred  up  a  like  determination  to  resist  and 
annoy  where  they  could  not  expel  the  British  authorities. — 
The  militia  were  enrolled  and  armed  in  Maryland,  Virginia, 
and  the  two  Carolinas.  In  July,  Georgia  had  finally  acceded 
to  the  confederation,  which  then  took  the  name  of  "the 
Thirteen  United  Colonies,"  and  resistance  became  popular 
there.  The  south  proper,  sent  several  companies  of  riflemen, 
at  once,  to  the  army  at  Boston,  and  Pennsylvania  and  New 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  119 

Jersey  contributed  numerous  recruits.  In  New  York,  a 
party  of  patriots  seized  and  carried  away  the  cannon  from 
the  battery,  notwithstanding  repeated  broadsides  fired  upon 
them  by  the  Asia,  a  seventy-four  gun  ship,  and  soon  after 
broke  into  the  printing-office  of  the  notorious  tory  newspa 
per,  published  by  Rivington,  and  destroyed  the  press.  A  vo 
lunteer  party  of  twelve  men  fitted  out  a  vessel  from  Charles 
ton,  South  Carolina,  to  obtain  a  supply  of  powder,  and  near 
St.  Augustine,  in  Florida,  met  with  a  British  vessel, 
manned  by  twelve  grenadiers,  which  they  captured,  and 
found  in  it  fifteen  thousand  pounds  of  powder,  which  they 
landed  safely  at  Beaufort.  In  Virginia,  such  were  the  mani 
festations  of  public  excitement,  that  the  governor,  Lord 
Dunmore,  took  refuge,  with  his  family,  on  board  the  Fowey 
man-of-war,  near  Yorktown.  He  summoned  the  House  of 
Burgesses  to  attend  him  there  ;  but  instead  of  obeying,  they 
considered  his  movements  as  an  abdication  of  the  govern 
ment,  appointed  committees  of  safety,  made  ordinances  for 
regulating  the  militia,  raised  a  force  of  two  regiments,  and 
appointed  Patrick  Henry  commander-in-chief.  A  predatory 
warfare  was  thereupon  commenced  by  Lord  Dunmore,  with 
the  ships  and  boats  under  his  command,  along  the  James 
and  York  rivers.  In  one  of  these,  a  tender  of  the  Otter 
sloop-of-war  was  burned  by  the  provincials,  in  revenge  for 
which  Lord  Dunmore  proclaimed  martial  law.  and  declared 
all  the  slaves  who  should  join  his  majesty's  standard  to  be 
free.  Collecting  a  force  of  regulars,  and  runaway  slaves,  to 
the  number  of  about  seven  hundred,  he  ordered  an  attempt 
to  surprise  the  Virginia  forces,  collected  for  defence,  at 
Great  Bridge,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Woodford. 
The  governor's  party  was  routed  in  the  conflict,  and  hastily 
retired  to  their  shipping.  At  the  close  of  the  year,  Lord 
Dunmore  finished  his  barbarous  career  there  by  burning  the 
town  of  Norfolk.  The  people  of  Delaware  sunk  Chevaux  de 
Prize,  in  their  river,  to  obstruct  the  approach  cf  an  enemy. 

At  Gloucester,  in  New  England,  the  militia  seized  upon 
three  boats  and  their  crews,  belonging  to  the  Falcon  sloop- 
of-war,  which  had  been  sent  out  to  capture  an  American 
schooner.  The  town  was  bombarded,  in  retaliation,  by  the 
frigate,  and  in  company  with  another  frigate,  the  Rose,  and 
two  armed  schooners,  she  ravaged  the  whole  coast,  cannon 
ading  unprotected  villages,  and  wantonly  destroying  the 
houses  and  property  of  the  inhabitants.  Bristol,  in  Rhode 


120  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Island,  and  Falmouth,  (now  Portland)  in  Maine,  were 
totally  burnt. 

Thus,  in  a  few  weeks  after  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  the 
resentments,  upon  both  sides,  had  broken  out  into  open 
hostilities  ;  war,  in  fact,  existed  in  most  of  the  colonies,  and 
blood  had  been  shed  in  many  conflicts.  The  design  of 
complete  independence  was,  however,  not  yet  avowed  in 
any  place  of  authority  or  influence.  Public  meetings,  and 
provincial  conventions,  congresses  and  committees,  continued 
to  profess  attachment  to  the  British  constitution,  and  deny 
all  intention  of  dissolving  their  political  connexion  with 
Great  Britain.  They  avowed  only  a  desire  to  be  restored 
to  the  same  state,  in  regard  to  the  mother  country,  in  which 
they  were  before  the  year  1763.  The  people  of  Mecklen 
burg  county,  in  North  Carolina,  were  a  remarkable  excep 
tion  to  this  general  accordance  on  a  topic  which  could  not, 
even  at  that  day,  have  been  absent  from  the  thoughts  of 
many  of  the  public  men  in  the  colonies.  Delegates  from 
the  militia  companies  in  that  county  met  in  May,  1775, 
before  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill ;  and  after  reciting  the 
'  inhuman '  shedding  of  '  innocent  blood  '  of  American 
patriots  at  Lexington,  voted  to  absolve  themselves  from  all 
allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  'abjure  all  political 
connexion,  contract,  or  association  with  a  nation  which  had 
wantonly  trampled  on  their  rights  and  liberties.'  The  fol 
lowing  was  the  concluding  resolution  : 

Resolved,  That  we  do  hereby  declare  ourselves  a  free  and 
independent  people,  are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  a  sovereign 
and  self-governing  association,  under  the  control  of  no  power 
other  than  that  of  God  and  the  General  Congress  ;  to  the 
maintenance  of  which  independence  we  solemnly  pledge 
to  each  other,  our  mutual  co-operation,  our  lives,  our  for 
tunes,  and  our  most  sacred  honor. 

This  bold  declaration  met  with  no  general  response  at  that 
period,  and  the  people  generally,  while  they  were  deter 
mined  to  resist,  by  arms,  the  execution  of  the  tyrannical 
acts,  looked  forward  to  a  final  repeal  of  them  by  the  British 
parliament,  and  a  disavowal  of  the  power. 

These  were  popular  movements,  and  occurred  at  different 
periods,  within  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1775.  The 
Continental  Congress,  in  the  mean  time,  was  efficiently 
engaged,  in  endeavoring  to  combine  the  forces  and  senti 
ments  of  all  into  a  united  resistance  to  Great  Britain  in  the 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  1 

execution  of  her  acts,  and  a  united  effort  to  get  them  recalled. 
In  addition  to  the  peaceful  measures  already  mentioned, 
they  resolved  that  "exportation  to  all  parts  of  British 
America  which  had  not  adopted  their  association,  should 
immediately  cease ;"  that  "no  bill  of  exchange,  draught, 
or  order,"  of  any  British  officer  should  be  received  or  nego 
tiated,  no  money  supplied  them,  and  no  vessel  be  permitted 
to  carry  any  military  stores  for  British  use,  to  any  part  of 
North  America. 

These  resolutions  were  retaliatory  for  the  British  acts 
restraining  American  trade. 

They  established  a  General  Post  Office  Department,  and 
appointed  Dr.  Franklin  postmaster-general,  an  office  which 
he  had  held  under  the  crown. 

Finally,  on  the  6th  of  July  they  adopted  a  de-  I 

i        i-  ..•         c    ^1     •      XL     f  r  -£•     A  July  1775. 

claration,  setting  forth,  in  the  form  of  a  manifesto,  | 
the  causes  of  their  taking  up  arms,  the  extent  of  their 
demands,  their  own  injuries,  and  the  tyrannical  and  uncon 
stitutional  methods  taken  by  the  ministry  to  reduce  them  to 
obedience.  It  was  a  paper  drawn  up  with  signal  modera 
tion,  firmness,  and  ability.  After  giving  a  historical  account 
of  the  successive  pretensions  set  up  by  the  parliament  to 
supremacy  over  the  colonies,  after  the  peace  of  1763,  the 
declaration  alleges — "  Parliament,  assuming  a  new  powrer 
over  them,  have  in  the  course  of  eleven  years,  given  such 
decisive  specimens  of  the  spirit  and  consequences  attending 
this  power,  as  to  leave  no  doubts  concerning  the  effects  of 
acquiescence  under  it.  They  have  undertaken  to  give  and 
grant  our  money  without  our  consent,  though  we  have  ever 
exercised  an  exclusive  right  to  dispose  of  our  own  property. 
Statutes  have  been  passed  for  extending  the  jurisdiction  of 
Courts  of  Admiralty  and  Vice-Admiralty  beyond  their 
ancient  limits,  for  depriving  us  of  the  accustomed  and  ines 
timable  privilege  of  trial  by  jury,  in  cases  affecting  both  life 
and  property ;  for  suspending  the  legislature  of  one  of  the 
colonies  ;  for  interdicting  all  commerce  of  another ;  and  for 
altering  fundamentally  the  form  of  government  established 
by  charter,  and  secured  by  acts  of  its  own  legislature, 
solemnly  confirmed  by  the  crown  ;  for  exempting  the  '  mur 
derers  '  of  colonists  from  legal  trial,  and  in  effect,  from 
punishment ;  for  erecting  in  a  neighboring  province,  acquired 
by  the  joint  arms  of  Great  Britain  and  America,  a  despotism 
dangerous  to  our  very  existence  ;  and  for  quartering  soldiers 

L 


122  HISTORY   OF   THE 

upon  the  colonists  in  times  of  profound  peace.  It  has  also 
been  resolved  in  parliament,  that  colonists,  charged  with 
committing  certain  offences,  shall  be  transported  to  England 
to  be  tried. 

"But  should  we  enumerate  our  injuries  in  detail? — By 
one  statute  it  is  declared  that  parliament  can  c  of  right  make 
laws  to  bind  us  in  all  cases  whatever.' — What  is  to  defend 
us  against  so  enormous,  so  unlimited  a  power  ?" 

The  declaration  next  recounts  the  fruitless  petitions, 
appeals,  and  remonstrances  of  the  colonies,  the  inhuman 
outrages,  and  slaughters  committed  on  the  inhabitants  of 
Massachusetts,  under  the  orders  of  Governor  Gage,  by  the 
royal  forces,  his  proclamation  of  martial  law,  the  burning  of 
Charlestown,  &c.3  and  concludes  thus  : — 

"  We  are  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  choosing  an  uncon 
ditional  submission  to  the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or 
resistance  by  force.  The  latter  is  our  choice.  We  have 
counted  the  cost  of  this  contest,  and  find  nothing  so  dreadful 
as  voluntary  slavery.  Honour,  justice,  and  humanity  forbid 
us  tamely  to  surrender  that  freedom,  which  we  received  from 
our  gallant  ancestors,  and  which  our  innocent  posterity  have 
a  right  to  receive  from  us.  We  cannot  endure  the  infamy 
and  guilt  of  resigning  succeeding  generations  to  that  wretch 
edness  which  inevitably  awaits  them,  if  we  basely  entail 
hereditary  bondage  upon  them. 

"Our  cause  is  just:  our  union  is  perfect:  our  internal 
resources  are  great,  and  if  necessary,  foreign  assistance  is 
undoubtedly  attainable.  We  gratefully  acknowledge,  as 
signal  instances  of  the  divine  favor  towards  us,  that  his  pro 
vidence  would  not  permit  us  to  be  called  into  this  severe  con 
troversy,  until  we  were  grown  up  into  our  present  strength, 
had  been  previously  exercised  in  warlike  operations,  and 
possessed  the  means  of  defending  ourselves.  With  hearts 
fortified  with  these  animating  reflections,  we  most  solemnly 
before  God  and  the  world  declare,  that,  exerting  the  utmost 
energy  of  those  powers  which  our  beneficent  Creator  has 
graciously  bestowed  upon  us,  the  arms  we  have  been  com 
pelled  by  our  enemies  to  assume,  we  will,  in  defiance  of 
every  hazard,  with  unabated  firmness  and  perseverance, 
employ  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties,  being  with  one 
mind  resolved  to  die  freemen  rather  than  live  like  slaves. 

"Lest  this  declaration  should  disquiet  the  minds  of  our 
friends  and  fellow-subjects  in  any  part  of  the  empire,  we 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  123 

assure  them,  that  we  mean  not  to  dissolve  the  union,  which 
has  so  long  and  so  happily  subsisted  between  us,  and  Which 
we  sincerely  wish  to  see  restored.  Necessity  has  not  yet 
driven  us  into  that  desperate  measure,  or  induced  to  excite 
any  other  nation  to  war  against  them.  We  have  not  raised 
armies  with  ambitious  designs  of  separating  from  Great 
Britain,  and  establishing  independent  states.  We  fight  not 
for  glory  or  for  conquest.  We  exhibit  to  mankind  the 
remarkable  spectacle  of  a  people  attacked  by  unprovoked 
enemies,  without  any  imputation  or  suspicion  of  offence. 
They  boast  of  their  privileges  and  civilization,  and  yet 
proffer  no  milder  condition  than  servitude  or  death. 

"  In  our  own  native  land,  in  defence  of  the  freedom  that 
is  our  birth-right,  and  which  we  ever  enjoyed  until  the 
late  violation  of  it,  for  the  protection  of  our  property,  acquired 
solely  by  the  honest  industry  of  our  forefathers  and  our 
selves  ;  against  violence  actually  offered,  we  have  taken  up 
arms.  We  shall  lay  them  down  when  hostilities  shall  cease 
on  the  part  of  our  aggressors,  and  all  danger  of  their  being 
renewed  shall  be  removed,  and  not  before. 

"  With  an  humble  confidence  in  the  mercies  of  the 
supreme  and  impartial  Ruler  of  the  universe,  we  most 
devoutly  implore  his  divine  goodness  to  conduct  us  happily 
through  this  great  conflict,  to  dispose  our  adversaries  to 
reconciliation  on  reasonable  terms,  and  thereby  to  relieve 
the  empire  from  the  calamities  of  civil  war." 

The  proposition  of  Lord  North,  for  conciliation,  was  taken 
into  consideration,  and  rejected  with  great  unanimity,  as 
illusory  in  all  its  promises,  and  "  altogether  unsatisfactory  ;" 
because  it  proposed  only  a  "  suspension  of  the  mode,  not  a 
renunciation  of  the  pretended  right  to  tax;"  because  it  did 
"  not  repeal  the  several  acts  of  parliament  for  restraining 
the  trade  and  altering  the  form  of  government  of  one  of 
the  colonies;"  and  because  it  did  not  explicitly  "renounce" 
the  power  of  suspending  the  colonial  legislatures,  and  that 
of  legislating  "  in  all  cases  whatever."  The  Committee, 
consisting  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams, 
and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  concluded  their  report  by  invoking 
the  reflection  of  the  whole  world,  upon  the  cruel  and  deceit 
ful  character  of  the  British  plan.  "  When,"  say  they,  "these 
things  are  laid  together  and  attentively  considered,  can  the 
world  be  deceived  into  an  opinion,  that  we  are  unreasonable, 
or  can  it  hesitate  to  believe  us  that  nothing  but  our  own 


124  HISTORY   OP   THE 

exertions  may  defeat  the  ministerial  sentence  of  death,  or 
abject  submission  ?" 

A  second  petition  to  the  king,  and  addresses  to  the  inhabit 
ants  of  Great  Britain,  to  the  Irish  people,  and  to  the  au 
thorities  of  Jamaica,  were  also  adopted.  Addresses  were  also 
made  to  the  Indians.  Congress  then  adjourned  to  meet 
again  in  September. 

The  petition  to  the  king  was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  Mr. 
Penn  and  Arthur  Lee,  who  presented  it  to  Lord  Dartmouth 
on  the  1st  of  September.  After  a  few  days  delay,  they  were 
coldly  informed  that  no  answer  would  be  given;  an  insulting 
treatment  of  the  humble  remonstrances  of  United  America, 
which  served  to  convince  the  most  timid  of  the  necessity 
of  persevering  in  their  preparations  to  decide  the  controversy 
by  arms,  if  they  would  not  submit  to  unlimited  tyranny. 

Congress  re-assembled  in  September,  and  a  few  weeks 
afterwards,  General  Gage  sailed  for  England,  leaving  the  com 
mand  of  the  British  forces  to  General  Howe. 

More  and  more  vigorous  measures  were  constantly  re 
quired,  till  by  degrees  Congress  were  compelled  to  assume 
all  the  functions  of  a  regular  government,  which  were,  in 
general,  acquiesced  in  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  or 
by  express  enactment  of  the  several  provincial  conventions 
acting  in  behalf  of  the  individual  colonies.  It  was  found 
necessary  to  take  strong  measures  against  domestic  enemies, 
and  Congress  authorized  the  arrest  of  such  persons  "  going 
at  large,  who  might  endanger  the  safety  of  the  colonies,  or 
the  liberties  of  America."  They  determined  to  carry  on  their 
own  deliberations  in  secret,  denouncing  expulsion,  with  the 
stigma  of  being  an  enemy  to  the  liberties  of  America,  upon 
every  person  who  should  violate  the  order. 

The  main  army  of  the  Americans  continued  to  blockade 
the  royal  forces  in  the  town  of  Boston.  Congress  had,  how 
ever,  unfortunately  adopted  the  plan  of  short  enlistments; 
and  a  few  months  of  inactivity  in  camp,  under  circumstan 
ces  of  want  and  comparative  privation,  had  diminished  the 
military  ardor  of  new  levies.  A  task  of  great  difficulty  was 
before  the  new  commander-in-chief.  His  appeals,  address 
es,  remonstrances,  and  invocations,  addressed  to  the  interests, 
feelings,  and  patriotism  of  Congress,  were  earnest  and  unre 
mitting. 

Few  of  those  whose  time  had  already  expired  had  re- 
enlisted  in  October,  and  the  term  of  none  extended  beyond 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  1*25 

the  1st  of  January  following.  Congress  made  liberal  offers,, 
and  General  Washington  summoned  the  neighbouring  colonies 
to  send  their  militia  to  the  aid  of  the  general  cause,  which 
requisitions  were  complied  with  readily.  The  new  troops 
arrived  in  considerable  numbers,  and  the  army  was  gradu 
ally  re-modelled ;  but  not  to  any  efficient  extent,  until  the 
month  of  February  1776.  With  all  these  efforts,  on  the 
last  day  of  December,  the  whole  force  enlisted  did  not 
amount  to  ten  thousand  men.  The  lines  were  sometimes  in 
a  state  almost  defenceless,  but  fortunately  no  attack  was 
made  upon  them  by  the  enemy.  No  sufficient  reason  has 
been  assigned  for  this  neglect  of  General  Howe,  which  was 
of  the  highest  importance  to  the  American  cause.  "  It  is 
not,"  said  General  Washington  in  his  communications  to 
Congress,  "  in  the  page  of  history  to  furnish  a  case  like  ours. 
To  maintain  a  post,  within  musket-shot  of  the  enemy  for 
six  months  together,  without  ammunition,  and  at  the  same 
time  disband  one  army  and  recruit  another,  within  that  dis 
tance  of  twenty  odd  British  regiments,  is  more,  probably, 
than  ever  was  attempted." 

The  policy  of  short  enlistments,  which  produced  so  much 
difficulty  here,  and  was  the  occasion  of  infinite  mischief 
during  the  whole  war,  was  partly  forced  upon  Congress  by 
necessity,  and  partly  the  result  of  a  jealous  dread  of  the 
expense  and  danger  of  a  permanent  standing  army.  They 
did  not  at  first  calculate  upon  a  protracted  contest,  and  were 
destitute  of  means  for  future  payments;  and  a  confidence 
was  entertained  that  draughts  upon  the  militia  would  be 
readily  answered,  to  any  extent  required  for  the  defence  of 
colonial  liberty.  How  frequently  these  calculations  were 
disappointed,  will  be  seen  in  the  subsequent  events  of  the  war. 

Such  as  we  have  described,  was,  at  the  end  of  the  year, 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  Massachusetts,  and  especially  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Boston.  General  Washington  was  em 
ployed  with  indefatigable  industry  in  keeping  his  forces  to 
gether  and  bringing  them  into  a  state  of  discipline  and 
preparation,  in  order  to  make  a  successful  attack  upon  the  town. 
General  Howe  with  the  English  troops,  was  cooped  up  within 
the  town;  and  by  the  activity  of  the  American  cruisers,  au 
thorized  by  Congress,  his  supplies,  as  well  of  subsistence  as 
of  military  stores,  were  diminished  until  his  situation  became 
one  of  great  difficulty.  Neither  army  felt  the  disposition, 
nor  made  any  demonstration,  towards  an  attack  upon  the  other. 
L  2 


126  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Connected  with  these  operations  of  the  main  army  was 
the  expedition  against  Canada,  ordered  by  Congress  in 
September.  It  was  a  bold  step  of  hostility  against  the  mother 
country,  which  was  considered  at  the  time,  by  some  of  the 
fast  friends  of  American  rights,  to  be  a  departure  from  the 
legitimate  objects  for  which  they  had  taken  up  arms,  and 
an  aggression  upon  the  territories  of  Great  Britain,  not  war 
ranted  by  the  state  of  the  controversy.  The  defence  of  the 
measure  is,  the  universal  conviction,  that  General  Carleton, 
who  commanded  in  Canada,  was  instructed  by  the  British 
government,  and  provided  with  ample  means,  to  prepare  an 
expedition  to  co-operate  with  the  forces  of  General  Howe,  in 
subduing  the  colonies.  They  were  informed  that  munitions 
of  war,  money,  and  troops,  were  to  be  concentrated  there  for 
an  invasion  of  the  Anglo-American  colonies  ;  and  they  knew 
that  large  and  unusual  powers  had  been  conferred  upon  the 
new  governor.  His  talents  and  popularity  were  great,  and 
they  had  reason  to  fear  his  influence  in  reconciling  the  Ca 
nadians  to  the  measures  of  the  British  government,  with 
some  of  which  they  had  been  discontented,  as  well  as  to  dread 
the  military  strength  he  could  bring  against  them.  The  cap 
ture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  already  mentioned, 
opened  the  way  for  an  expedition ;  and  Colonel  Arnold,  who, 
with  Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  had  seized  upon  those  posts,  was 
earnest  in  pressing  upon  Congress  the  policy  of  invading 
Canada.  They  finally  acquiesced ;  and  late  in  the  season 
two  detachments  were  dispatched  on  this  duty,  one  under 
the  command  of  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery,  by 
the  customary  route  through  Lake  Champlain,  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  the  other  under  Colonel  Arnold  by  the  river 
Kennebec  in  Maine,  and  by  forced  marches  through  the 
wilderness. 

The  first  detachment,  consisting  of  a  body  of  New  England 
troops,  about  1100  in  number,  arrived  at  Ticonderoga,  and 
proceeded  down  the  lake,  early  in  September.  General 
Schuyler,  who  had  been  left  at  Albany,  to  negotiate  with  the 
Mohawk  Indians,  in  order  to  secure  the  rear  of  the  march, 
joined  them  at  Cape  la  Motte.  From  that  place  they  moved 
to  the  ISLE  AUX  Noix,  from  which  place  they  issued  a  proc 
lamation  to  the  Canadians,  and  soon  after  effect 
ed  a  landing  at  St.  John's,  the  first  British  post, 
J 15  miles  North  of  Ticonderoga.  After  a  slight  skirmish 
with  the  Indians,  the  fort  was  found  too  strong  for  assault, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  127 

and  it  was  resolved  in  a  council  of  war,  to  retreat  twelve 
miles  to  the  Isle  aux  Nois,  erect  fortifications  and  sink 
chevaux-de-frise,  to  interrupt  the  navigation  of  the  river 
Sorel  in  which  the  fort  was  situated,  and  to  prevent  the  com 
munication  with  the  shipping  which  Governor  Carleton  had 
prepared.  General  Schuyler  soon  after  returned  to  Albany, 
and  General  Montgomery  was  left  in  the  sole  command,  to 
prosecute  the  siege  of  the  fort.  This  was  much  retarded 
from  want  of  ammunition.  By  the  reduction  of  Fort  Cham- 
bly,  at  a  distance  of  six  miles  from  St.  Johns,  he  obtained  a 
large  supply  of  powder,  and  Governor  Carleton,  being  repuls 
ed  in  his  attempts  to  cross  the  river  to  relieve  the  fort,  it 
surrendered  on  the  3d  of  November.  During  this  siege, 
Col.  Ethan  Allen,  with  extraordinary  rashness,  and  in  diso 
bedience  of  orders,  forced  his  way  to  Montreal,  with  only 
eighty  men,  was  surrounded,  defeated,  captured,  and  sent  to 
England  in  irons. 

After  the  reduction  of  St.  Johns,  the  American  forces 
occupied  and  fortified  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  and  advanced 
rapidly  on  Montreal.  The  British  forces,  incapable  of  defend 
ing  the  town,  repaired  on  board  the  shipping,  and  endea 
voured  to  escape  down  the  river.  They  were  stopped  and 
captured  at  the  point  of  the  Sorel,  and  General  Prescott,  and 
many  other  officers,  and  eleven  sail  of  vessels,  with  ammu 
nition,  provisions,  &c.  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 
Montreal  was  soon  occupied  by  General  Montgomery,  whose 
conduct  on  the  occasion  was  distinguished  by  the  |  Nov 
utmost  dignity,  courtesy  and  humanity.  Governor  | 
Carleton  escaped  in  a  boat,  by  an  unfrequented  way  through 
Trois  Rivieres,  and  arrived  in  Quebec.  Montgomery,  after 
leaving  some  troops  to  keep  possession  of  Montreal,  pushed 
on  to  Quebec,  before  which  he  arrived  on  the  1st  of  December. 

The  other  detachment,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Arnold,  consisting  originally  of  about  twelve  hundred  men. 
had,  with  amazing  difficulty  and  the  severest  toils  and  hard 
ships,  penetrated  through  the  province  of  Maine,  a  distance 
of  five  hundred  miles,  by  a  route  totally  unexplored  before, 
through  a  forest  wilderness.  Part  of  the  troops  turned  back, 
discouraged  by  the  want  of  provisions,  and  those  who  con 
tinued,  to  the  number  of  seven  hundred,  encountered  terri 
ble  fatigues  and  privations,  being  reduced  to  eat  their  shoes 
and  baggage-leather.  On  the  eighth  of  November,  they 
arrived  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  opposite  to  Quebec,  to 


128  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  great  dismay  of  the  citizens,  to  whom  the  sight  of  an 
enemy  in  that  direction  was  totally  unexpected.  Arnold, 
by  reason  of  the  treachery  of  his  scouts,  was  disappointed 
in  the  means  of  crossing  the  river,  and  thus  lost  all  the  ad 
vantages  of  the  panic  which  his  first  arrival  had  created. 
The  presence  of  Governor  Carleton  re-assured  the  inhabit 
ants,  and  solid  preparations  for  defence  were  made,  which 
it  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  invaders  to  interrupt.  After 
vainly  summoning  the  town  to  surrender,  to  which  no  an 
swer  was  returned,  Arnold  was  compelled  to  wait  for  the 
arrival  of  the  forces  under  Montgomery. 

Early  in  December,  the  whole  American  force  assembled 
before  Quebec,  but  under  circumstances  materially  altered. 
Their  fortune  had  changed,  dissensions  broke  out  among  the 
officers,  their  money  failed,  provisions  were  difficult  to  be 
obtained,  the  winter  set  in  with  extreme  severity,  and  their 
numbers  had  been  reduced  to  about  half  that  of  those  that 
garrisoned  the  town.  Eight  hundred  men  were  all  that 
he  could  muster  fit  for  duty,  while  General  Carleton's  forces 
exceeded  fifteen  hundred,  450  of  whom  were  seamen  be 
longing  to  the  king's  ships,  and  the  merchant  vessels  in 
the  harbor.  Under  these  disadvantages  they  maintained  the 
siege  with  occasional  bombardments,  until  the  31st  of  De 
cember,  on  the  morning  of  which,  a  general  assault  was 
made,  in  which  the  American  forces  were  repulsed,  and 
Genl.  Montgomery  killed. 

This  ill-starred  attack  was  planned,  by  General  Montgom 
ery,  to  take  place  in  four  different  places,  two  of  which, 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Livingston  and  Major  Brown, 
were  to  be  made  against  St.  John's  Gate,  and  Cape  Dia 
mond,  respectively,  as  feints  to  distract  the  enemy,  while 
himself  and  Colonel  Arnold  conducted  the  principal  attacks 
against  the  lower  town.  The  assault  commenced  during  a 
heavy  snow-storm,  but  by  mistake  in  giving  the  signal,  the 
garrison  was  alarmed,  and  prepared  to  receive  them.  Mont 
gomery  carried  the  first  barrier,  and  was  advancing  at  the 
head  of  his  troops  towards  the  second,  when  a  discharge  of 
grape-shot  from  a  cannon,  cut  him  down,  with  many  officers 
arid  soldiers  around  him.  The  men  were  so  dispirited  with 
the  fall  of  their  gallant  and  beloved  commander,  that  the 
second  in  command,  Colonel  Campbell,  thought  proper  to  order 
a  retreat.  Arnold,  on  his  side,  carried  a  two  gun  battery,  in 
which  action  he  was  wounded,  and  compelled  to  retire  from  the 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  129 

field.  His  men  pushed  on  and  carried  a  second  barrier, 
when,  unsupported  by  the  other  detachments,  and  hemmed 
in  by  superior  numbers,  they  were  compelled  to  surrender. 
The  issue  was,  in  consequence,  a  total  defeat  of  the  assail 
ants.  Their  loss,  independent  of  their  heroic  chief,  one  of 
the  severest  losses  which  America  sustained  during  the  cam 
paign,  was  about  one  hundred  men  killed,  and  three  hun 
dred  prisoners.  It  is  an  honorable  trait,  to  be  recorded  of 
Genl.  Carleton,  that  he  emulated  the  noble  conduct  of  his 
deceased  antagonist,  in  using  his  triumph  generously,  and 
treating  his  prisoners  with  courtesy  and  indulgence. 

Arnold  drew  off  the  remainder  of  his  troops,  and  retired 
about  three  miles  from  the  city.  He  entrenched  himself  in 
quarters  for  the  winter,  fortifying  himself  with  his  gallant 
little  army,  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  enemy  did  not  un 
dertake  to  molest  him. 

Having  thus  brought  the  narrative  of  civil  and  military 
affairs  in  America,  to  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  it  is  neces 
sary,  in  order  to  understand  their  relations  to  Great  Britain, 
at  that  period,  to  revert  to  the  course  of  the  British  Parlia 
ment,  on  the  intelligence  of  the  proceedings  of  the  first 
session  of  the  Continental  Congress3  of  that  year. 


130  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER  VII. 


THE  session  of  parliament  commenced  about  the  close  of 
the  month  of  October.  The  king's  speech  gave  the  situa 
tion  of  American  affairs,  as  the  reason  for  convoking  the 
House  at  so  .early  a  day.  The  conduct  of  the  Americans 
was  stigmatized  as  "treason,  revolt,  and  rebellion;"  their 
opinions  were  pronounced  to  be  "  repugnant  to  the  true  con 
stitution  of  the  colonies,"  and  to  their  "  subordinate  relation 
to  Great  Britain;"  they  were  accused  of  "aiming  at  estab 
lishing  an  independent  empire  ;"  and  a  determination  was 
expressed  "to  put  a  speedy  end  to  these  disorders,  by  the 
most  decisive  exertions."  He  added,  that  "  the  most  friendly 
offers  of  foreign  service  had  been  made." 

The  whole  speech  was  warlike  in  tone,  breathing  nothing 
but  vengeance  against  America.  The  answers  of  both 
houses  contained  the  same  sentiments,  and  avowed  the 
same  determinations,  notwithstanding  the  vehement  oppo 
sition  of  some  of  the  most  able  and  upright  statesmen.  The 
project  of  employing  foreign  troops  to  subdue  the  colonies, 
was  especially  reprobated,  as  sanguinary,  vindictive  and 
unconstitutional.  The  Duke  of  Richmond,  with  nineteen 
other  peers,  made  a  protest  upon  the  journal  of  the  House 
of  Lords.  General  Conway  and  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  sece 
ded  from  the  administration,  and  Lord  George  Sackville 
Germaine  was  made  secretary  for  the  colonies  in  place  of 
Lord  Dartmouth. 

Propositions  were  made,  and  repeated  in  various  forms, 
for  opening  the  way  to  a  conciliation  with  America,  and  all 
voted  down  by  large  ministerial  majorities. 

Mr.  Penn  was,  on  motion  of  the  duke  of  Richmond,  ex 
amined  at  the  bar  of  the  House  in  regard  to  the 
dispositions  and  views  of  the  Americans.  On  the 
conclusion  of  the  examination,  the  duke  moved  that  the 
petition  of  the  continental  congress,  the  same  to  which  the 
king  had  refused  an  answer,  was  "ground  for  a  conciliation  of 
the  unhappy  differences  subsisting  between  Great  Britain 
and  America."  This  was  negatived  by  a  large  majority. 
A  subsequent  motion  by  the  duke  of  Grafton,  shared  a  like 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  131 

fate.  Mr.  Burke  brought  forward  a  scheme  of  conciliation, 
and  supported  it  eloquently,  but  unavailingly,  in  an  elaborate 
speech.  Mr.  Fox  failed  in  a  like  effort.  Mr.  Hartley  intro 
duced  a  series  of  resolutions,  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities, 
to  restore  the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  and  to  repeal  all  the 
laws  complained  of,  enacted  since  1763.  They  were  reject 
ed  without  debate.  By  these  repeated  defeats  of  every  sug 
gestion,  tending  towards  concession,  it  was  established  be 
yond  question,  that  the  ruling  party  were  determined  on 
subjugating  the  colonies  by  force  of  arms.  The  means  pro 
vided,  were  conceived  in  a  similar  spirit  of  resolute  and 
unflinching  hostility  to  America. 

The  first  step  was  a  prohibitory  law,  interdicting  all  trade 
and  intercourse  with  the  Thirteen  United  Colonies.  By  it  all 
property  of  Americans,  whether  of  ships  or  goods  on  the 
high  seas,  or  in  harbor,  was  declared  forfeited  to  captors, 
being  of  his  majesty's  ships  of  war,  and  the  crews  were  to 
be  impressed  on  board  of  the  ships  of  war.  An  exception 
was  made,  in  favor  of  such  colonies,  and  parts  of  colonies, 
as  should  return  to  a  state  of  obedience,  and  a  commission  was 
authorized  for  determining  the  claims  of  applicants  for  this 
relaxation  of  rigor. 

This  tyrannical  and  inhuman  law,  was  followed  by  ener 
getic  measures  to  prosecute  the  war  of  conquest  to  extinguish 
the  rebellion.  The  king  laid  before  parliament,  treaties 
which  he  had  alreadv  negotiated  with  the  land- 

r-  TT  /-<          1    ,1       TV    i          c-  T-»  -i          Feb.  24,  1/76. 

grave  ot  Hesse  Cassel,  the  Duke  ot  .Brunswick, 
and  the  hereditary  prince  of  Hesse  Cassel,  for  the  hiring 
of  foreign  mercenaries  to  carry  on  the  American  war.  The 
debates  to  which  the  discussion  of  this  Hessian  treaty  gave 
rise,  necessarily  took  a  wide  and  exciting  range.  Among 
the  arguments  which  were  used  to  show  the  impolicy  and 
inhumanity  of  employing  these  foreign  mercenaries,  it  was 
contended  that  it  would  be  counselling  the  Colonies  to  enter 
into  foreign  alliances  ;  because  they  might,  instead  of  hiring 
foreign  troops,  obtain  upon  better  terms  the  assistance  of 
those  European  powers  from  which  Great  Britain  had  most 
to  fear.  On  the  other  hand,  the  treaties  were  strenuously 
defended  by  the  ministers  on  the  strong  plea  of  necessity. 
They  spoke  lightly  of  the  expenses  which  would  attend  the 
employment  of  these  troops,  as  they  did  not  doubt  that  the 
war  with  America  would  be  finished  in  one  campaign,  or 
at  most  in  two.  The  idea  that  the  war  would  be  prolonged 


132  HISTORY   OF    THE 

to  a  more  distant  period,  they  thought  "  so  totally  improba 
ble  as  not  to  merit  consideration."  Such  were  the  sanguine 
calculations  of  those  who  directed  the  public  affairs  of  Great 
Britain.  Seventeen  thousand  troops  were  engaged  by  these 
treaties,  and  nearly  a  million  sterling  voted  to  defray  the  ex 
traordinary  military  expenses  of  the  year.  Twenty-five 
thousand  English  troops  were  also  ordered  on  the  same  ser 
vice,  and  a  large  fleet  stationed  on  the  coast  to  co-operate. 
These,  with  the  troops  already  in  America,  and  reinforce 
ments  from  Canada,  would,  it  was  estimated,  amount  to 
55,000  men,  abundantly  supplied  with  munitions,  provisions, 
arms,  and  ammunition,  a  force,  strong  enough,  in  the  opin 
ion  of  the  ministry,  to  crush  America  at  a  blow. 

One  more  effort,  to  make  reconciliation  still  possible,  was 
made,  by  the  opposition.  The  duke  of  Grafton  moved  for 
an  address  to  the  king,  praying  that  his  majesty  I  ^ 
would  be  pleased  to  issue  a  proclamation,  de-  | 
claring  that  "if  the  Colonies,  before  or  after  the  arrival  of  the 
troops  destined  for  America,  shall  present  a  petition  to  the 
commander-in-chief,  or  to  the  commissioners  to  be  appoint 
ed  under  the  late  act,  setting  forth  what  they  consider  to 
be  their  just  rights  and  real  grievances,  that  in  such  case 
his  majesty  will  consent  to  a  suspension  of  arms ;  and  that 
he  has  authority  from  his  parliament  to  assure  them  that 
their  petition  shall  be  received;  considered,  and  answered." 

This  failed,  and  parliament,  soon  after,  adjourned. 

The  two  brothers,  Admiral  and  General  Howe,  were  ap 
pointed  commissioners  under  the  prohibitory  act,  with  power 
to  grant  pardons  and  re-establish  peace  upon  submission. 
Sir  Peter  Parker  and  Lord  Cornwallis  had  already  embarked, 
with  part  of  the  corps  designed  for  American  service,  and 
Admiral  Hotham  and  Generals  Burgoyne  and  Phillips,  soon 
after  followed. 

War  on  an  extensive  scale,  and  with  an  apparently  irre 
sistible  force,  now  threatened  the  devoted  colonies.  The  ar 
mies  and  fleets  that  kept  Europe  in  awe,  and  had  in  a  recent 
war  humbled  the  joint  power  of  France  and  Spain  in  both 
hemispheres,  were  directed  against  a  few  plantations,  with 
out  revenues,  soldiery,  military  experience,  fortresses,  or 
ships;  without  a  common  government  to  concentrate,  with 
the  sanctions  of  legitimate  authority,  the  strength  and  re 
sources  which  they  actually  possessed,  embarassed  by  their 
anomalous  relations  towards  their  assailants,  acknowledging 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  133 

the  general  authority  of  Great  Britain  while  they  were  re 
sisting  her  with  arms,  and  perplexed  by  contrariety  of  opin 
ions  and  uncertainty  of  aim  among  themselves.  The  con 
test  was  apparently  so  unequal,  that  the  British  ministry 
may  be  excused  for  their  error  of  judgment,  in  expecting 
an  immediate  subjugation  of  their  refractory  subjects.  They 
could  not  anticipate  the  strength  of  the  spirit  of  liberty  which 
actuated  the  mass  of  the  American  people,  and  which  made 
them  bear  up  under  such  obstacles  and  perils  against  over 
whelming  odds,  until  defeats,  disasters,  and  sufferings,  taught 
them  the  way  to  victory. 

Tidings  of  the  king's  speech,  at  the  opening  of  the  ses 
sion,  and  of  the  immediate  proceedings  in  relation  to  the  peti 
tion  of  Congress,  were  received  in  America  with  deep  re 
sentment.  The  army  before  Boston  was  particularly  exas 
perated,  and  the  feeling  was  improved  by  the  officers,  and 
by  congress,  to  stimulate  them  to  more  vigorous  measures 
against  the  town  of  Boston  before  the  arrival  of  the  expect 
ed  reinforcements  to  the  British  army.  The  speech  was 
publicly  burned  in  the  camp,  and  the  flag  which  had  pre 
viously  been  plain  red,  was  changed  to  thirteen  stripes,  em 
blematic  of  the  union  of  the  colonies.  Differences  of  opin 
ion  had  prevailed  between  General  Washington,  and  the 
council  of  officers,  on  the  subject  of  making  a  general  assault, 
arising  out  of  the  deficiency  of  powder,  and  the  unsettled 
condition  of  the  troops.  On  the  14th  of  February,  his  pro 
posal  to  risk  the  attack,  was  overruled ;  but  the  new  levies 
having  arrived  shortly  after,  with  a  large  force  of  New  Eng 
land  militia,  and  a  supply  of  ammunition,  it  was  determined 
to  take  advantage  of  the  enthusiasm  and  resentment  of  the 
soldiers,  to  expel  the  enemy  from  Boston. 

The  first  object  was  to  get  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights, 
which  commanded  the  town  and  the  harbor.  Two  days  be 
fore  the  main  attempt  was  made,  a  brisk  cannon-  I 

j.  rn  •      ,      T,  March  24, 

ading  was  opened  upon  r/iipp  s  I1  arm,  m  another  | 
direction,  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  British  from  the 
real  object.  The  feint  succeeded,  and  on  the  evening  of 
the  4th  of  March,  a  party  of  2000  Americans  under  the 
command  of  General  Thomas,  provided  with  the  necessary 
boats,  crossed  over  to  the  heights,  in  silence,  and  worked 
with  such  secrecy  and  expedition,  that  on  the  morning  of 
the  5th,  they  had  erected  breastworks  sufficient  for  their 
wn  defence,  in  prosecuting  their  labours,  and  had  already 
M 


134  HISTORY   OF   THE 

mounted  a  battery  of  bombs  and  24-pounders.  The  British 
admiral  announced  to  General  Howe,  that  the  fleet  could 
not  remain  in  the  harbor,  unless  the  Americans  were  dis 
lodged  from  the  heights.  An  expedition  was  planned,  and 
three  thousand  men  detailed  -  for  the  purpose.  A  violent 
storm  rose,  which  prevented  their  embarkation  during  the 
day,  and  scattered  the  boats,  and  on  the  next  morning  it 
was  found  that  the  provincials  had  worked  so  diligently  in 
extending  and  strengthening  their  works,  as  to  make  the 
attempt  to  force  them  hopeless.  Their  position  commanded 
the  whole  town  and  harbour,  and  no  resource  was  left  to 
General  Howe,  but  immediate  evacuation.  An  informal  nego 
tiation  was  opened  with  General  Washington,  through  the 
selectmen  of  the  town,  but  without  the  signature  of  General 
Howe,  proposing,  that  if  the  retreat  of  the  British  army  were 
unmolested,  they  would  retire  without  injury  to  the  town. 
The  proposition  was  not  positively  acceded  to,  but  the  engage 
ment  was  tacitly  complied  with  by  the  American  forces* 
All  firing  upon  the  town  ceased.  Accordingly  on  the  17th 
March  I  *ne  British  *ro°Ps>  amounting  to  more  than  seven 
I  thousand  soldiers  and  a  large  accompanying  mul 
titude,  in  one  hundred  and  fifty  vessels  of  various  sizes  and 
descriptions,  evacuated  the  town,  which  was  immediately 
occupied  by  the  triumphant  provincials.  Ten  days  had 
been  employed  in  the  embarkation,  and  numerous  riots 
and  disorders  occurred  among  the  citizens,  as  well  as 
with  the  soldiery.  Houses  were  pillaged,  and  violence  and 
robbery  were  common,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the 
general  to. prevent  them.  Fifteen  hundred  families,  adhe-. 
rents  to  Great  Britain,  accompanied  the  retreat,  and  added 
greatly  to  the  confusion  and  distress  of  the  scene.  The 
embarkation  was  hastened  by  the  erection  of  fortifications 
in  several  prominent  positions,  which  threatened  to  hem  in 
the  British  forces  beyond  the  possibility  of  escape.  When 
they  at  last  sailed  out  of  the  harbor,  they  were  in  a  strait, 
ened  condition  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  food,  fuel,  and 
clothing  for  such  a  multitude.  They  were  compelled  to 
leave  behind  a  considerable  quantity  of  military  stores.  They 
demolished  the  fortifications  of  Castle  William,  and  spiked 
the  guns,  and  after  being  detained  by  contrary  winds  for 
some  days  in  the  roads,  sailed  for  Halifax,  where  they 
waited  for  the  reinforcements  from  England.  A  naval  force 
was  left  on  the  station  to  warn  the  expected  British  store  ves- 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  135 

sels  of  the  evacuation  of  the  city,  and  protect  them.    Seve 
ral  of  them  however,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 

As  a  measure  of  precaution,  General  Washington  directed 
General  Sullivan  at  New  York,  to  be  on  his  guard,  apprehend 
ing  that  General  Howe  might  direct  his  course  to  that  city, 
which  was  in  a  defenceless  state.  General  Clinton  had  already 
been  detached  by  General  Howe,  to  operate  in  the  south,  and 
Washington,  uncertain  of  the  precise  plan  of  operations  of 
the  enemy,  and  apprehending  New  York  to  be  the  point  of 
destination,  had  sent  General  Charles  Lee  to  counteract  the 
movement.  As  soon  as  Howe's  forces  left  Boston,  he  sent 
additional  forces  to  New  York. 

The  entry  of  the  provincial  army  into  Boston,  was  hailed 
with  great  triumphs  and  rejoicing  there  and  throughout  the 
colonies.  Congress  passed  a  vote  of  public  thanks  to  the 
commander-in-chief  and  the  soldiery,  and  ordered  a  gold 
medal  to  be  struck  in  honor  of  the  achievement. 

The  loyalists  who  had  adhered  to  the  enemy  were  prose 
cuted,  and  their  property  confiscated  and  sold  for  the  bene 
fit  of  the  Treasury.  The  town  was  put  into  a  state  of  de 
fence,  and  garrisoned,  and  a  few  weeks  afterwards,  the 
commander-in-chief,  with  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  marched  for  New  York,  where  they  arriv 
ed  on  the  1st  of  April.  General  Lee,  with  a  force  of  Con 
necticut  militia,  amounting  to  twelve  hundred  men,  had 
succeeded  in  reaching  that  city,  just  at  the  moment  when 
the  fleet,  with  the  forces  of  Clinton,  appeared  off  Sandy  Hook. 
The  British  plan  was  thus  frustrated,  and  Clinton  sailed  for 
the  south.  The  occupation  of  the  city  by  Lee,  met  with 
violent  opposition  and  remonstrance  from  the  royalists  there, 
who  were  strong  in  numbers  and  influence.  The  committee 
of  safety  sent  to  urge  him  not  to  enter,  because  the  enemy 
had  threatened  that  the  ships  of  war  would  fire  the  town. 
"  Tell  them,"  was  the  answer  of  Lee,  "  that  if  they  set  one 
house  on  fire  in  consequence  of  my  coming,  I  will  chain  a 
hundred  of  their  friends  by  the  neck,  and  make  the  house 
their  funeral  pile,"  a  threat  which  brought  down  the  arro 
gant  tone  of  the  king's  party,  and  the  patriots  were  left  un 
molested.  Lee,  after  putting  up  works  for  defending  the 
city,  until  the  arrival  of  Washington,  and  administering,  with 
characteristic  energy  and  decision,  a  test  oath  to  the  citizens, 
set  off  with  his  forces,  to  follow  the  southern  progress  of 
Clinton.  Soon  after,  the  commander-in-chief  established 


April. 


136  HISTORY  OF  THE 

his  head-quarters  in  New  York,  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
army,  from  Boston,  strengthened  by  recruits  of  the  militia 
of  New  York  and  New  Jersey. 

Before  tracing  the  momentous  civil  and  political  events, 
which  followed  shortly  after,  it  is  proper,  for  a  true  under 
standing  of  the  whole  position,  resources,  and  prospects  of 
the  colonies,  at  the  moment  when  they  hazarded  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence,  to  follow  the  fortune  of  the  contem 
poraneous  military  expeditions,  in  Canada  by  the  Americans, 
and  against  the  southern  colonies  by  the  British. 

Arnold,  with  his  diminished  and  suffering  troops,  amount 
ing  to  about  seven  hundred  men,  had,  after  the  death  of 
Montgomery,  successfully  maintained  himself,  and  cut  off 
the  communications  of  the  garrison  of  Quebec,  until  rein 
forced  by  detachments  under  the  command  of  Generals 
Wooster  and  Thomas  from  Boston.  The  whole  force  in  May, 
amounted,  nominally,  to  three  thousand  men,  but  the  small 
pox  prevailed  among  them  with  great  violence,  and  reduced 
their  effective  strength  to  less  than  one  thousand.  An  at 
tempt  was  made  to  fire  the  town,  with  the  design  of  storm 
ing  it  in  the  midst  of  the  confusion ;  but  it  miscarried,  and 
the  American  forces,  weakened  by  sickness,  which  con 
stantly  increased  among  them,  and  exhausted  by  toils  in  the 
midst  of  an  enemy's  country,  were  farther  dispirited  by 
intelligence  of  the  near  approach  of  a  considerable  body  of 
English  troops,  to  relieve  the  town.  The  progress  of  the 
war  had  not  encouraged  the  Canadians  or  Indians  to  take 
part  with  the  colonies,  and  the  arrival  of  a  very  superior 
force  threatened  to  place  the  besieging  army  in  a  very  criti 
cal  position. 

Early  in  May  the  van  of  the  British  troops  arrived,  consist 
ing  of  two  companies  of  regulars,  and  a  large 
body  of  marines.  The  vessels  that  brought  them 
had  forced  their  way  with  great  difficulty  through  the  ice. 
Governor  Carleton,  with  eight  hundred  men,  belonging  to 
the  garrison,  having  formed  a  junction  with  the  reinforce 
ment,  marched  instantly  to  attack  the  American  camp;  but 
the  Americans  had  anticipated  the  movement,  and  com 
menced  a  precipitate  retreat  the  day  before,  leaving  behind 
them  their  stores,  part  of  their  baggage  and  some  of  the 
sick.  These  latter  were  treated  with  great  kindness  and 
humanity  ;  proclamation  was  made,  promising  protection 
and  aid  to  such  of  them,  as  might  be  concealed  through 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  137 

fear,  and  all  were  generously  fed  and  clothed,  and  sent 
safely  home — a  line  of  policy  which  strengthened  very  much 
the  British  interests  in  Canada.  In  a  few  weeks  the  British 
forces  were  augmented  by  successive  arrivals  of  English, 
and  some  Brunswick  troops,  to  the  number  of  thirteen  thou 
sand  men,  under  Generals  Burgoyne,  Phillips,  and  Reidesel. 
The  Americans  had  retreated,  without  stopping,  to  the  Sorel, 
where  they  were  reinfor.ced  by  several  battalions,  intrench 
ed  themselves,  and  threw  up  works  for  defence.  General 
Thomas  died  there  of  the  small-pox,  and  the  command 
devolved  first  upon  Arnold,  and  then  upon  General  Sullivan. 
After  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  surprise  the  main  body  of 
the  enemy  at  Trois  Rivieres,  it  was  found  necessary  to  evacu 
ate  the  whole  province  of  Canada.  The  pursuit  was  divided 
into  two  columns ;  but  the  retreating  army,  though  inferior 
in  numbers,  and  under  such  serious  disadvantages,  baffled 
their  pursuers  completely.  Sullivan  retreated  by  the  Sorel, 
and  Arnold  evacuated  Montreal  twenty-four  hours  before  the 
enemy  entered  it.  The  army  re-united  at  St.  Johns,  under 
the  command  of  Sullivan,  and  having  burnt  the  magazine, 
barracks,  and  batteaux,  retired  under  the  cannon  of  Crown 
Point,  whither  the  enemy  were  unable  to  follow.  The  re 
treat  was  considered  a  masterly  effort  of  military  genius, 
and  Congress  voted  their  thanks  to  General  Sullivan  and 
his  army,  for  their  courage,  fortitude,  and  skill. 

Gen.  Gates  was  soon  after  appointed  to  the  northern  com 
mand  :  and  having  collected  a  force  of  twelve  thousand  men, 
took  up  a  position  at  Ticonderoga,  which  he  fortified,  and  with 
the  naval  command  of  Lake  Champlain,  was  able  to  check 
the  immediate  advance  of  the  enemy  in  that  direction. 

The  disasters  of  the  Canada  campaign  were  compensa 
ted,  in  part,  to  the  general  cause  of  the  colonies,  by  the  more 
fortunate  issue  of  their  defences  in  the  southern  colonies. 
In  North  Carolina,  the  royal  governor,  Martin,  who  had 
been  obliged,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  like  Lord  Dun- 
more  of  Virginia,  to  abandon  the  province,  and  take  refuge 
on  board  of  a  man-of-war,  continued  to  exercise  his  office, 
and  encourage  the  assembling  of  soldiers,  in  behalf  of  the 
loyal  cause.  A  large  number,  from  sixteen  to  seventeen 
hundred,  principally  Scotch  emigrants,  collected  under  the 
command  of  one  McDonald,  expecting  the  arrival  of  the 
British  forces  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  Sir  Peter  Parker, 
designed  for  the  southern  campaign,  and  of  General  Clinton, 
Mfc 


138  HISTORY   OF   THE 

wjio  was  on  his  way  south  from  Boston.  The  provincial 
governor,  Moore,  collected  some  militia  to  oppose  them,  and 
stationed  them,  to  the  number  of  a  thousand  men,  at  Moore's 
Creek  Bridge.  The  royalists  hastily  attacked  them  at  that 
post,  and  as  hastily  retreated,  with  the  loss  of  their  arms, 
amounting  to  fifteen  hundred  rifles,  several  hundred  muskets, 
numerous  waggons,  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  and  about 
seventy  men  killed.  The  Americans  had  but  two  men  wound 
ed.  The  attack  was  rash,  and  the  flight  a  cowardly  rout ; 
the  results  were,  the  total  loss  of  the  province  to  the  roy 
alists,  and  the  defeat  of  that  portion  of  the  British  plan  of 
the  campaign.  General  Clinton  arrived  about  the  same  time, 
in  the  Cape  Fear,  and  Governor  Martin  embarked,  with  others 
of  the  royal  adherents  in  North  Carolina,  to  share  in  the 
enterprise  against  Charleston,  now  the  main  object  of  attack. 
A  junction  of  the  British  forces  was  made  at  that  point ;  the 
fleet,  under  the  command  of  Sir  Peter  Parker,  consisted  of  two 
fifty  gun  ships,  four  frigates  of  twenty-eight  guns  each,  two 
armed  vessels  of  twenty  and  twenty-two  guns,  a  sloop  and 
gun  boat.  The  land  forces  were  2500,  in  number.  This  arma 
ment  crossed  Charleston  bar  on  the  4th  of  June,  and 
June,i77  anchored  about  three  miles  from  Sullivan's  Island, 
upon  which  fortifications  had  been  erected,  commanding 
the  channel  leading  to  the  town.  The  fort  was  built  of 
Palmetto  wood,  mounted  twenty-six  guns,  32' s  and  16's, 
and  was  garrisoned  by  a  regiment  of  375  regulars  and  a  few 
militia,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  William  Moultrie. 
Long  Island,  separated  on  the  east  from  Sullivan's  Island,  was 
protected  by  a  party  of  militia,  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the 
British  troops  to  assault  the  fort  on  the  land  side.  The 
militia  of  the  colony  had  obeyed  the  summons  of  the  pro 
vincial  authorities,  and  about  six  thousand  of  them  garri 
soned  the  city.  Every  preparation  within  the  power  of  the 
colonies  had  been  made,  to  meet  the  expected  attack.  Lee, 
who  had  so  promptly  met  Clinton  in  New  York,  had  pushed 
on  with  extraordinary  celerity,  and  again  anticipated  him 
at  Charleston.  The  fleet  experienced  considerable  difficulty 
and  damage  in  crossing  the  bar,  and  on  the  eighteenth  of 
June,  after  vainly  summoning  by  proclamation  the  people 
to  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  offer 
ing  them  pardon  on  submission,  the  attempt  was  made  to 
reduce  the  fort.  The  two  fifty  gun  ships,  the  Bristol  and 
the  Experiment,  with  two  frigates,  formed  a  line,  and  com- 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  139 

menced  a  tremendous  fire  upon  the  works.  The  other  three 
vessels  were  stranded  and  could  not  come  into  action,  and 
one  of  them,  the  Acteon,  was  lost,  and  burnt  on  the  succeed 
ing  morning.  The  fire  of  the  ships  was  returned  with 
amazing  spirit  and  intrepidity  by  the  Americans,  and  with 
such  great  effect,  that  the  Bristol  was  soon  very  nearly  dis 
abled,  and  dreadful  slaughter  was  made  in  all  the  attacking 
vessels.  The  shot  from  the  fort  struck  with  a  precision, 
which  excited  the  admiration  even  of  the  enemy,  and  was 
kept  up  until  their  whole  ammunition  was  expended.  The 
British  thought  the  fort  silenced,  but  a  supply  of  powder  was 
soon  furnished  from  the  town,  and  the  fire  hotly  maintained 
during  the  whole  day,  and  until  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
when  darkness  put  an  end  to  the  combat  on  both  sides. 
During  the  night  the  British  ships,  excepting  the  Acteon, 
which  was  ashore,  slipped  their  cables  and  dropped  two 
miles  down  the  river.  They  had  been  severely  handled ; 
the  total  loss  of  men  killed  and  wounded  was  225,  including 
Admiral  Parker,  slightly,  and  Lord  William  Campbell,  recent 
governor,  mortally  wounded.  The  Americans  lost  only  ten 
men  killed,  and  twenty-two  wounded. 

During  the  hottest  of  the  fight,  the  flag  of  the  fort  was 
carried  away  by  a  shot,  when  Serjeant  Jasper  leaped  down 
to  the  beach,  in  the  face  of  the  cannonading,  and  after  re 
covering  the  flag,  climbed  up  and  fixed  it  again  on  the  battle 
ment.  For  this  heroic  action,  he  afterwards  received  a 
sword  from  Governor  Rutledge,  which  he  gratefully  ac 
cepted,  and  the  offer  of  a  commission  which  he  modestly 
declined. 

No  serious  attempt  was  made  by  the  British  to  attack  the 
fort  on  the  land  side.  A  few  troops  were  disembarked,  on 
Long  Island,  but  being  opposed  by  Colonel  Thompson's  corps, 
they  remained  inactive. 

Not  long  afterwards,  the  fleet  abandoned  the  expedition, 
and  returned  to  New  York,  to  wait  the  arrival  of  General 
Howe,  from  Halifax. 

Congress  and  the  people,  expressed  the  highest  admira 
tion  of  the  defence  of  Charleston,  especially  that  of  the 
fort,  which  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  its  intrepid 
defender,  and  is  called  Fort  Moultrie.  Congress  passed  a 
special  vote  of  thanks  to  General  Lee,  and  Colonels  Moul 
trie  and  Thompson,  for  their  gallant  and  successful  defence. 


140  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Its  permanent  effects  were,  the  entire  derangement  of 
the  British  military  plans,  and  the  security  of  the  whole 
Southern  States  from  invasion  for  more  than  two  years.  Its 
present  influence  was  highly  encouraging  to  the  spirit  of 
the  colonies,  affording  them  just  cause  for  triumph  over  an 
adversary  of  superior  force,  and  as  a  victory  counterbalanc 
ing  the  loss  of  their  previous  conquests  in  Canada. 

General  Howe,  having  waited  for  nearly  two  months,  at 
Halifax,  with  the  troops  he  had  withdrawn  from  Boston, 
in  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  his  brother,  and  the  addi 
tional  troops  from  England,  at  last  sailed  without  them,  and 
arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  off  Sandy  Hook.  Admi 
ral  Howe  soon  followed  with  a  large  part  of  the  reinforce 
ment,  and  a  powerful  force  was  thus  concentrated  upon 
New  York,  then  in  the  possession  of  Washington.  The 
city,  and  Long  and  Staten  Islands,  were  found  fortified  and 
defended  with  artillery.  General  Howe  was  joined  by  Tryon, 
late  governor  of  the  province,  and  a  small  number  of  refu 
gees.  On  Staten  Island  a  regiment  of  the  inhabitants  was 
embodied  as  a  royal  militia,  and  the  British  general  was  led 
to  believe,  that  a  large  part  of  the  people  would  readily  join 
the  royal  standard. 

Additional  troops  arrived  soon  after,  and  a  well  appointed 
and  numerous  fleet  and  army  collected  before  the  city, 
the  possession  of  which  was  considered  a  most  important 
point  for  the  subjugation  of  the  middle  colonies. 

The  gathering  of  these  formidable  armaments  did,  how 
ever,  only  precipitate  the  final  measure,  which  consummated 
the  Revolution.  In  the  constitution  of  human  nature,  the 
political  separation  of  the  two  countries  must  have  happened 
at  some  period  not  very  remote ;  but  violent  measures  were 
required  to  break  asunder  suddenly  and  completely  the  nu 
merous  ties  of  affection,  kindred,  and  interest,  of  common 
ancestry,  common  language,  the  same  literature,  learning, 
and  the  arts,  which  would  have  retained  a  mutual  depend 
ence  and  relation,  long  after  all  political  necessity  for  union, 
had  ceased.  The  arbitrary  pretensions  of  the  Parliament 
had  now  for  twelve  years,  alarmed  the  colonists  for  the 
safety  of  their  most  essential  rights,  and  taught  them  to 
look  with  jealousy  and  distrust  upon  all  the  constituted  au 
thorities  of  the  mother  country.  Of  late  years  these  pre 
tensions  had  been  enforced  with  a  haughty  obstinacy  and 
insulting  disregard  of  the  feelings  and  opinions  of  Ameri- 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  141 

cans,  which  could  not  fail  to  wound  deeply  the  pride,  and 
exasperate  the  sensibilities  of  a  people,  remarkable  for  ele 
vation  and  independence  of  character ;  and  the  actual  means 
employed  for  that  purpose,  had  been  marked  by  atrocious 
brutality,  by  the  most  wanton  disregard  of  laws,  constitu 
tions,  the  plainest  dictates  of  justice  and  the  claims  of 
ordinary  humanity,  and  by  an  evident  determination  to  crush, 
with  the  strong  arm  of  military  power,  the  complaints,  as 
well  as  the  rights  and  privileges  of  America.  .  To  this  had 
now  succeeded  twelve  months  of  open  hostilities,  a  state  of 
notorious  war  in  which  the  king's  troops  were  resisted  at  all 
points,  his  officers  deposed  and  driven  out  of  the  country, 
his  fortresses  taken,  his  ships  captured,  and  every  energy 
exerted  to  subvert  altogether  his  power  in  America,  as  too 
tyrannical  to  be  endured.  At  this  point,  Independence  had 
become  a  fact,  which  needed  only  a  declaration  by  compe 
tent  authority,  to  be  universally  admitted  among  the  colo 
nies.  To  continue  further  professions  of  obedience  to  a 
king  against  whom  they  were  defending  their  dearest  rights, 
at  the  hazard  of  every  thing,  would  have  been  not  only  a 
gross  hypocrisy,  inconsistent  with  manliness  of  character, 
and  firmness  of  principle,  but  would  have  been  a  political 
blunder,  decidedly  injurious  to  their  prospects  of  success, 
and  their  hopes  of  aid  in  the  struggle  before  them.  They 
saw  that  a  return  to  a  cordial  union  with  Great  Britain,  had 
become  impossible  under  any  circumstances;  that  violence, 
injustice,  and  wantonness  of  power  on  the  one  hand,  and 
long  continued  dread,  jealousy,  anger,  and  finally  hatred  on 
the  other,  had  made  it  vain  to  expect  that  harmony  could 
ever  be  restored  permanently,  even  with  the  most  unlimited 
concessions  by  Great  Britain.  The  recent  acts  of  Parlia 
ment,  and  the  concentration  in  America  of  such  a  vast  force 
of  English  troops  and  foreign  mercenaries,  convinced  them 
that  no  terms  could  be  obtained  short  of  submission  without 
condition  to  foreign  conquest,  and  a  surrender  of  all  they 
had  been  contending  for  as  most  precious,  into  the  hands 
of  triumphant  conquerors. 

Nothing  therefore  remained  but  to  assume  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  that  Independence,  which  their  position  in  the 
controversy  seemed  so  imperiously  to  require  as  a  measure 
of  honor  and  safety,  and  which  existed  in  fact,  in  every 
colony  that  had  subverted  the  king's  powers,  and  assumed 
the  functions  of  government.  It  was  moreover  considered 


142  HISTORY    OF    THE 

indispensable,  in  order  to  secure  the  aid  of  other  European 
nations,  in  the  struggle  against  England.  The  general  dis 
like  of  continental  Europe  to  the  predominance  of  the 
power  of  Great  Britain,  gave  just  ground  to  anticipate  their 
co-operation,  sooner  or  later,  in  a  war  to  deprive  her  of  such 
immense  possessions.  Besides  these  merely  political  views, 
looking  to  the  humbling  of  a  powerful  and  dreaded  rival,  it 
was  considered  that  commercial  considerations  would  influ 
ence  them  to  the  same  course.  The  great  and  growing 
trade  of  the  American  colonies,  that  had  been  monopolized 
by  Great  Britain,  was  a  prize  to  the  mercantile  interests  of 
other  states,  for  which  large  efforts  and  sacrifices  would  be 
made.  These  calculations  could  not,  however,  be  made  in 
favor  of  dependent  provinces,  struggling  in  rebellion  against 
acknowledged  authority.  Treaties  could  be  entered  into, 
and  aid,  of  men  or  money,  asked  for  sufficient  to  give  force 
and  dignity  to  the  contest,  only  as  independent  states ;  and 
hence  the  policy  of  severing  at  once,  by  a  formal  act,  all 
dependence  upon  Great  Britain,  and  assuming  an  attitude 
of  sovereignty. 

Reasonings  of  this  nature,  gradually  ripened  the  minds 
of  the  colonies,  to  the  great  revolutionary  measure  of  inde 
pendence.  The  course  of  events  brought  it  on  by  a  moral 
and  political  necessity.  As  the  non-importation  agreements 
of  1773-4,  were  followed  by  the  assumption  of  arms  in  1775, 
so  the  commencement  of  hostilities  produced  the  declaration 
of  independence.  The  public  mind,  under  the  constant 
excitement  of  wrongs  and  sufferings  from  the  unnatural  mother 
country,  and  heated  and  at  the  same  time  enlightened  by 
the  acute  discussions,  and  impassioned  appeals  of  able  men 
in  behalf  of  liberty  and  resistance,  was  prepared  to  take  the 
final  step.  During  the  winter  and  spring  of  1776,  the  press 
teemed  with  gazettes,  pamphlets,  and  judicial  charges, 
enforcing  the  necessity  and  urging  the  wisdom  of  indepen 
dence.  Eminent  individuals  in  all  the  colonies,  devoted 
their  time  and  talents  to  the  dissemination  of  the  same  prin 
ciples.  The  pamphlet  of  Thomas  Paine,  entitled  "  Common 
Sense,"  had  a  wonderful  effect,  in  diffusing  plain  and  prac 
tical  views  of  the  question,  expressed  in  a  sententious  and 
popular  style.  The  charge  of  Judge  Wm.  H.  Drayton  of 
South  Carolina,  was  remarkable  for  its  boldness  and  effect. 
After  drawing  a  contrast  between  the  British  government, 
and  such  a  one  as  the  colonists  could  erect  for  themselves, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  143 

and  portraying  in  indignant  terms  the  tyranny  of  Great 
Britian,  he  summed  up  thus  emphatically : — "  In  short  I  think 
it  my  duty  to  declare  in  the  awful  seat  of  justice  and  before 
Almighty  God,  that  in  my  opinion,  the  Americans  can  have 
no  safety  but  by  the  Divine  favour,  their  own  virtue,  and 
their  being  so  prudent  as  not  to  leave  it  in  the  power 
of  the  British  rulers  to  injure  them.  Indeed,  the  ruinous 
and  deadly  injuries  received  on  our  side;  and  the  jealousies 
entertained  and  which,  in  the  nature  of  things,  must 
daily  increase  against  us,  on  the  other;  demonstrate  to 
a  mind,  in  the  least  given  to  reflection  upon  the  rise  and 
fall  of  empires,  that  true  reconcilement  never  can  exist 
between  Great  Britain  and  America,  the  latter  being  in  sub 
jection  to  the  former.  The  Almighty  created  America  to 
be  independent  of  Britain.  Let  us  beware  of  the  impiety  of 
being  backward  to  act  as  instruments  in  the  Almighty  hand, 
now  extended  to  accomplish  his  purpose ;  and  by  the  com 
pletion  of  which  alone  America,  in  the  nature  of  human 
affairs,  can  be  secure  against  the  craft  and  insidious  designs 
of  her  enemies,  who  think  her  prosperity  and  power  already 
by  far  too  great.  In  a  word,  our  piety  and  political  safety 
are  so  blended,  that  to  refuse  our  labors  in  this  divine  work, 
is  to  refuse  to  be  a  great,  a  free,  a  pious,  and  a  happy 
people ! 

Soon  after  the  prohibitory  act  reached  America,  congress 
made  still  further  advances  towards  independence,  by  grant 
ing  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  against  the  ships  I 
and  goods  of  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  and  | 
opening  the  ports  to  all  the  world,  except  those  of  Great 
Britain.  In  the  same  month,  Silas  Deane  was  sent  as  se 
cret  agent  to  the  court  of  France,  with  instructions  to  ascer 
tain  the  disposition  of  that  court;  "  whether  if  the  colonies 
should  be  forced  to  form  themselves  into  an  independent 
state,  France  would  probably  acknowledge  them  as  such, 
receive  their  ambassadors,  enter  into  any  treaty  or  alliance 
•with  them  for  commerce,  or  defence,  or  both  ?"  A  few  weeks 
later,  they  took  a  preliminary  step  of  great  importance, 
which  plainly  showed  the  design  of  a  speedy  declaration. 
In  examining  the  advance  of  congress  in  this  matter,  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  they  acted  by  the  implied  con 
sent  of  the  colonies,  ana  with  authority  which  had  no  sanc 
tion  but  the  acquiescence  of  the  provincial  conventions,  or 
legislatures,  many  of  which  existed  by  the  same  tacit  suf- 


144  HISTORY    OF    THE 

ferance  without  formal  organization.  The  colonies  were 
integral  communities,  independent  of  each  other,  and  con 
sequently,  in  all  matters  concerning  their  political  exist 
ence,  and  forms  of  government  and  relations  with  each  other 
or  foreign  nations,  Congress  only  acted  by  the  consent  of 
each,  express  or  implied.  Its  functions  were  in  effect  only 
advisory,  though  they  had  been  universally  recognized,  under 
the  emergencies  of  the  times,  as  binding  upon  the  good  faith 
of  the  several  provinces.  In  a  step  of  such  an  extraordina 
ry  kind,  as  the  assumption  of  independence,  it  is  obvious 
that  their  power  extended  no  further  than  the  declaration  of 
a  fact,  that  each  of  those  who  joined  in  the  assertion  of  the 
independence  of  all,  was  at  the  time  absolutely  independent 
in  itself.  Congress  had  on  several  occasions  been  applied 
to  for  advice,  in  regard  to  the  internal  administration  of  the 
separate  colonies.  In  the  fall  of  1775,  on  the  subversion  of 
the  royal  governments,  several  of  the  provincial  conventions, 
following  the  example  of  Massachusetts,  had  asked  the  coun 
sel  of  congress  as  to  the  form  of  government  proper  to  be 
adopted,  and  had  received  directions  recommending  popular 
representation  and  elective  administrations  ;  "  during  the 
continuance  of  the  dispute  with  the  parent  country."  At 
that  time  a  considerable  portion  of  the  country,  and  some 
leading  members  of  congress,  thought  even  this  limited  as 
sumption  of  the  functions  of  government,  too  openly  hostile  to 
British  authority,  and  prematurely  leading  to  revolution.  With 
scarcely  an  exception  during  the  summer  and  autumn  of  that 
year,  the  provincial  assemblies  and  conventions,  disclaimed 
for  themselves  and  for  their  constituents,  the  design  of  separa 
ting  from  Great  Britain.  Great  changes  of  opinion,  and  infi 
nitely  more  zeal  and  boldness  in  the  avowal  of  opinions  pre 
viously  entertained,  were  brought  about  by  the  course  of 
affairs  during  the  parliamentary  session  of  1776  in  Great 
Britain,  and  the  campaigns  arrayed  against  America  for  the 
same  year,  to  conquer  and  enslave  British  colonies  with  the 
aid  of  hired  soldiery  from  Germany. 

In  May,  1776,  congress,  following  the   advance  of  public 
opinion,  recommended,  without  opposition  of  any  moment, 
Ma   10  I  an  "^finite  extension  of  the  same  power  in  the 
I  provincial  governments,  the  suggestion  of  which 
provisionally  and  for  an  interim,  had  only  six  months  before 
alarmed  the  loyalty  of  the  colonists.     They  advised  the  peo 
ple  not  to  consider  themselves  any  longer  as  holding  or 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  145 

exercising  any  powers  from  Great  Britain,  but  "  to  adopt  such 
government  as  should  in  the  opinion  of  the  representatives 
of  the  people,  best  conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of 
their  constituents  in  particular,  and  of  America  in  general." 
By  the  preamble  to  this  resolution,  finally  adopted  five  days 
afterwards,  it  was  declared  "  irreconcilable  with  Ma 
reason  and  good  conscience"  for  the  colonists  to 
take  the  oaths  for  the  support  of  government  under  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain.  They  proclaimed  the  necessity  of 
suppressing  "  the  exercise  of  every  kind  of  authority  under 
the  crown,"  and  all  power  should  be  exerted  "under  the 
authority  of  the  people  of  the  colonies,  for  the  preservation 
of  internal  peace,  virtue,  and  good  order,  as  well  as  for  the 
defence  of  their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  against  the 
hostile  invasions  and  cruel  depredations  of  their  enemies." 

About  the  same  time,  the  colonial  assemblies  began  to 
move  in  the  great  question,  and  give  official  sanction  to 
what  had  become  the  general  sentiment  of  America.  North 
Carolina,  on  the  22d  of  April,  made  the  first  public  act  of 
any  colonial  assembly  in  favour  of  the  measure,  by  instruct 
ing  her  delegates  in  congress  "  to  concur  with  those  in  the 
other  colonies  in  declaring  independency  " — a  phrase  which 
implies  a  general  agitation  of  the  question,  and  the  expec 
tation  that  it  would  shortly  be  brought  before  congress. 

On  the  14th  of  May,  the  general  assembly  of  Massachu 
setts  desired  the  people  at  the  ensuing  election  of  represen 
tatives,  to  give  them  instructions  on  the  subject  of  indepen 
dence  ;  and  on  the  23d,  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  whose 
opinions  reflect  those  of  the  whole  colony,  instructed  their 
representatives  that  their  delegates  in  congress  be  advised 
that  the  inhabitants  of  that  colony  '•  with  their  lives  and  the 
remnants  of  their  fortunes,  would  most  cheerfully  support 
them  in  the  measure  "  of  declaring  independence. 

On  the  15th  of  May,  the  provincial  convention  of  Vir 
ginia  unanimously  instructed  their  delegates  in  congress,  to 
propose  to  that  body,  to  declare  the  United  Colonies,  "free 
and  independent  states ;  absolved  from  all  allegiance  or  depen 
dence  upon  the  crown,  or  parliament  of  Great  Britain."  At 
the  same  time,  without  waiting  for  the  declaration,  they  as 
sumed  the  independence  of  Virginia,  and  appointed  a  com 
mittee  to  draw  up  a  bill  of  rights,  and  form  a  constitution. 

The  assembly  of  Rhode  Island,  in  the  same  month,  adopt 
ed  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  colony,  and  instructed  their 

N 


June  7. 


146  HISTORY    OF   THE 

delegates  in  congress  to  join  in  all  measures  which  might  be 
agreed  on  in  congress,  for  the  advancement  of  the  interests, 
safety,  and  dignity  of  the  colonies. 

South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  with  the  colonies  just  men 
tioned,  had  taken  active  measures  to  procure  a  declaration 
of  independence,  before  it  was  brought  forward  formally  in 
that  body.  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  had  declared  against 
it,  and  the  other  delegates  were  without  instructions  ;  when, 
on  the  7th  of  June,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia, 
offered  a  resolution,  declaring  that  "  the  United 
Colonies  are,  and  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States ; 
that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown, 
and  that  all  political  connexion  between  them,  and  the  state 
of  Great  Britain,  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved." 

This  resolution,  so  mighty  in  its  character,  and  the  vast 
importance  of  all  its  bearings,  was  debated  for  several  days 
with  extraordinary  earnestness,  eloquence,  and  ability.  Mr. 
Lee,  and  John  Adams,  wTere  the  most  distinguished  in  sup 
porting  the  motion,  and  Mr.  John  Dickinson  of  Pennsylva 
nia  in  opposing  it.  These  were  among  the  most  able  and 
eminent  men  the  revolution  had  produced,  and  the  full 
strength  of  their  faculties  was  brought  forth  on  so  solemn 
and  momentous  an  occasion.  On  the  10th  the  resolution 
was  adopted  in  a  committee  by  a  bare  majority  of  the  colo 
nies,  and  the  final  consideration  was  postponed  to  the  first 
of  July,  to  give  time  for  greater  deliberation,  and  for  instruc 
tions  from  the  colonial  legislatures.  A  committee  was  ap 
pointed  to  draw  up  the  declaration,  consisting  of  Thomas 
Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and 
Robert  R.  Livingston. 

In  the  interim,  the  friends  of  independence  were  ardent 
and  indefatigable  in  their  labours  to  procure  the  co-opera 
tion  of  such  colonies  as  had  not  yet  taken  measures  to  ex 
press  their  concurrence,  and  to  procure  the  assent  of  the 
colonies  that  hesitated  or  had  refused. 

On  the  8th,  the  New  York  delegates  wrote  for  instruc 
tions,  but  the  provincial  assembly  not  feeling  themselves 
authorized  to  act,  referred  them  in  reply,  to  the  people,  who 
were  desired  to  give  instructions,  at  the  election  of  legis 
lators. 

On  the  15th,  the  New  Hampshire  assembly  unanimously 
instructed  their  delegates  to  concur,  and  on  the  same  day,  a 
similar  instruction  was  given  by  the  Connecticut  assembly, 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

who  had  specially  convened  for  the  purpose.  On  the  21st, 
new  delegates  were  chosen  from  New  Jersey,  and  instructed 
if  they  should  deem  it  expedient,  "  to  join  in  declaring  the 
United  Colonies  independent." 

In  the  same  month  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  with 
drew  their  former  instructions  against  independence,  but  did 
not  expressly  authorize  concurrence.  They  took  measures 
for  obtaining  an  expression  of  the  opinion  of  the  people  of 
the  province ;  and  a  convention  composed  of  committees  from 
the  counties,  met  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  24th  of  June.  This 
convention,  without  binding  the  delegates  to  a  vote  in  favour 
of  independence,  voted  to  allow  them  a  discretion,  and 
expressed  their  own  willingness  to  concur  with  the  other 
colonies. 

The  delegates  from  Maryland  had  voted  against  Mr.  Lee's 
motion,  on  instructions,  and  against  their  own  personal  wishes. 
They  made  strenuous  efforts  to  procure  a  reversal  of  their 
instructions,  and  chiefly  through  the  perseverance  of  Sam 
uel  Chase,  a  new  convention  was  held  on  the  28th  of  June, 
and  resolutions  adopted  empowering  their  representatives  to 
concur  with  the  other  colonies,  in  the  proposed  declaration. 
These  were  sent  express  to  Philadelphia,  and  reached  there 
on  the  day  appointed  for  the  final  determination  of  the 
question. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  the  debate  was  resumed,  and  contin 
ued  for  three  days,  and  after  deliberate  discussion,  was  assent 
ed  to  by  all  the  colonies,  except  Delaware  and  Pennsylva 
nia.  Thomas  M'Kean  and  George  Read  were  the  del 
egates  from  Delaware  present,  and  they  were  divided, 
M'Kean  in  favour  of  the  declaration,  and  Read  against  it. 
The  third  delegate,  Mr.  Rodney,  was  absent  during  the  dis 
cussion,  but  was  sent  for  express,  by  his  colleague  M'Kean, 
a  distance  of  eighty  miles.  He  obeyed  the  call  with  such 
alacrity  as  to  reach  Philadelphia  in  time  to  determine  the 
vote  of  Delaware  on  the  side  of  independence.  His  haste, 
and  the  disordered  condition  in  which  he  appeared  in  con 
gress  to  give  his  vote,  gave  rise  to  the  revolutionary  toast  of 
"  Rodney  in  Boots  ;"  which  became  popular  among  the  whigs 
of  the  day. 

Several  delegates  were  present  from  Pennsylvania,  four  of 
whom  voted  against  the  resolution,  and  three  in  its  favour. 
On  the  final  vote,  however,  two  of  the  opponents,  Morris 
and  Dickinson,  withdrew,  and  the  three  affirmative  votes, 


148  HISTORY   OF    THE 

Franklin,  Wilson,  and  Morton,  formed  a  majority  against 
the  remaining  negatives,  Willing  and  Humphrey,  and  turned 
the  vote  of  the  province. 

These  happy  changes  having  been  effected,  the  declara- 
Juiy  4,  I  tion  prepared  by  the  special  committee,  came 
1776.  I  Up  for  fjna[  disposition,  and  on  the  4th  of  July, 
received  the  assent  of  every  colony.  The  committee  ap 
pointed  on  the  llth  to  prepare  a  declaration,  had  agreed 
to  make  separate  drafts,  in  order  that  all  might  be  com 
pared  together,  and  a  final  declaration  drawn  up  from  them 
by  the  whole  committee.  That  prepared  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  the 
chairman,  was  first  read,  and  received  with  such  admiration, 
that  the  other  members  declined  producing  their  own,  and 
unanimously  adopted  it,  with  but  trifling  verbal  alterations. 
On  the  FOURTH,  it  received  the  assent  of  the  thirteen  colo 
nies,  in  congress  assembled  after  a  few  amendments  : — in 
the  following  words: — 

"  A  Declaration  by  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  Congress  assembled. 

"  When  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces 
sary  for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have 
connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the 
powers  of  the  earth  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which 
the  laws  of  nature  and  nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  de 
cent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires,  that  they 
should  declare  the  cause  which  compel  them  to  the  sepa 
ration. 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident : — that  all  men  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  whenever  any 
form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is 
the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  insti 
tute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  prin 
ciples,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them 
shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness. 
Prudence  indeed  will  dictate,  that  governments  long  estab 
lished,  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient  causes  ; 
and  accordingly,  all  experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are 
more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to 
right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  149 

accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpa 
tions,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design 
to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right, 
it  is  their  duty  to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide 
new  guards  for  their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the 
patient  sufferance  of  these  Colonies,  and  such  is  now  the 
necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  sys 
tems  of  government.  The  history  of  the  present  King  ot 
Great  Britain,  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usur 
pations  ;  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an 
absolute  tyranny  over  these  states  :  to  prove  this,  let  facts  be 
exhibited  to  a  candid  world. 

"  He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

"He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immedi 
ate  and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  ope 
rations  till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ;  and  when  so  sus 
pended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

"  He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws,  for  the  accommodation 
of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relin 
quish  the  right  of  representation  in  the  legislature ;  a  right 
inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

"  He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusu 
al,  uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depositories  of  their 
public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into 
compliance  with  his  measures. 

"  He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for 
opposing,  with  manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  right  of 
the  people. 

"  He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolution,  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers, 
incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at 
large  for  their  exercise, — the  state  remaining  in  the  mean 
time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without, 
and  convulsions  within. 

"  He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
states ;  for  that  purpose,  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturaliza 
tion  of  foreigners,  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their 
migrations  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  appro 
priations  of  lands. 

"He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  re 
fusing  his  assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

"  He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the 


150  HISTORY  OP   THE 

tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their 

salaries. 

"He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent 

hither  swarms  of  officers,  to  harass  our  people  and  eat  out 

their  substance. 

"He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies, 

without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

"He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of  and 

superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

"  He  has  combined  with  others,  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdic 

tion  foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our 

laws,  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legislation  : 
"  For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us  : 
"  For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment 

for  any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabit 

ants  of  these  states  : 

"  For  cutting  off  our  trade,  with  all  parts  of  the  world  : 

"  For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent  : 

"  For  depriving  us  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by 


"  For  transporting  us  beyond  seas,  to  be  tried  for  pretended 
offences  : 

"  For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neigh 
bouring  Province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  govern 
ment,  and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once 
an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same  abso 
lute  rule  into  these  colonies  : 

"  For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valua 
ble  laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  forms  of  our  gov 
ernments  : 

"For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring 
themselves  invested  in  power  to  legislate  for  us,  in  all  cases 
whatsoever. 

"  He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out 
of  his  protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 

"  He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our 
towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

"He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolution  and 
tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and 
perfidy,  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and 
totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

"  He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  151 

the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become 
the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall  them 
selves  by  their  hands. 

"  He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and 
has  endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers 
the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare 
is,  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  con 
ditions. 

"In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have  petitioned 
for  redress,  in  the  most  humble  terms  :  our  repeated  petitions 
have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince, 
whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may 
define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

"Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them  from  time  to  time,  of  at 
tempts,  by  their  legislature,  to  extend  an  unwarrantable 
jurisdiction  over  us ;  we  have  reminded  them  of  the  cir 
cumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here  ;  we  have 
appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity  ;  and  we 
have  conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to 
disavow  these  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  interrupt 
our  connexions  and  correspondence.  They  too  have  been 
deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  consanguinity.  We  must 
therefore  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  denounces  our 
seperation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind — 
enemies  in  war,  in  peace  friends. 

"  We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  general  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  inten 
tions,  do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  people, 
of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that  these 
United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  Free  and 
Independent  States ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  alle 
giance  to  the  British  Crown ;  and  that  all  political  con 
nexion  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain,  is  and 
ought  to  be  totally  dissolved ;  and  that,  as  free  and  inde 
pendent  states,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude 
peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  acts  and  things  which  independent  states  may  of  right 
do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm 
reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually 
pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
honour." 


152  HISTORY    OF   THE 

Copies  of  this  declaration  were  immediately  transmitted 
to  all  the  states,  and  received  with  enthusiasm,  and  pro 
claimed  with  every  demonstration  of  joy.  Five  days  after 
its  adoption,  the  legislature  of  New  York,  that  had  not  pre 
viously  acted,  unanimously  resolved,  that  the  reasons  of 
Congress  for  declaring  Independence,  were  "  cogent  and 
unanswerable."  At  Philadelphia,  when  it  was  solemnly 
promulgated  on  the  eighth,  the  artillery  fired  salutes,  the 
bells  rang  a  peal  of  triumph,  and  bonfires  blazed  all  over  the 
city.  At  New  York  it  was  on  the  eleventh,  by  order  of 
General  Washington,  read  to  the  head  of  every  brigade  in 
the  army,  amidst  universal  acclamations.  The  leaden  statue 
of  king  George  the  Third,  that  had  stood  before  the  govern 
ment  house,  was  torn  down,  dragged  through  the  streets, 
and  converted  into  musket-balls.  In  Baltimore  the  like 
enthusiasm  prevailed,  and  the  populace  marched  an  effigy 
of  the  king  through  the  streets,  and  then  burnt  it.  In  Boston 
the  most  extravagant  demonstrations  were  made,  of  almost 
delirious  exultation.  Salutes  of  thirteen  guns  were  fired 
from  every  place,  and  by  every  company  that  possessed  the 
means.  All  the  authorities,  civil  and  military,  with  a  vast 
concourse  of  people,  were  collected  together  in  King-street, 
and  the  Declaration  read  from  the  balcony  of  the  State 
House,  amidst  deafening  shouts  and  the  roar  of  artillery. 
The  name  of  King-street  was  changed  to  State-street,  on  the 
spot,  and  in  the  evening,  the  royal  emblems  throughout  the 
town,  crowns,  sceptres,  lions,  &c.  were  torn  down  and  burnt 
in  triumph.  In  Virginia  the  like  ardor  prevailed  ;  and  the 
whole  country  hailed  the  Declaration  as  an  act  of  liberation 
from  slavery,  and  a  victory  over  the  institutions  of  despotism. 

We  cannot  better  illustrate  these  feelings  than  by  an 
extract  from  a  private  letter,  written  on  tne  morning  of  the 
vote  in  favour  of  Independence,  by  John  Jldams,  to  his  wife, 
published  many  years  afterwards.  It  shows  the  warmth  of 
temperament  which  pervaded  the  patriot  bosoms  of  that  day ; 
the  sagacity  with  which  coming  evils  were  foreseen,  and 
courageous  confidence  with  which  they  were  defied. 

"The  day  is  past.  The  second  day  of  July,  1776,  will  be 
a  memorable  epocha  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am  apt  to 
believe  that  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  generations, 
as  the  great  Anniversary  Festival.  It  ought  to  be  commem 
orated,  as  the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion 
to  God  Almighty.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp, 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  153 

shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires  and  illuminations, 
from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other,  from  this  time 
forward  for  ever. 

"  You  will  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm  ;  but  I  am 
not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure, 
that  it  will  cost  us  to  maintain  this  declaration,  and  support 
and  defend  these  states.  Yet,  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can 
see  the  rays  of  light  and  glory ;  I  can  see  that  the  end  is 
more  than  worth  all  the  means,  and  that  posterity  will 
triumph,  although  you  and  I  may  rue,  which  I  hope  we 
shall  not." 

It  was  not,  however,  possible,  in  the  nature  of  human 
affairs,  that  so  complete  a  revolution  could  be  made  with 
perfect  unanimity.  Many  individuals,  from  various  reasons, 
refused  to  acquiesce  in  the  decision  of  the  mass  of  the 
people,  and  continued  to  acknowledge  and  adhere  to  British 
authority.  Persons  of  this  description  were  called  Tories 
and  enemies  to  their  country ;  and  were  so  unpopular,  that 
in  many  instances  they  were  illegally  siezed  and  violently 
abused  by  the  people.  Before  the  declaration  of  independ 
ence,  Congress  had  been  compelled  to  interfere  in  their 
behalf,  and  pass  resolutions  to  protect  them  from  disturb 
ances,  except  when  taken  in  an  overt-act  of  hostility  to 
American  liberty,  or  under  circumstances  of  strong  pre 
sumption.  The  resolution,  already  alluded  to,  declaring  the 
Americans  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown, 
passed  in  June,  recognised  the  obligation  of  allegiance  to 
the  separate  colonies,  from  all  persons  residing  within  the 
same ;  and  therefore  liable  only  to  the  colonial  tribunals  for 
violations  of  this  duty.  On  the  24th,  these  principles  were 
followed  up  more  specifically  by  a  declaration  that  "  all 
persons  abiding  within  any  of  the  United  Colonies,  and 
deriving  protection  from  the  laws  of  the  same,  owed  alle 
giance  to  the  said  laws,  and  were  members  of  said  colony." 
And  further,  that  all  persons,  members  of  any  colony,  who 
should  levy  war  against  any  of  the  said  colonies,  or  adhere 
to  its  enemies,  "within  the  same,'9  were  "guilty  of  treason 
against  such  colony."  It  was  further  recommended  to  the 
legislatures  of  the  several  colonies,  to  provide  laws  for  the 
punishment  of  such  "  treasons.11  No  more  explicit  avowal 
of  the  separate  sovereignty  of  the  individual  colonies,  in 
fact,  before  the  joint  declaration,  could  be  advanced.  After 
the  declaration,  the  states,  or  most  of  them,  on  the  same  or 


154  HISTORY    OF    THE 

similar  suggestions,  confiscated  the  estates  of  Tories,  and 
adherents  to  Great  Britain,  and  passed  special  laws  inflicting 
severe  punishments  on  all  acts  of  hostility,  and  the  punish 
ment  of  death  for  treason. 

The  disasters  to  the  arms  of  America,  which  followed  the 
declaration  of  independence,  increased  the  number  of  mal 
contents,  and  weakened  the  force  of  the  country.  The  mass 
of  the  inhabitants,  however,  stood  firm  in  the  cause  ;  and  the 
consistency  and  courage  of  Congress,  with  the  unequalled 
virtues  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  held  the  destinies 
of  the  country  in  his  hand  for  a  long  and  critical  period, 
sustained  and  invigorated  the  popular  determination  to  a 
final  triumph  over  foreign  and  domestic  enemies. 

In  its  proper  place,  hereafter,  we  shall  trace  the  history 
of  the  Confederation  among  the  colonies,  which  took  its  rise 
out  of  the  new  state  of  separate  sovereignty,  in  which  the 
declaration  of  independence  placed  them.  So  obvious  was 
the  necessity  of  some  such  compact,  that  on  the  I2th  of 
June,  the  next  day  after  that  in  which  the  resolution  in 
favour  of  independence  passed  the  committee  of  the  whole, 
Congress  determined  to  appoint  a  committee  to  prepare  and 
digest  a  form  of  Confederation ;  and  on  the  13th  the  com 
mittee  was  selected,  consisting  of  Mr.  Bartlett,  of  New 
Hampshire,  Samuel  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  Stephen 
Hopkins,  of  Rhode  Island,  Roger  Sherman,  of  Connecticut, 
R.  R.  Livingston,  of  New  York.  John  Dickinson,  of  Penn 
sylvania,  Thomas  M'Kean,  of  Delaware,  Mercer,  of  Mary 
land,  Nelson,  of  Virginia,  Hewes.  of  North  Carolina,  Rut- 
ledge,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Gwinnett,  of  Georgia.  This 
committee  reported  a  plan  of  Confederacy  on  the  12th  of 
July.  After  discussions  and  amendments,  an  amended  draft 
was  reported  late  in  August,  and  the  whole  subject  then  laid 
over  until  April  of  the  next  year,  and  was  not  finally  adopted 
until  November,  1777,  under  which  date,  a  review  of  its 
progress  and  details  more  properly  belongs. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  155 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  position  of  American  affairs,  at  the  date  of  the  decla 
ration  of  independence,  was  not  encouraging.  The  repulse, 
of  Clinton  from  Charleston  was  a  gallant  action,  but  did  not 
counterbalance  the  reverses  in  Canada.  A  very  powerful 
force  by  sea  and  land  was  concentrating  on  the  city  of  New 
York,  where  the  means  for  defence  were  very  inadequate. 
Admiral  Howe  joined  his  brother  at  Staten  Island  on  the 
]2th  July.  About  the  same  time,  General  Clinton  arrived 
with  the  troops  which  had  attacked  Charleston,  and  Admiral 
Hotham  with  a  strong  reinforcement  under  his  escort.  The 
army,  in  a  short  time,  amounted  to  24,000  of  the  best  troops 
in  Europe,  to  whom  several  regiments  of  Hessian  infantry 
were  expected  to  be  added ;  making  the  aggregate  not  less 
than  35,000  men. 

To  oppose  these,  the  American  General  had  a  force,  con 
sisting  chiefly  of  undisciplined  and  badly  provided  militia, 
amounting  in  number  to  about  seventeen  thousand  men. 
Deducting  for  invalids  and  those  without  means  for  going 
into  active  service,  the  effective  force,  at  no  time  previous 
to  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  was  greater  than  fourteen  thou 
sand.  These  were  necessarily  divided  into  detachments  and 
parties  on  New  York,  Long  and  Governor's  Islands,  and 
Paulus  Hook,  upon  the  Jersey  shore  of  the  Hudson,  opposite 
the  city, — a  space  extending  over  fifteen  miles. 

While  waiting  for  reinforcements,  Admiral  and  General 
Howe,  who  were  commissioners  under  the  late  act  of  the 
British  parliament,  undertook,  in  their  civil  capacity,  to 
open  negotiations  for  a  re-union  between  the  countries.  The 
declaration  of  independence  probably  hastened  their  anxiety 
to  improve  what  they  thought  would  be  the  alarms  of  the 
timid,  on  the  first  promulgation  of  so  bold  a  measure. 

In  the  month  of  June,  while  on  the  coast  of  Massachusetts, 
Lord  Howe  had  issued  circulars  to  the  royal  governors  of 
the  provinces  for  distribution,  explaining  the  commission 
wdth  which  he  and  his  colleagues  were  charged.  These 
were  to  grant  "  general  or  particular  pardons  to  all  those 
who,  though  they  had  deviated  from  their  allegiance,  were 


156  HISTORY    OF    THE 

willing  to  return  to  their  duty."  Congress,  on  the  receipt 
of  these  and  subsequent  documents  of  a  like  character,  took 
the  bold  step  of  ordering  them  to  be  published  and  circulated 
for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  insulting  nature  of  the  powers 
and  the  absence  of  all  concession  to  the  rights  that  had  been 
so  strenuously  claimed.  The  reason  assigned  in  the  resolu 
tion  for  publication  was,  that  the  good  people  of  the  United 
States  "might  see  the  terms,  with  the  expectation  of  which 
the  insidious  court  of  Great  Britain  had  endeavoured  to 
amuse  and  disarm  them;"  and  that  "the  few,  who  still 
remained  suspended  by  a  hope  founded  either  in  the  justice 
or  moderation  of  their  late  king,  might  now  at  length  be 
convinced  that  the  valor  alone  of  their  country  could  save 
its  liberties." 

A  more  direct  attempt  at  negotiation  was  made  on  the 
Jui  14  I  14th,  by  a  flag  of  truce,  which  brought  a  letter 
I  from  General  Howe,  addressed  simply  to  George 
Washington,  Esq.  without  official  designation.  This  was 
refused,  not,  as  General  Washington  informed  Congress,  upon 
a  mere  point  of  personal  punctilio,  but  because,  in  a  "  pub 
lic  point  of  view,"  it  was  due  to  his  "  country  and  appoint 
ment,"  to  insist  upon  respect  to  the  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  American  forces.  Congress  applauded  his  course, 
and  directed  by  resolution,  that  no  letter  nor  communication 
from  the  enemy  should  be  received  by  any  officer  whatever, 
unless  directed  to  him  properly  in  his  official  capacity. 

A  second  letter,  brought  by  Adjutant-general  Patterson, 
addressed  to  "  George  Washington,  &c.  &c.  &c."  was  in  like 
manner  declined.  To  the  remark  that  these  et  ceteras  implied 
every  thing,  and  were  not  liable  to  the  previous  objection, 
Washington  replied,  that  they  also  implied  any  thing;  and 
he  should  in  consequence  refuse  to  receive  all  communica 
tion  not  explicitly  acknowledging  his  public  capacity.  Gen. 
Patterson  concluded  a  long  conference,  managed  on  both 
sides  with  great  dignity  and  courtesy,  by  remarking,  that 
the  commissioners  had  "  great  powers,"  and  would  be  happy 
to  effect  an  accommodation.  "Their  powers,"  rejoined 
Washington,  "  are  only  to  grant  pardons.  They  who  have 
committed  no  fault,  want  no  pardon."  This  peremptory 
rejection  of  the  views  with  which  the  royal  commissioners 
came  charged,  closed  their  attempts  to  negotiate  upon  the 
ground  of  pardon.  A  correspondence  was  afterwards  opened 
between  the  two  generals,  with  regard  to  the  treatment  of 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  157 

prisoners,  on  both  sides,  in  which  the  proper  direction  was 
scrupulously  given,  according  to  the  claims  made  by  General 
Washington. 

The  British  forces  were  in  the  mean  time  by  no  means 
idle.  On  the  12th,  two  of  their  ships  had  forced  their  way 
up  the  Hudson,  and  taken  a  position  near  Tarrytown.  The 
military  in  the  counties  along  the  shore,  were  directed  to 
oppose  them,  under  the  command  of  the  American  General 
Clinton.  An  attempt  was  made  to  dislodge  them,  with  some 
American  ships  and  gallies,  but  without  success.  The  con 
tinual  arrival  of  fresh  troops  strengthened  the  invading  force ; 
and  on  the  close  of  the  attempt  at  negotiation,  it  was  resolved 
to  make  a  bold,  and  it  was  hoped,  final  movement  against 
the  American  position. 

Within  the  camp  of  Washington,  the  difficulties  and 
embarrassments  were  of  the  most  distressing  and  sometimes 
threatening  nature.  The  militia,  upon  which  he  was  com 
pelled  to  rely,  had  not  learned  the  necessary  habits  of 
military  subordination:  they  were  sometimes  exceedingly 
turbulent,  and  generally  very  ill  provided  with  arms,  ammu 
nition,  food ;  and  for  a  while,  a  feud  of  an  alarming  character, 
raged  between  the  eastern  troops  on  the  one  side,  and  the 
southern  and  middle  troops  on  the  other,  which  required  all 
the  firmness  and  sagacity  of  the  general  to  appease.  A  plot 
was  detected,  the  seat  of  which  was  in  the  interior  of  New 
York,  for  betraying  the  patriots  to  the  British,  which  was 
quelled  by  the  exertions  of  General  Schuyler.  Dissensions 
sprung  up  between  the  officers,  about  precedence  of  rank; 
and,  to  crown  all  the  evils  of  necessity,  insubordination, 
disaffection,  and  want,  which  afflicted  the  raw  recruits — pes 
tilence  was  added.  The  small-pox  attacked  them  virulently, 
and  before  the  1st  of  August,  one-third  of  the  army  was  on 
the  sick  list.  The  reinforcements  called  for  by  the  general, 
at  the  time,  came  in  slowly  and  with  all  the  same  deficien 
cies.  The  exertions  of  Washington,  aided  by  Congress,  were 
most  persevering,  indefatigable,  and  sagacious.  With  such 
means,  he  contrived  to  keep  the  enemy  in  check  for  more  than 
a  month ;  and,  for  a  while,  baffled  the  plans  of  a  force  three 
times  his  own  in  magnitude,  of  well  disciplined  and  well 
supplied  soldiery.  On  the  22d  of  July,  Congress  authorized 
an  exchange  of  prisoners,  rank  for  rank ;  at  the  same  time 
recognising  the  right  of  each  state  to  make  exchanges  for 
itself,  of  prisoners  taken  under  its  own  authority :  and  on  the 

0 


158  HISTORY   OP    THE 

same  day  voted  to  emit  five  millions  of  dollars  in  bills  of  credit. 
On  the  9th  of  August,  resolutions  were  adopted  for  encou 
raging  the  Hessians  and  other  foreigners  in  the  British  ser 
vice  to  desert,  in  the  phrase  adopted,  "to  quit  that  iniquitous 
service." 

Being  in  daily  expectation  of  an  attack  from  the  English 
forces,  General  Washington  had  been  anxiously  preparing 
for  it  at  every  point,  by  which  it  was  thought  they  would 
approach.  The  charge  of  the  American  defences  on  Long 
Island  had  been  given  originally  to  General  Greene,  one  of 
the  best  officers  in  the  service,  and  who  distinguished  himself 
so  highly  in  the  course  of  the  Avar.  Upon  his  falling  sick, 
the  command  devolved  upon  General  Sullivan.  The  attack 
which  was  made  on  the  27th,  was  directed  against  the  works 
constructed  under  the  direction  of  General  Greene,  enclosing 
the  village  of  Brooklyn,  which  is  on  the  side  of  Long  Island 
opposite  the  city  of  New  York.  They  extended  from  the 
Wallabout  Bay,  on  the  left,  above  the  city,  across  the  penin 
sula,  to  the  Red  Hook,  below  the  city,  where  the  passage 
called  the  Narrows  communicates  between  the  Bay  of  New 
York  and  the  ocean.  Within  the  Narrows  lies  Governor's 
Island,  which  was  also  fortified.  The  village  of  Brooklyn, 
lying  within  these  lines,  was  occupied  by  the  American  force 
under  General  Sullivan.  Between  them  and  the  opposite 
parts  of  the  Island,  where  the  enemy  could  land,  was  a  range 
of  hills,  commencing  at  the  Narrows,  and  extending  easterly 
for  about  six  miles,  and  terminating  near  Jamaica.  These 
hills  were  thickly  wooded.  Three  roads  passed  through  them, 
accessible  to  soldiery :  one  near  the  Narrows,  a  second  by  the 
village  of  Flatbush,  and  a  third  called  the  Bedford  road. 
Another  road  from  the  south  side  of  the  Island  avoided  the 
hills  entirely,  by  passing  around  the  eastern  extremity,  called 
the  Jamaica  road.  The  passes  through  the  hills  had  been 
carefully  guarded  by  corps  of  eight  hundred  men  each,  and 
Colonel  Miles,  with  a  battalion  of  riflemen,  was  stationed  to 
watch  the  Jamaica  road,  and  keep  open  a  communication 
between  the  passes. 

The  British  forces  had  landed  on  the  22d,  and  on  the 

I  evening  of  the  26th  of  August,  the  Hessians,  under 

[-command  of  Gen.  De  Hiester,  occupied  the  village 

of  Flatbush.     This  formed  the  centre  of  the  British  force  in 

the  battle  of  the  next  day.     General  Grant  commanded  the 

left,  towards  the  Narrows,  and  General  Clinton,  with  Lords 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  159 

Cornwallis  and  Percy,  led  the  right,  which  was  the  main 
point  of  attack,  along  the  Jamaica  road.  The  British  plan 
was  to  make  brisk  attacks  with  their  left  and  centre,  upon 
the  opposing  American  lines,  to  direct  their  attention  from 
the  chief  object,  which  was  to  turn  the  American  left,  and 
take  their  whole  force  in  flank  by  surprise.  The  plan  suc 
ceeded.  General  Grant,  who  commanded  the  British  left, 
advanced  upon  the  American  forces,  who  instantly  fled ; 
and  a  few  of  them  were  with  difficulty  rallied  until  Lord 
Sterling  had  collected  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  with  whom 
he  made  a  stand,  about  two  miles  from  the  camp.  About 
da}dight,  the  Hessians  from  Flatbush  advanced,  simulta 
neously,  with  Gen.  Grant's  division,  and  the  whole  American 
forces  were  soon  hotly  and  resolutely  engaged  with  them. 
General  Washington  had  reinforced  the  troops  at  Brooklyn, 
and  given  the  command  there  to  General  Putnam,  who,  under 
the  persuasion  that  the  body  of  the  enemy  were  advancing  by 
these  routes,  sent  succors  to  Lord  Sterling  and  Gen.  Sullivan. 

General  Clinton  and  his  force  had  in  the  mean  time  gained 
their  object.  In  the  preceding  night  he  had  marched  for  the 
Jamaica  defile,  and  before  day  surprised  the  Americans, 
who  were  stationed  to  wait  the  approach  of  the  enemy, 
seized  the  pass,  and  having  occupied  the  heights,  descended 
in  the  morning  into  the  plains  on  the  side  of  Brooklyn. 
Having  thus  turned  the  American  position  two  miles  in  the 
rear  of  the  detachment  of  Colonel  Miles,  he  fell  upon  their 
left,  which  was  engaged  with  the  Hessians.  The  sound  of 
the  cannon  was  the  first  intelligence  they  had  of  this  fatal 
disaster,  and  they  immediately  broke  and  endeavoured  to 
reach  the  camp.  In  this  they  were  intercepted  by  General 
Clinton,  and  driven  back  upon  the  Hessians ;  and  thus 
several  times  they  were  charged  with  great  fury  on  both 
sides,  and  finally  hemmed  in  by  the  English  and  Hessians, 
advancing  in  opposite  directions.  Some  regiments,  concen 
trating  themselves,  made  a  desperate  charge,  and  cutting 
their  way  through  the  enemy  with  great  loss,  reached  the 
camp.  The  broken  troops  still  maintained  some  skirmishing 
fights,  along  the  hills  and  ravines,  but  the  American  left  and 
centre  were  totally  routed. 

The  right  under  Lord  Sterling  continued  to  maintain  a 
resolute  conflict  with  the  British  left,  for  six  hours,  until  the 
victorious  troops  under  Clinton  had  traversed  their  rear  and 
surrounded  them.  A  gallant  charge  was  made  by  Sterling, 


160  HISTORY   OP    THE 

in  person,  at  the  head  of  the  Maryland  regiment,  which 
behaved  with  extraordinary  courage,  and  were  nearly  all 
cut  to  pieces.  The  charge  had  nearly  succeeded  in  routing 
Cornwallis  in  person,  when  overwhelming  succors  arrived, 
and  the  brave  detachment  were  either  cut  to  pieces  or  made 
prisoners.  A  retreat  had  been  ordered,  and  this  spirited 
assault  gave  opportunity  for  a  large  proportion  of  the  troops 
to  escape.  The  loss  was  however  great;  many  were  drowned 
in  attempting  to  cross  the  creek  in  their  rear,  and  not  a  few 
were  stilled  in  the  mud. 

In  the  heat  of  the  action,  Washington  passed  over  to 
Brooklyn,  to  aid  in  rallying  the  soldiers,  but  the  defeat  was 
irreparable.  He  was  compelled  to  witness  the  slaughter  of 
his  best  troops,  without  the  possibility  of  saving  them,  or 
remedying  the  disasters  of  the  day.  The  enemy  pursued 
the  routed  Americans  to  the  lines  at  Brooklyn,  but  did  not 
attempt  an  assault.  On  the  next  day,  determining  to  carry 
the  works  by  regular  approaches,  ground  was  broke  within 
a  few  hundred  yards  of  a  redoubt. 

General  Washington  was  anxious  for  an  assault  upon  his 
entrenchments  by  the  British.  The  greater  part  of  his  troops 
had  been  transported  to  the  Island,  and  he  knew  how  much 
better  they  could  be  depended  upon  for  the  repulse  of  an 
assault,  and  the  defence  of  fortifications,  than  for  manoeuvres 
in  the  open  field.  But  he  was  no  less  sensible  that  his  position 
could  not  be  kept  against  a  regular  siege  by  an  enemy  so 
superior  in  numbers,  and  well  provided  with  all  the  mate 
rials  and  tools.  Heavy  rains  continued  to  fall,  and  his  men 
were  without  tents  and  shelter.  The  fleet  of  the  enemy  too, 
had  made  movements  indicating  a  design  to  force  a  passage 
up  the  East  river,  and  thus  cut  off  the  communication  with 
the  city  of  New  York.  Had  such  a  plan  succeeded,  the 
situation  of  the  army  would  have  been  desperate.  An  im 
mediate  retreat  from  the  Island  was  thereupon  determined 
on,  and  was  accordingly  executed  on  the  evening  of  the 
29th,  with  extraordinary  secrecy  and  celerity,  and  complete 
success.  The  embarcation  commenced  soon  after  dark,  at 
09  I  *wo  Pomts,  under  the  direction  of  Gen.  M'Dougal  and 
'  I  Col.  Knox.  The  precise  object  of  the  expedition  was 
carefully  concealed  from  the  troops  themselves  ;  and  in  the 
space  of  thirteen  hours,  an  army  of  nine  thousand  men,  with 
all  their  field  artillery,  tents,  baggage,  and  camp  equipage, 
were  conveyed  over  the  East  river  to  the  city  of  New  York, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  161 

a  river  nearly  a  mile  wide,  without  the  knowledge  or  suspi 
cion  of  the  British,  who  were  at  work  not  more  than  five 
hundred  yards  distant.  The  commencement  of  the  embar- 
cation  had  been  unpropitious :  the  state  of  the  tide  and  the 
prevalence  of  a  strong  northeast  wind,  made  their  sail-boats 
useless,  and  the  number  of  row-boats  was  totally  inadequate. 
About  eleven  o'clock,  with  the  change  of  tide,  the  wind 
changed  to  the  southeast,  which  made  the  communication 
easy  and  rapid.  Very  luckily,  towards  morning,  a  thick  fog, 
an  unusual  appearance,  sprung  up  and  covered  the  shores, 
under  the  protection  of  which,  the  retreat  was  carried  on 
undiscovered  by  the  enemy,  for  some  hours  after  the  dawn 
of  day.  By  a  mistake  in  the  transmission  of  orders,  the 
American  lines  were  totally  evacuated  for  three  quarters  of 
an  hour  before  the  embarcation  was  complete ;  but  the 
British,  though  actually  at  work  at  a  short  distance,  did  not 
perceive  it;  and  General  Mifflin  returned  and  re-occupied 
them  until  every  thing  except  some  heavy  pieces  of  ord 
nance  was  removed,  and  then  got  off  sale  with  his  own 
detachment.  When  the  fog  finally  cleared  off,  the  last  boat 
load  of  the  rear  guard  were  seen  crossing  the  river,  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  enemy's  fire. 

The  consequences  of  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  and  the 
retreat,  were  very  dispiriting  to  the  American  general,  and 
cast  a  most  gloomy  cloud  over  American  affairs.  The  troops 
lost  confidence  in  themselves  and  distrusted  their  officers. 
They  became  desponding,  intractable — sometimes  almost 
mutinous,  and  deserted  in  great  numbers.  Whole  companies 
and  sometimes  regiments  abandoned  the  army  en  rnasse. 
General  Washington  became  early  impressed  with  the  con 
viction  that  the  city  could  not  be  maintained,  and  the  move 
ments  of  the  enemy  strengthened  him  daily  in  this  belief. 
They  were  making  approaches  by  their  ships  up  both  rivers, 
and  it  was  doubtful  whether  their  intention  was  to  assault 
the  x  nes,  or  to  land  at  Kingsbridge,  where  the  island  of 
New  York  is  connected  with  the  main  land,  and  thus  en 
close  the  Americans.  To  guard  against  the  imminent  danger, 
the  stores,  not  of  pressing  necessity,  were  removed  to  Dobbs' 
Ferry,  beyond  Kingsbridge,  and  about  twenty-six  miles 
from  New  York;  and  on  the  7th  of  September,  a  council  of 
war  was  held  to  deliberate  upon  the  expediency  I 


of  the  retreat.     A  majority  decided  against  that 
measure,  and  voted  to  carry  on  a  war  of  posts,  in  order,  if 
02 


162  HISTORY   OP   THE 

^possible,  to  detain  the  enemy  during  the  remainder  of  the 
campaign,  in  the  struggle  to  possess  York  Island.  The  ques 
tion  was  seriously  agitated, whether,  if  compelled  to  abandon 
the  city,  it  would  not  be  proper  to  burn  it,  in  order  to 
deprive  the  enemy  of  all  advantage  in  possessing  it.  On  the 
12th,  a  second  council  of  war  determined  in  favour  of  im 
mediate  evacuation.  This  was  hastened  by  the  landing  of  a 
considerable  force  at  Kipp's  Bay,  a  day  or  two  afterwards, 
and  a  defeat  which  the  Americans  sustained  there. 

General  Howe  landed  a  detachment,  under  cover  of  seve 
ral  men-of-war,  on  the  east  side  of  New  York  Island,  on  the 
15th  September,  about  three  miles  above  the  city,  between 
South  Bay  and  Kipp's  Bay.  Works  had  been  erected  to  oppose 
them,  and  troops  stationed  there  sufficient  to  oppose  the  land 
ing,  until  reinforcements  could  arrive  ;  but  at  the  first  ap 
proach  of  the  British,  the  works  were  shamefully  abandoned 
without  the  firing  of  a  single  gun  in  defence.  Two  brigades 
had  been  sent  to  support  them  ;  and  Washington  followed  in 
person,  to  retrieve  the  disasters  and  animate  the  troops.  His 
efforts  were  in  vain — he  met  the  whole  party  in  precipitate 
and  cowardly  flight  from  an  inconsiderable  number  of  the 
enemy;  and  neither  exhortations,  entreaties,  menaces,  nor 
violence,  could  induce  them  to  rally.  He  threatened  and 
expostulated ;  and,  with  an  excitement  unusual  in  his  steady 
and  well-tempered  mind,  attempted  to  cut  down  some  of  the 
most  eager  in  flight ;  and  finally,  losing  his  self-possession, 
hazarded  his  own  person  in  front  of  the  pursuing  enemy, 
and  was  scarcely  restrained  from  rashly  throwing  away  his 
own  life  in  a  desperate  attempt  to  check  the  dastardly  flight 
of  his  soldiers.  He  was  led  unwillingly  off  of  the  field  by 
his  aids  and  confidential  friends,  in  great  distress  of  mind. 
On  this  only  occasion,  in  his  whole  public  career,  did  he 
suffer  his  feelings  to  overcome  the  firmness  of  his  temper. 

In  consequence  of  this  failure,  the  evacuation  of  the  city 
was  made  in  haste.  It  was  accomplished  with  little  l-jr,s  of 
men ;  but  most  of  the  heavy  artillery  and  some  stores  were 
se  t  16  unavoidably  left  behind,  and  the  city  was  imme 
diately  occupied  by  General  Howe.  The  forces 
which  had  retreated  from  Kipp's  Bay,  took  up  their  position 
at  Harlsem,  where  the  rear  guard,  under  General  Putnam, 
joined  them,  from  the  city,  having  eluded  the  British  by 
avoiding  the  main  road,  and  directing  their  march  along  the 
banks  of  the  North  river.  The  new  British  position  extended 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  163 

across  the  island,  at  Bloomingdale,  about  five  miles  north  of 
the  city.  The  encampment  was  flanked  on  each  extreme 
by  the  North  and  East  rivers,  and  covered  by  ships  of  \va^ 
The  Americans  were  posted  in  their  greatest  strength  at 
Kingsbridge,  which  secured  their  communications  with  the 
country.  M'Gowan's  Pass  and  Morris  Heights  were  also 
fortified ;  and  a  camp  fortified  and  garrisoned  at  Harlasm 
Heights,  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  enemy.  The  day 
after  the  retreat  from  New  York,  a  skirmish  took  place 
between  advanced  parties  of  the  armies,  in  which  the  Ame 
ricans  behaved  with  great  intrepidity,  and  gained  a  decided 
advantage  over  the  enemy.  The  troops  engaged  were  rangers 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Knowlton,  of  Connecticut, 
and  three  Virginia  companies  under  Major  Leitch.  Both  of 
these  officers  fell  mortally  wounded ;  but  their  soldiers  gal 
lantly  continued  the  attack,  and  drove  a  superior  force  of  the 
enemy  from  their  position,  with  considerable  loss.  The 
benefit  of  this  affair  was  great  in  inspiriting  the  army,  and 
reviving  their  confidence  in  themselves. 

The  royal  commissioners,  Admiral  and  General  Howe, 
foiled  in  their  attempt  at  negotiation  with  the  authorities 
of  the  new  States,  commenced  addressing  themselves  directly 
to  the  people,  promising  in  behalf  of  the  king,  a  revision 
of  all  the  regulations  in  trade,  and  a  general  reconside 
ration  of  all  acts  by  which  the  Americans  might  think 
themselves  aggrieved.  Under  two  successive  proclamations 
of  this  kind,  a  number  of  timid  citizens  of  New  York, 
impelled  perhaps  by  the  gloomy  state  of  the  affairs  of 
Independence,  signed  declarations  of  allegiance,  and  pre 
sented  petitions  praying  to  be  received  into  his  majesty's 
peace  and  protection.  Congress,  to  counteract  this  tendency, 
established  an  American  Oath  of  Allegiance,  requiring  of 
every  officer  to  acknowledge  the  thirteen  United  States  as 
"free,  independent,  and  sovereign  States,  and  to  abjure  all 
allegiance  or  obedience  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain." 
Other  royal  proclamations  fdtlowed,  charging  and  command 
ing  all  persons  assembled  in  arms  against  his  majesty's 
government  to  disperse,  and  return  to  their  dwellings;  and 
ordering  all  conventions  and  congresses  to  desist  from  their 
treasonable  proceedings,  and  relinquish  their  "usurped  au 
thority."  Full  pardons  were  promised  to  all  who  should 
subscribe  the  declaration  of  allegiance  within  thirty  days; 
under  advantage  of  which  many  Americans,  in  the  imme- 


164  HISTORY    OF    THE 

diate  vicinity  of  the  British  troops,  and  among  them  Galloway 
and  Allen,  who  were  members  of  congress  in  1774,  abandoned 
their  country  and  joined  the  British  standard.  Counter  proc 
lamations  were  issued  by  Washington,  under  the  directions 
of  Congress,  granting  liberty  to  those  who  preferred  "the 
interest  and  protection  of  Great  Britain  to  the  freedom  and 
happiness  of  their  country,"  to  withdraw  within  the  enemy's 
lines,  but  demanding  the  surrender  of  all  British  protections 
within  thirty  days,  at  head  quarters,  under  penalty  of  being 
considered  "common  enemies  of  the  American  states." 

The  line  was  most  rigidly  drawn  between  the  friends  and 
enemies  of  Independence ;  and  the  determination  of  Con 
gress  and  the  Commander-in-chief  grew  more  resolute  as 
the  war  grew  more  adverse. 

The  two  armies  continued  without  change  of  position  for 
some  weeks  :  from  the  15th  of  September,  when  the  city  was 
occupied  by  the  British,  till  the  middle  of  October.  The  ardu 
ous  and  embarrassing  duties  of  the  field  were  not  the 
most  trying  of  the  difficulties  which  engaged  the  time  and 
attention  of  Washington.  The  deplorable  situation  of  the 
army,  which  was  constantly  on  the  point  of  dissolution  from 
defect  of  organization,  and  want  of  almost  every  necessary, 
was  a  distressing  subject  of  representation  to  Congress  in  his 
daily  letters  and  remonstrances.  The  time  for  which  enlist 
ments  had  been  made,  was  rapidly  passing,  and  the  mis 
fortunes  of  the  campaign  had  discouraged  many  even  of  the 
most  ardent.  The  imprudence  with  which  Congress  had 
relied  upon  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people,  to  re^fill  the  ranks  at 
short  periods,  combined  with  the  expectation  of  a  speedy  end 
to  the  conflict, — an  expectation  which  was  now  weakened  if 
^not  totally  destroyed, — had  left  them  the  prospect  of  being 
deserted  by  the  army  precisely  at  the  moment  when  affairs 
were  most  gloomy,  and  a  united  effort  was  most  necessary. 
The  mischiefs  of  this  temporizing  plan  at  last  forced  the  con 
viction  upon  Congress,  that  the  cause  of  American  liberty 
must  be  despaired  of  unless  a  permanent  force  could  be 
depended  upon,  till  the  end  of  the  war.  At  last,  on  the  16th 
of  September,  they  passed  a  resolution  for  the  formation  of  a 
regular  army,  to  be  enlisted  to  serve  during  the  war.  This 
was  afterwards  modified  so  as  to  admit  of  engagements  for 
three  years  or  during  the  war.  The  inadequacy  of  the  pay 
and  emoluments,  which  had  formed  an  anxious  subject  of 
representation  by  Washington,  was  taken  into  consideration, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  165 

and  a  scale  adopted  more  likely  to  give  the  service  an  honor 
able  and  efficient  character.  A  bounty  of  twenty  dollars  to 
privates  and  non-commissioned  officers  was  agreed  upon ; 
and  grants  of  land  to  officers  and  soldiers  who  served  out  the 
whole  enlistment,  promised  in  the  following  proportions: — 
Five  hundred  acres  to  a  Colonel ;  four  hundred  and  fifty  to 
a  Lieutenant  Colonel;  four  hundred  to  a  Major;  three  hun 
dred  to  a  Captain  ;  two  hundred  to  a  Lieutenant;  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  to  an  Ensign ;  and  one  hundred  to  non-com 
missioned  officers  and  privates.  The  appointment  of  all, 
except  general  officers,  and  the  filling  of  vacancies  was  left 
to  the  state  governments.  Each  state  was  to  provide  arms, 
and  clothing,  and  every  necessary  for  its  quota,  to  be  deducted 
from  the  pay  of  the  soldiers.  The  army  was  to  consist 
of  eighty-eight  battalions,  furnished  thus : — New  Hamp 
shire,  three  battalions ;  Massachusetts  Bay,  fifteen ;  Rhode 
Island,  two;  Connecticut,  eight;  New  York,  four;  New 
Jersey,  four ;  Pennsylvania,  twelve  ;  Delaware,  one  ;  Mary 
land,  eight;  Virginia,  fifteen;  North  Carolina,  nine;  South 
Carolina,  six:  Georgia,  one. 

These  vigorous  measures  were,  in  the  end,  of  material 
advantage ;  but  the  effect  could  not  be  immediate.  They 
were  not  adopted  till  late  in  the  year,  and  in  the  interval 
the  deepest  distress  prevailed  in  every  department  of  public 
service.  The  winter  was  approaching,  and  the  few  necessaries 
and  clothing  of  the  soldiery  were  not  only  meager  in  quantity 
and  kind,  but  totally  unfitted  for  the  rigors  of  the  season. 

The  dignity  and  firmness  of  Congress,  under  these  adverse 
circumstances,  was  equally  sustained  in  a  contemporary  cor 
respondence  with  Lord  Howe,  on  the  subject  of  an  accommo 
dation  of  the  difficulties,  opened  by  him  immediately  after  the 
battle  of  Long  Island.  General  Sullivan,  who  had  been  taken 
prisoner,  was  paroled  by  the  British  general,  and  entrusted 
with  a  verbal  message  to  Congress  to  the  effect,  that  he 
could  not  treat  with  them  in  that  character  then ;  that  he  was 
extremely  anxious  to  come  to  some  accommodation  speedily, 
while,  as  yet,  no  decisive  advantage  had  been  gained  by 
either  party,  and  it  could  not  be  said  that  either  had  been 
conquered  into  acquiescence  or  submission ;  that  he  would 
hold  a  conference  with  any  of  their  members  as  private  gen 
tlemen  :  that  he  was,  with  the  admiral,  fully  authorized  to 
settle  all  differences  in  an  honorable  manner ;  that,  were  they 
to  treat,  many  things  which  the  Americans  had  not  yet  asked, 


166  HISTORY    OF    THE 

might  and  ought  to  be  granted  ;  and  if  upon  a  conference 
there  appeared  any  probable  ground  of  accommodation,  that 
the  authority  of  Congress  would  be  afterwards  acknowledged 
to  render  the  treaty  complete.  General  Sullivan  communicated 
this  message  to  Congress,  on  the  2d  of  September,  and  was 
directed  to  reduce  it  to  writing.  At  the  same  time,  tidings 
of  the  disastrous  result  of  the  battle  and  the  retreat  of  the 
army  were  officially  communicated:  but  Congress  stood  fast 
ge  t  5  in  their  determination.  Three  days  afterwards  they 
directed  General  Sullivan  to  communicate  to  Lord 
Howe  their  reply  —  that  "  Congress,  being  the  representatives 
of  the  free  and  independent  states  of  America,  they  cannot 
with  propriety  send  any  of  their  members  to  confer  with  his 
lordship  in  their  private  characters  ;  but  that,  ever  desirous 
of  establishing  a  peace  on  reasonable  terms,  they  will  send  a 
committee  of  their  body  to  know  whether  he  has  any  autho 
rity  to  treat  with  persons  authorized  by  Congress,  for  that 
purpose,  in  behalf  of  America,  and  what  that  authority  is; 
and  to  hear  such  propositions  as  he  shall  think  fit  to  make 
concerning  the  same." 

Doctor  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge, 
were  appointed  the  commissioners,  and  they  accordingly 
met  Lord  Howe  by  appointment,  at  Staten  Island,  a  few 
a^er'  *^ne  conference  was  conducted  with 


s       11 

perfect  courtesy  and  dignity  by  both  parties,  and 

ended,  as  was  expected,  by  the  American  envoys,  without 
any  approach  to  an  accommodation.  In  their  report  to  Con 
gress  they  stated,  that  it  did  not  appear  that  his  lordship's 
commission  contained  any  other  authority  than  that  contain 
ed  in  the  act  of  parliament,  which  was  merely  a  power  to 
grant  pardons  and  offer  amnesty  on  submission.  They 
concluded  with  expressing  the  opinion,  that  "  any  expecta 
tion  from  the  effort  of  such  a  power  would  have  been  too 
uncertain  and  precarious  to  be  relied  upon  by  America,  even 
had  she  continued  in  her  state  of  dependence."  Howe  put  an 
end  to  the  conference  by  expressing  a  regard  for  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  the  extreme  pain  he  should  suffer,  in  being  compel 
led  to  inflict  upon  them  the  calamities  of  war.  Doctor  Frank 
lin  replied  by  thanking  him  for  his  civility,  and  promising  him 
in  return,  "  that  the  Americans  would  show  their  gratitude 
by  endeavoring  to  lessen,  as  much  as  possible,  all  the  ^pain 
he  might  feel  on  their  account,  by  exerting  their  utmost 
abilities  to  take  good  care  of  themselves."  Congress  approved 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  167 

of  the  conduct  and  language  of  their  delegates ;  and  the 
issue  of  the  conference,  was  beneficial  to  the  general  cause. 
The  firmness  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolution  was  tried  and 
found  immovable.  The  final  concessions  of  the  British 
were  made,  and  instantly  rejected,  as  totally  inadequate  to 
the  universal  demands  of  the  country  in  the  most  disheart 
ening  circumstances.  The  magnanimous  determination,  not 
to  negotiate  for  worse  terms  after  defeat,  than  had  been  de 
manded  before  the  battle,  raised  the  moral  character  of  the 
contest  and  of  the  actors,  and  infused  a  loftier  spirit  into 
the  public  councils. 

In  the  month  of  October,  the  military  affairs  of  the  States 
assumed  a  still  more  gloomy  aspect,  from  the  increase  of 
the  British  force,  by  the  arrival  of  the  additional  Hessian 
regiments.  The  army  of  Howe  then  amounted  to  about  thirty- 
seven  thousand  men,  and  he  soon  after  resolved  upon  more 
active  measures  to  compel  the  Americans  to  abandon  their 
fortified  camp.  He.  prudently  determined  not  to  try  an  as 
sault  upon  their  position  ;  but  having  bv  means  of  his  fleet, 
and  his  great  superiority  in  numbers,  the  command  of  both 
rivers,  he  adopted  the  plan  of  transporting  part  of  his  army 
above  Kingsbridge  and  forming  an  encampment  in  the 
rear  of  the  American  lines.  Had  this  plan  succeeded,  Wash 
ington  would  have  been  completely  cut  off  from  all  com 
munication  with  the  country,  and  forced  to  fight  a  general 
battle  at  an  immense  disadvantage.  Having  fortified  Gow- 
an's  hill,  and  lefl  a  strong  force,  consisting  of  English  and 
Hessian  troops,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Percy,  for  the 
defence  of  New  York,  Howe  dispatched  three  frigates  up  the 
North  river,  to  interrupt  the  American  communications  with 
New  Jersey.  They  forced  their  way  without  much  injury, 
past  the  American  forts  Lee  and  Washington,  and  without  im 
pediment  from  the  cheveaux-de-frise  that  had  been  sunk  in  the 
river.  The  great  body  of  his  troops  were  then  embarked  in  flat 
bottom  boats,  on  the  East  river,  and  passing  through  I 
Hurlgate  were  landed  at  Throgg's  Neck,  in  West-  |  ( 
Chester  county,  near  the  village  of  Westchester.  He  delayed 
there  till  the  18th,  in  recruiting  his  troops,  and  repairing  the 
roads  and  bridges,  which  had  been  broken  up  by  the  Americans. 
This  movement  produced  an  immediate  change  in  the  position 
of  the  American  army.  General  Lee  had  arrived  in  the  camp, 
and  at  a  council  of  war,  held  on  the  16th,  he  urged  the  evac 
uation  of  the  whole  island  at  once,  and  the  retreat  of  the 


168  HISTORY    OF    THE 

army  to  Westchester.  Lee  also  advised  the  evacuation  of 
Fort  Washington,  and  Washington  was  inclined  to  the  same 
opinion  ;  but  the  advice  of  General  Greene  prevailed,  and  it 
was  determined  to  leave  that  garrison,  consisting  of  three 
thousand  men,  to  withstand  and  retard  the  operations  of 
the  enemy,  and  aid,  in  conjunction  with  Fort  Lee,  on  the 
Jersey  side,  in  keeping  the  navigation  of  the  river  open  for 
the  transportation  of  supplies.  With  the  exception  of  these 
forts,  the  whole  force  was  accordingly  withdrawn  from  the 
island  of  New  York,  and  extended  along  the  North  river, 
towards  White  Plains,  its  left  always  reaching  beyond  the. 
British  right.  During  this  change,  Washington  continually 
presented  a  front  to  the  enemy,  who  had  commenced  their 
advance  towards  New  Rochelle,  on  the  18th,  thus  protecting 
his  rear,  along  which  the  sick,  the  baggage,  cannon,  ammu 
nition,  and  stores,  were  transported  in  comparative  safety. 

His  line  then  presented  a  chain  of  small,  entrenched  and 
unconnected  camps,  occupying  successively  every  height 
and  rising  ground,  from  Valentine's  Hill,  about  a  mile  from 
Kingsbridge,  on  the  right,  extending  almost  to  White  Plains 
on  the  left. 

Numerous  skirmishes  took  place,  between  small  parties  of 
the  troops,  until  the  25th,  on  which  day  General  Howe 
advanced  his  whole  force,  taking  a  strong  position  on 
|  the  river  Bronx,  and  made  demonstrations  of  a 
|  design  to  attack  the  American  camp.  He  threw 
forward  a  large  corps  of  English  and  Hessians  under  Gene 
ral  Leslie,  and  Colonels  Don  op,  and  Rahl,  to  drive  a  force 
of  sixteen  hundred  men  under  General  McDougal,  from  a 
commanding  eminence  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
and  thus  open  a  way  for  an  assault  on  the  centre  and  right 
of  the  main  body.  The  defence  was  maintained  with  great 
spirit,  but  finally  the  American  were  overpowered  and  driven 
in  with  great  loss.  The  day  was  however  so  far  spent  in 
the  struggle,  that  General  Howe  could  not  follow  up  the 
attack.  He  kept  his  army  under  arms  in  front  of  the  Amer 
ican  lines,  ready  to  renew  the  fight  in  the  morning.  Dur 
ing  the  night  Washington  changed  his  front,  his  left  keep 
ing  their  post,  while  the  right  fell  back,  and  entrenched 
themselves  on  a  range  of  hills,  in  a  position  too  strong  to  be 
assailed.  The  British  general  thought  it  necessary  to  wait 
for  a  reinforcement  from  New  York,  before  he  prosecuted 
his  march,  and  drew  off  his  forces  towards  Dobb's  Ferry. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  169 

A  heavy  rain  which  fell  a  day  or  two  afterwards,  further 
postponed  his  designs.  On  the  first  of  November,  he  had 
made  his  preparations  for  an  attack,  aiming  evidently  to 
secure  the  high  grounds  in  the  American  rear.  But 
the  night  previous,  Washington,  who  had  anticipated  this 
movement,  secured  his  baggage  and  stores,  and  suddenly 
changed  his  camp  again,  taking  up  a  very  strong  ground  at 
North  Castle,  about  five  miles  from  White  Plains.  On  the 
following  morning  the  English  took  possession  of  the  Amer 
ican  camp  ;  and  finding  it  impossible  to  force  the  Americans 
to  fight  a  general  battle,  except  upon  the  most  unequal  terms, 
General  Howe,  a  few  days  afterwards,  discontinued  his  pur 
suit,  and  turned  his  forces  against  the  fortressess  still  in  the 
occupation  of  the  Americans  in  the  neighbourhood  of  New 
York.  The  principal  of  these  was  Fort  Washington,  on  the 
New  York  side  of  the  North  river,  against  which  the  first 
efforts  were  directed.  The  fate  of  this  post  was  looked  to 
with  great  anxiety  by  General  Washington.  To  General 
Greene,  to  whom  the  command  of  that  portion  of  the  army 
had  been  committed,  he  gave  discretionary  powers,  advising 
him  to  evacuate  the  fort  in  case  he  should  find  it  not  in  a 
situation  to  sustain  an  assault.  Greene  thought  the  fort  tena 
ble,  and  retreat  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  to  Fort  Lee, 
practicable,  in  case  of  extremity,  and  determined  to  sustain 
the  attack.  The  anxiety  of  Washington  increased,  and  leav 
ing  General  Lee  in  command  of  the  eastern  militia,  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  securing  the  strong  positions 
at  Peekskill  and  on  Croton  river,  he  crossed  to  New  Jersey 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  and  went  to  join  the  camp 
of  General  Greene  at  Fort  Lee.  He  called  upon  the  gover 
nor  of  New  Jersey  to  hold  the  militia  in  readiness,  and 
directed  the  removal  of  the  stores  and  heavy  baggage  to  a 
safe  distance.  These  precautions  were  hardly  taken,  before 
the  English  army  was  concentrated  towards  the  fort,  and  on 
the  15th,  it  was  invested,  and  the  garrison,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Magaw,  summoned  to  surrender.  On  his 
refusal,  wTith  a  declaration  of  his  resolution  to  |  NQV 
resist  to  the  last  extremity,  the  besiegers  proceed-  | 
ed  to  the  assault  in  four  divisions.  The  first  in  the  north  was 
commanded  by  General  Kniphausen,  and  was  composed  of 
Hessians  ;  the  second,  on  the  eastern  side,  was  made  by 
two  battalions  of  guards,  supported  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  with 
a  body  of  grenadiers  and  the  thirty-third  regiment.  These 

P 


170  HISTORY   OF  THE 

two  parties  crossed  Haerlem  creek,  in  boats,  and  landed  on 
the  American  right  The  third  attack,  meant  as  a  feint,  was 
conducted  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Stirling,  with  the  forty 
second.  The  fourth  division  was  under  Lord  Percy,  with 
his  reinforcements  from  the  south  of  the  island.  Each  party 
was  supported  by  a  powerful  and  well  served  artillery. 

Soon  after  daybreak  the  next  morning  the  firing  com 
menced,  and  continued  during  a  great  part  of  the  day.  The 
Hessian  division,  moving  down  from  Kingsbridge,  penetrated 
in  two  columns,  the  first  of  which  ascended  the  hill  circuit- 
ously,  and  having  forced  the  American  outworks,  formed 
within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  covered  way  in  front.  The 
other  column  climbed  the  hill  in  a  direct  line,  through  a  wood, 
occupied  by  Colonel  Rawling's  regiment  of  riflemen,  and 
after  hard  fighting  and  some  severe  repulses,  drove  in  the 
American  defenders  into  the  fort.  Lord  Percy  assaulted 
the  works  on  the  south,  and  while  he  was  engaged  with  the 
first  line  of  defence,  the  third  division  had  succeeded  in 
forcing  a  landing  against  a  heavy  cannonading,  and  pene 
trated  with  great  difficulty  against  an  obstinate  defence,  into 
the  second  line,  thus  intercepting  the  American  force,  and 
making  numerous  prisoners,  On  all  sides  the  American  out 
works  were  forced,  and  the  whole  garrison  driven  within  the 
walls  of  the  fort,  or  under  the  guns.  The  British  general 
again  summoned  Colonel  Magaw  to  surrender.  Finding  the 
post  no  longer  tenable  against  such  a  superior  force,  he  sur 
rendered  himself  and  the  garrison  prisoners  of  war,  and  gave 
up  the  Fort.  The  number  of  prisoners  was  stated  by  Wash 
ington  in  his  offical  account  at  2000.  The  British  account 
made  it  2600.  The  difference  is  accounted  for  on  the  sup 
position  that  Washington  only  included  the  regular  troops. 
Much  censure  was  cast  upon  the  Commandant  for  his  mode 
of  defence,  and  his  precipitation  in  yielding.  Notice  was 
sent  him  by  Washington  to  hold  out  until  evening,  when 
measures  would  be  taken  to  bring  him  off,  but  the  negotia 
tions  had  proceeded  too  far  to  allow  of  retracting,  had  the 
situation  of  the  garrison  rendered  it  possible.  The  Ameri 
can  general  has  also  been  censured,  for  not  ordering  the  eva 
cuation  of  the  Fort,  as  soon  as  it  had  been  rendered  useless 
by  the  occupation  of  the  country  above  by  the  enemy. 
The  error  in  Washington  was  not  in  misunderstanding  the 
proper  military  movements,  but  in  allowing  his  own  judg 
ment  to  be  overruled  by  others.  He  was  opposed  to  the 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  171 

plan  of  maintaining  the  fort,  recommended  to  the  council  of 
war,  and  carried  by  Greene,  but  yielded  to  the  majority. 

The  immediate  abandonment  of  Fort  Lee  became  neces 
sary,  and  orders  were  issued  for  the  removal  of  the  stores  and 
ammunition.  But  Lord  Cornwallis  crossed  the  river  above 
so  promptly  with  a  large  force  amounting  to  6000  | 
men,  that  an  instant  retreat  was  ordered,  with  the  | 
loss  of  stores,  ammunition,  tents,  and  camp  equipage,  to  a 
very  large  amount  The  Americans  retired  precipitately 
behind  the  Hackensack  river,  with  daily  diminishing  forces. 
The  losses  at  Forts  Washington  and  Lee  had  had  a  most 
disheartening  effect,  and  the  troops  deserted  or  abandoned 
their  commander,  in  large  numbers  daily.  Not  more  than 
three  thousand  could  be  mustered  on  commencing  the  re 
treat  through  Jersey,  and  they  were  miserably  clothed,  des 
titute  of  provisions,  pay,  tents,  ammunition,  and  of  the  greater 
number  the  term  of  service  was  nearly  up,  and  no  persua 
sions  could  prevail  upon  them  to  re-enlist.  The  troops  of 
the  Northern  army  under  General  Schuyler  were  ordered  to 
join,  but  the  term  of  service  expired  before  they  reached 
the  encampment,  and  few  remained.  Earnest  calls  were 
made  on  the  States  for  quotas  of  militia,  but  ineffectually. 
General  Armstrong  was  dispatched  to  the  interior  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  General  Mifflin  to  Philadelphia,  and  Colonel  Read  to 
the  interior  of  New  Jersey,  to  procure  reinforcements,  and  per 
emptory  and  repeated  orders  were  dispatched  to  Gen.  Lee, 
who  had  been  left  in  New  York,  to  cross  the  Hudson  and. 
join  Washington  with  his  troops.  He  delaved  obeying,  and 
at  last,  after  entering  New  Jersey,  carelessly  taking  up  his 
quarters  at  a  distance  from  his  soldiers,  he  was  surprised  and 
taken  prisoner  by  a  party  of  British  dragoons.  This  how 
ever  did  not  take  place  till  the  13th  of  December,  after 
Washington  had  crossed  the  Delaware,  where  General  Sulli 
van  led  the  detachment  to  join  the  Commander-in-chief. 

The  retreat  through  the  Jerseys  to  the  crossing  of  the 
Delaware  was  the  most  disastrous  period  of  the  war.  A 
scanty,  destitute,  desponding  and  diminishing  force,  scarcely 
amounting  to  three  thousand  at  the  highest,  was  pushed  by 
a  triumphant,  well  disciplined,  and  abundantly  supplied 
army  of  thirty  thousand.  As  the  British  advanced,  the  Ameri 
cans  retreated  towards  the  Delaware,  occasionally  making 
a  stand  to  show  a  front  to  the  enemy  and  retard  his  advance. 
It  frequently  happened,  that  as  the  rear  of  the  Americans 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE 

left  a  village  on  one  side,  the  advance  guard  of  the  British 
entered  it  at  the  other.  The  last  proclamation  of  the  Howes 
appeared  during  this  gloomy  retreat,  and  produced  consid 
erable  defection  on  the  line  of  march.  To  add  to  the  em 
barrassments  of  the  American  general,  an  insurrection  broke 
out  in  Monmouth  county,  which  required  the  aid  of  a  party 
of  his  troops  to  repress  it.  The  only  encouraging  circum 
stance,  in  the  distressing  time,  was  the  arrival  of  some  rein 
forcements  from  Philadelphia,  with  which  he  kept  the  Brit 
ish  in  check  for  a  short  time,  and  pressed  forward  upon 
Princeton,  to  give  an  opportunity  for  conveying  his  sick, 
stores,  and  baggage,  such  as  were  left  him,  across  the  Dela 
ware. 

Affairs  prospered  no  better  with  the  Americans  in  other 
quarters. 

On  the  very  day  that  Washington  crossed  the  Delaware, 
General  Clinton,  with  two  brigades  of  British  and  two  of 
Hessian  troops,  and  the  squadron  under  Sir  Peter  Parker,  took 
possession  of  Newport  in  Rhode  Island,  and  blockaded  Com 
modore  Hopkins,  with  his  squadron  and  a  number  of  pri 
vateers,  in  Providence.  The  chief  object  of  this  movement 
was  to  prevent  the  New  England  states  from  reinforcing 
Washington.  It  had  that  effect — six  thousand  troops 
under  General  Lincoln,  which  were  already  on  the  march, 
were  detained  to  watch  the  enemy  at  home.  Another  ob 
ject  was  to  interrupt  the  privateering  business  ;  this  also  wras 
effected.  But  such  inconsiderable  objects  were  purchased 
too  dearly.  From  three  to  five  thousand  of  the  best  British 
troops  were  kept  in  a  state  of  inactivity  for  nearly  three  years. 

By  the  approach  of  the  British  army,  the  deliberations  of 
Congress  were  disturbed,  and  on  the  12th  of  December  they 
adjourned  from  Philadelphia  to  Baltimore,  wrhere  they  met 
on  the  20th.  Before  their  adjournment  they  vested  General 
Washington  with  almost  unlimited  powers,  "  to  order  and 
direct  all  things  relating  to  the  department,  and  to  the  opera 
tions  of  war."  They  especially  authorized  him  to  levy  six 
teen  additional  battalions  of  infantry,  three  regiments  of 
artillery,  three  thousand  light-horse,  and  a  corps  of  engineers, 
to  appoint  officers.,  establish  their  pay,  to  call  the  militia 
into  service,  and,  in  short,  gave  to  him  the  absolute  direction 
of  military  affairs  for  six  months.  The  other  proceedings  of 
Congress,  will  be  noticed  after  bringing  up  to  this  date,  the 
military  events  of  the  Northern  frontier,  where  the  British 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  173 

General  Carleton  had  in  the  early  part  of  the  season,  expel 
led  the  Americans  under  Arnold  from  Canada,  and  driven 
them  into  Ticonderoga  on  Lake  Champlain. 

General  Gates,  who  assumed  the  command,  fortified  the 
post,  and  garrisoned  it  with  about  twelve  thousand  men. 

The  command  of  the  Lakes  George  and  Champlain  was 
of  the  highest  importance,  for  from  that  point  to  New  York, 
a  chain  of  British  communications  would  effectually  sepa 
rate  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States,  and  enable  the  royal 
troops  to  overrun  either  at  pleasure,  without  the  possibility 
of  their  co-operating  for  defence.  The  evacuation  of  Crown 
Point  by  the  main  body,  leaving  only  a  garrison  there,  and 
the  selection  of  Ticonderoga  as  the  point  upon  which  to  fall 
back,  had  been  disapproved  of  by  several  American  officers, 
and  did  not  meet  with  Washington's  approbation.  In  con 
formity  with  the  design  of  maintaining  the  naval  superiority 
on  the  Lake,  General  Gates  with  vast  labor  collected  a  fleet 
of  sixteen  vessels,  consisting  of  one  sloop,  three  schooners, 
one  cutter,  three  gallies  and  eight  barges  or  gondolas,  the 
whole  carrying  fifty -six  guns,  eighty-six  swivels,  and  four 
hundred  men.  The  command  was  given  to  Colonel  Arnold. 
The  plans  of  the  British  were  no  less  energetically  pursued,  and 
their  means  were  more  ample  than  those  of  the  Americans. 
They  did  not  pursue  the  Americans  beyond  Crown  Point, 
but  bent  all  their  efforts  to  acquire  such  a  preponderance  of 
naval  force,  that  they  could  drive  them  at  once  from  their 
positions,  force  their  way  to  Albany,  and  form  a  complete 
junction  with  Lord  Howe's  army  at  New  York.  In  less 
than  three  months  a  powerful  fleet  was  constructed  and 
equipped.  The  materials  for  some  of  the  largest  vessels  were 
brought  from  England,  and  time  and  great  labour  were 
required  to  put  them  into  a  state  for  use.  Gondolas,  boats 
and  batteaux,  and  vessels  of  larger  size,  containing  materi 
als,  muniments,  and  stores,  were  dragged  up  the  rapids,  and 


October. 


als,  muniments,  and  stores,  were  dragged  up  me  rapi 
about  the  first  of  October,  a  large  British  squadron  | 
was  afloat  on  Lake  Champlain.  It  consisted  of  the  j 
Inflexible,  a  ship  carrying  eighteen  twelves,  two  schooners, 
the  Carlton  and  the  Maria,  carrying  twelve  and  fourteen 
guns,  a  flat-bottomed  boat  carrying  twelve  guns  besides 
howitzers,  a  gondola  carrying  seven  nine  pounders,  twenty 
gunboats  carrying  each  a  brass  field  piece,  from  nine  to 
twenty-four  pounders  ;  some  large  boats  acting  as  tenders, 
with  each  a  carriage  gun,  and  a  large  number  of  small  vessels 


174  HISTORY    OF   THE 

prepared  for  the  transportation  of  the  army  and  stores.  This 
fleet  was  navigated  by  seven  hundred  prime  seamen;  of 
whom  two  hundred  were  volunteers  from  the  transports ;  was 
commanded  by  Captain  Pringle,  an  experienced  and  gallant 
officer ;  and  the  guns  were  served  by  detachments  from  the 
artillery  corps. 

The  American  force  was  inferior  in  number,  but  could 
not  avoid  an  action,  which  commenced  under  favorable 
Oct  circumstances  on  the  llth  of  October.  The  wind 

was  unfavorable  to  the  British,  and  the  Inflexible 
and  other  vessels  of  force  could  not  be  brought  into  action. 
The  combat  was  thus  rendered  more  equal,  and  continued 
with  great  fierceness  for  four  hours.  The  principal  damage 
to  the  Americans  was  the  loss  of  a  schooner  and  a  gondola 
Two  of  the  British  gondolas  were  sunk,  one  blown  up,  and 
the  rest  suffered  severely.  The  commander  finding  it 
impossible  to  bring  his  whole  strength  advantageously  into 
action,  drew  off  his  vessels  at  night,  preparing  to  make  a 
general  attack  the  next  day,  if  the  wind  should  prove  more 
favorable.  Arnold,  during  the  night,  which  was  dark  and 
foggy,  by  a  bold  and  well  executed  manoeuvre,  run  through 
the  enemy's  line,  and  by  morning  had  escaped,  with  his 
whole  fleet,  out  of  sight.  The  wind  freshened  in  that  direc 
tion  and  Captain  Pringle  made  sail  with  all  speed,  and  after 
several  days'  chase,  overtook  the  Americans  before  they  had 
reached  Crown  Point,  and  brought  them  to  action  again. 
Some  of  the  American  vessels,  by  superiority  of  sailing 
escaped  to  Ticonderoga,  but  two  gallies  and  five  gondolas 
maintained  the  fight  with  an  intrepidity  approaching  to 
desperation.  One  of  the  gallies  having  struck,  Arnold 
conceived  a  gallant  movement,  and  carried  it  into  execution 
with  singular  courage,  promptness  and  address.  Deter 
mined  that  the  enemy  should  not  possess  his  vessels,  nor 
capture  the  crews,  he  run  his  galley,  followed  by  the  gon 
dolas,  on  shore,  in  such  a  situation  that  he  could  land  the  men, 
and  blow  up  the  vessels.  The  enterprise  was  perilous,  but 
was  completely  successful.  Paying  a  romantic  attention  to  a 
point  of  honor,  he  resolved  not  to  strike  his  flag,  nor  permit 
it  to  be  struck,  by  the  British,  and  never  abandoned  his 
galley  till  she  was  completely  in  flames.  With  the  remnant 
<5f  his  force  he  reached  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point  was  aban 
doned  to  the  enemy,  and  the  American  naval  force 
having  been  reduced  to  two  gallies,  two  schooners,  one 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  175 

sloop,  and  a  gondola,  the  British  were  undisputed  masters 
of  the  Lake.  A  change  in  the  wind  prevented  their  advance 
to  the  works  at  Ticonderoga,  for  eight  days,  which  interval 
was  busily  employed  by  Generals  Gates  and  Schuyler  in 
strengthening  the  defences.  Having  taken  possession  of 
Crown  Point,  General  Carleton  advanced  a  part  of  his  fleet, 
and  put  his  land  forces  in  motion  on  both  sides  of  the  Lake, 
apparently  with  a  view  of  besieging  the  post.  The  garrison 
were  deficient  in  ammunition  and  supplies,  and  by  no  means 
in  a  condition  to  resist  a  vigorous  siege  by  a  superior  force, 
for  any  great  length  of  time,  but  happily  these  circumstances 
were  unknown  in  their  full  extent  to  the  enemy,  and  the 
lateness  of  the  season,  and  the  apparent  strength  of  the 
works,  induced  General  Carleton,  after  reconnoitering  them, 
to  re-embark  his  army  and  return  to  Canada,  where  he  went 
into  winter  quarters. 

When  the  commanders  wrere  assured  that  there  was  no 
danger  of  any  further  attack  from  the  Canada  side,  they 
despatched  a  large  reinforcement  to  General  Washing 
ton,  then  retreating  before  Lords  Howe  and  Cornwallis, 
through  the  Jerseys.  Very  few  of  these  troops  reached 
their  destination,  having  abandoned  their  officers  by  the 
way  ;  and  General  St.  Clair,  with  the  officers  and  some 
scanty  followers,  were  all  that  ever  appeared  in  the  camp  of 
Washington. 

Thus  disheartening  were  the  prospects  of  American  free 
dom,  in  the  middle  of  December  1776.  The  British  forces 
had  occupied  nearly  the  whole  of  two  powerful  States,  and 
had  pursued  a  harassed,  barefooted,  destitute,  almost  dis 
banded,  and  daily  diminishing  army,  from  spot  to  spot, 
until  a  short  pause  w,as  made  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware, 
from  the  difficulty  which  was  found  in  transporting  the  pur 
suing  army  over.  On  that  day  a  return  of  the  American 
forces  made  to  Congress,  showed  that  Washington  could  not 
muster  more  than  thirty-three  hundred  men.  After  crossing, 
their  numbers  were  little  more  than  two  thousand,  and  of 
these,  the  rapid  deductions  bv  desertion,  and  the  expiration  of 
the  term  of  enlistment,  left  him  an  average  force  not  exceed 
ing  sixteen  hundred.  Indeed,  one  of  his  official  letters,  dated 
the  &4th  of  December,  rated  his  whole  strength  at  fourteen 
or  fifteen  hundred,  hourly  diminishing. 

At  this  gloomy  period,  when  defection  was  busy  every 
where,  and  defeat  seemed  to  menace  the  arms  of  the  new 


176  HISTORY    OF    THE 

States  in  all  directions,  and  before  the  eyes  of  the  most 
zealous  patriots  no  hope  remained,  but  of  a  long,  danger 
ous,  doubtful,  and  bloody  contest,  the  courage  of  Congress  and 
the  Commander-in-chief,  never  quailed.  Counting  on  the 
necessity  of  further  retreats  and  suffering  in  the  midst  of 
this  wretched  campaign,  Washington  asked  of  Colonel  Reed, 
whether  the  upper  counties  of  Pennsylvania  would  support 
their  cause,  if  they  were  compelled  to  fall  back  so  far.  The 
Colonel  doubted  whether,  if  the  lower  counties  were  sub 
dued,  the  upper  parts  of  the  state  would  hold  out.  The 
reply  of  Washington  was  memorable  :  'We  must  then  retire 
to  Augusta  County  in  Virginia ;  numbers  will  be  obliged  to 
repair  to  us  for  safety,  and  we  must  try  what  we  can  do  in 
carrying  on  a  predatory  war.  If  overpowered  there,  we 
must  cross  the  Alleghanys.' 

Congress  were  fired  with  a  similar  determination.  On  the 
t  tenth  of  December,  they  made  an  animated  appeal  to  the 
States,  betraying  no  symptoms  of  despair ;  they  spoke 
in  terms  of  ardor  of  the  ultimate  success  of  the  glorious 
struggle,  and  urged  a  manly  fortitude  in  resisting  the  influ 
ence  of  temporary  distresses,  and  a  zeal  commensurate  with 
the  inestimable  rights  and  liberties  at  stake.  An  address 
adopted  by  the  New  York  Convention,  at  that  critical 
period,  was  admirably  calculated  to  produce  effect  upon  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  other  states.  The  enemy  was 
within  their  borders  ;  their  rich  capital  was  occupied  by 
his  armies  ;  another  army  was  prepared  on  their  Northern 
frontier,  and  their  slender  troops  wrere  flying  from  the  over 
whelming  force,  which  was  gathering  around  them.  In  this 
posture,  the  JNew  York  patriots  called  upon  their  fellow-citi 
zens,  by  every  thing  they  held  dear  in  life,  to  support  their 
rights  and  save  their  country.  With  lofty  reliance  on  the 
certainty  of  ultimate  triumph,  they  recalled  the  noble  con 
duct  of  the  ancient  Romans,  under  adverse  fortune.  They 
said  : — "  After  the  armies  of  Rome  had  been  repeatedly  de 
feated  by  Hannibal,  that  imperial  city  was  besieged  by  this 
brave  and  experienced  general,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous 
and  victorious  army.  But  so  far  were  her  glorious  citizens 
from  being  discouraged  by  the  loss  of  so  many  battles,  and 
of  all  their  country,  so  confident  of  their  own  virtue  and  of 
the  protection  of  heaven,  that  the  very  land  upon  which  the 
Carthageniaris  were  encamped  was  sold  at  public  auction 
for  more  than  the  usual  price.  " 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  177 

11  These  heroic  citizens  disdained  to  receive  his  protection 
or  regard  his  proclamations.  They  remembered  thattheir 
ancestors  left  them  free,  ancestors  who  had  bled  in  rescuing 
their  country  from  the  tyranny  of  kings.  They  invoked 
the  protection  of  the  Supreme  Being;  they  bravely  defended 
their  city  with  undaunted  resolution,  they  repelled  the 
enemy,  and  recovered  their  country.  "  The  author  of  the 
address  was  John  Jay.  It  was  not  only  approved  of  by  a 
special  vote  of  Congress,  but  ordered  to  be  translated  into 
the  German  language,  and  circulated  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States. 

After  the  removal  to  Baltimore,  and  the  conferring  of  the 
unlimited  powers  already  mentioned  upon  Washington, 
Congress  adopted  other  means  for  recruiting  the  army,  by 
offering  bounties  and  rewards,  and  to  provide  pecuniary  re 
sources,  by  large  paper  emissions,  pledging  the  faith  of  the 
United  States  for  its  redemption.  Hard  measures,  ill-advised 
and  of  mischievous  consequences,  were  soon  adopted,  to  sus 
tain  the  credit  of  this  paper,  and  prevent  its  depreciation. 
This  part  of  the  civil  history  of  the  day  belongs  however  to 
another  part  of  the  subject. 

On  no  occasion,  and  by  no  set  of  men,  in  authority  in 
this  depressed  condition,  was  the  idea  suggested,  of  accept 
ing  peace,  by  making  any  conditions  whatever  with  Great 
Britain.  In  the  discussions  which  frequently  occupied 
Congress,  on  the  subject  of  obtaining  French  assistance,  it 
was  several  times  proposed  to  offer  France,  as  a  compensa 
tion  for  her  aid  in  establishing  Independence,  a  monopoly 
of  commerce,  such  as  Great  Britain  had  enjoyed.  This 
was  refused,  and  all  modifications,  offering  her  peculiar  ad 
vantages  of  trade,  also  refused,  upon  the  principal  ground 
that  it  would  endanger  the  union  of  the  people  in  favor  of 
independence,  by  destroying  the  force  of  the  chief  argu 
ments  against  British  supremacy.  A  stronger  inducement 
for  French  aid,  and  one  more  consonant  with  the  principles 
of  the  Revolution,  was  thought  to  be,  the  determination 
to  abide  by  their  Declaration  at  all  hazards,  and  to  convince 
the  French  court  of  the  impossibility  of  their  returning  under 
British  subjection.  The  occasion  of  the  publication  in  Eng 
land  of  some  intercepted  despatches  sent  to  American  agents 
at  European  courts,  was  embraced  by  the  American  Con 
gress  to  reiterate,  in  a  formal  resolution,  passed  in  the  worst 
and  darkest  times,  that  they  would  listen  to  no  terms  of 


178  HISTORY  OF   THE 

union  with  Great  Britain,  that  should  deprive  other  nations  of 
a  free  trade  in  American  ports. 

The  most  energetic  measures  were  at  the  same  time  pro 
secuted  to  secure  foreign  alliances,  a  narrative  of  which  be 
longs  with  more  propriety,  to  that  of  a  subsequent  period, 
when  by  successful  negotiations,  France  had  been  induced 
to  furnish  them  aid. 

The  interval  of  inaction,  after  the  crossing  of  the  Dela 
ware  on  the  12th  of  December,  improved  by  the  energy  of 
Congress  and  the  Commander-in-chief,  was  of  vital  impor 
tance  to  the  American  cause.  What  might  have  been  the 
issue  had  General  Howe  felt  less  confident  of  final  triumph 
and  less  contempt  for  an  exhausted  and  flying  enemy,  and 
pushed  on  resolutely  to  complete  the  war  at  once,  it  is  im 
possible  to  conjecture.  He  certainly  had  it  in  his  power 
to  strike  a  blow  which  would  have  materially  changed  the 
course  of  events.  But,  pausing  to  shelter  his  troops  from 
the  rigors  of  the  season  in  winter-quarters,  and  believing 
the  foe  hopelessly  routed  and  incapable  of  action,  he  extend 
ed  his  forces  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Delaware  ;  and,  not 
apprehending  any  molestation,  kept  negligent  watch  of  the 
motions  of  Washington.  .  Colonel  Rhal,  a  Hessian  officer 
of  merit,  with  a  corps  of  Hessian  infantry  and  English  dra 
goons  amounting  to  about  fourteen  hundred  men,  were  sta 
tioned  at  Trenton  and  Bordentown  ;  a  few  miles  below  was 
occupied  by  Colonel  Donop  with  another  Hessian  brigade  ; 
and  still  lower  down  and  within  twenty  miles  of  Philadel 
phia,  was  another  corps  of  Hessians  and  English. 

The  combined  efforts  of  the  civil  and  military  authorities 
had,  in  the  interval,  brought  considerable  reinforcements  to 
the  army  of  Washington.  The  Pennsylvania  militia  came 
into  the  field  ;  the  corps  of  Lee,  which  on  the  capture  of  that 
officer  was  commanded  by  Sullivan,  joined  him,  and  detach 
ments  from  New  York,  under  the  orders  of  General  Heath,  soon 
came  to  his  aid.  About  Christmas  the  army,  with  these  rein 
forcements,  amounted  to  about  seven  thousand  effective  men, 
when  Washington  conceived  a  bold  plan  of  action,  which 
changed  the  face  of  the  war,  and  in  a  few  days  crowned 
the  American  arms  with  a  series  of  successes  and  victories  that 
roused  and  inspirited  the  people.  Observing  the  scattered 
and  loosely  guarded  positions  of  the  British  quarters,  he 
determined  to  make  a  sudden  and  daring  effort  for  the  pre 
servation  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  recovery  of  New  Jersey, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  179 

by  surprising  and  sweeping  at  a  stroke  all  the  British 
cantonments  upon  the  Delaware. 

The  night  of  the  25th  of  December  was  selected  for  the 
execution  of  this  scheme.  A  part  of  his  forces,  under  the 
command  of  General  Irvine,  were  directed  to  cross  at  Tren 
ton  Ferry,  below  the  town,  to  secure  the  bridge,  and  inter 
cept  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  in  that  direction  ;  General 
Cadwallader  was  directed  to  cross  at  Bristol  and  carry  the 
post  at  Burlington.  The  Commander-in-chief  led  the  main 
body,  of  twenty-four  hundred  men,  across  the  river  at 
McKenkey's  Ferry,  nine  miles  above  Trenton,  to  make 
the  principal  attack. 

The  night  of  the  twenty-fifth  proved  to  be  intensely  cold. 
The  Delaware  was  covered  and  obstructed  with  I  _ 

,     ,  c  T/C       ii        I   Dec.  aimi. 

ice,  and  the  passage  was  one  of  extreme  difficulty,  | 
peril  and  suffering.  The  divisions  under  Irvine  and  Cad 
wallader,  after  the  most  strenuous  efforts,  were  unable  to 
cross,  and  abandoned  their  parts  of  this  enterprise.  Wash 
ington  succeeded,  but  was  delayed  much  beyond  his  calcu 
lations.  He  had  expected  to  reach  Trenton  by  the  dawn 
of  day,  but  it  was  not  until  four  o'clock  that  his  artillery 
was  brought  over  and  the  line  of  march  formed,  at  a  distance 
of  nine  miles  from  the  enemy's  camp.  Advancing  in  two 
bodies,  one  by  the  river  road  to  the  west  side  of  the  town, 
and  the  other  by  the  Pennington  road  to  the  northern 
extremity,  the  expedition  passed  on  rapidly,  with  orders  to 
drive  in  the  piquet  guards  on  the  instant  of  arrival,  and 
attack  the  town.  Washington  accompanied  the  Pennington 
corps,  and  about  eight  o'clock  both  parties  made  a  nearly 
simultaneous  assault  upon  the  surprised  Hessians.  Colonel 
Rhal  behaved  with  great  gallantry,  and  rallied  his  men  for 
the  defence  of  the  post,  but  at  the  first  fire  he  fell  mortally 
wounded ;  the  Hessian  artillery  was  almost  immediately 
seized,  and  the  troops,  after  a  random  attempt  to  resist, 
endeavoured  to  escape  towards  Princeton.  Washington, 
anticipating  this  movement,  had  thrown  a  part  of  his  troops 
before  them  in  that  direction,  and  being  thus  hemmed  in  by 
the  victorious  Americans,  about  two  thirds  of  them  surren 
dered.  A  part,  consisting  of  some  Hessians  and  a  troop  of 
British  lighthorse,  fled  by  the  Bordentown  road  ;  and  in 
consequence  of  the  failure  of  Cadwallader's  division  in 
crossing  the  river,  escaped.  Twenty-three  officers  and 
eight  hundred  and  eighty-six  men  laid  down  their  arms,  and 


180  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  whole  artillery,  ammunition,  and  four  stands  of  colors, 
were  taken.  Twenty  of  the  Hessians  were  killed,  and 
counting  those  who  had  hidden  themselves  in  the  houses  and 
were  afterwards  captured,  about  one  thousand  prisoners. 
Of  the  Americans,  two  privates  were  killed  and  two  frozen 
to  death ;  one  officer,  Colonel  Washington,  .afterwards  so 
distinguished  in  the  southern  campaign,  and  several  privates, 
wounded. 

Not  choosing  to  hazard  the  fruits  of  this  brilliant  victory, 
by  further  advance  in  the  face  of  the  very  superior  force  which 
it  was  in  the  power  of  the  British  general  to  concentrate 
against  him,  Washington  safely  recrossed  the  Delaware. 
Had  the  other  parts  of  the  plan  succeeded,  the  whole  of  the 
British  posts  on  the  Delaware  would  have  shared  the  fate 
of  Trenton. 

The  British  general,  startled  at  this  daring  feat,  resolved, 
though  in  the  depth  of  winter,  to  recommence  operations. 
Lord  Comwallis,  who  was  at  New  York  preparing  to  carry 
to  England  intelligence  of  the  total  subjugation  of  the 
Americans,  hastily  returned  to  New  Jersey,  and  he  and 
General  Howe,  soon  threw  a  powerful  force  upon  Princeton. 

After  two  or  three  days  rest,  having  secured  his  prisoners, 
Washington  again  passed  into  New  Jersey,  and  with  about 
five  thousand  men,  posted  himself  again  at  Trenton.  He 
pushed  forward  a  small  detachment  at  Maidenhead,  half 
way  between  Trenton  and  Princeton,  to  watch  the  enemy. 
Jan.  2J,  I  On  the  next  morning,  the  2d  of  January,  Corn- 

1777-  I  wallis  advanced,  and  at  about  4  P.  M.  encoun 
tered  the  troops  of  Washington,  who  were  drawn  up  behind 
Assumpink  Creek.  A  cannonading  was  commenced  between 
the  parties,  and  several  efforts  made  to  force  the  passes  of 
the  creek,  which  were  too  strongly  guarded,  and  night  put 
an  end  to  the  skirmishing. 

The  situation  of  Washington  was  now  exceedingly  criti 
cal;  with  a  superior  army  in  front  he  knew  defeat  to  be 
certain  in  a  pitched  battle  ;  and  to  retreat  over  the  Delaware 
encumbered  by  floating  ice,  difficult  and  dangerous.  To 
fight  was  to  lose  all  the  benefits  of  the  late  victories,  upon  the 
spirits,  as  well  as  upon  the  fortunes,  of  the  Americans  ;  and 
a  retreat,  besides  the  peril,  was  little  less  disheartening. 
With  his  usual  sagacity  and  boldness,  he  struck  out 
another  extraordinary  scheme,  which  was  accomplished  with 
consummate  skill,  and  followed  by  the  happiest  results.  It 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  181 

was  determined  in  council  silently  to  quit  their  present  posi 
tion,  and  by  a  circuitous  route  to  gain  the  enemy's  rear  at 
Princeton,  and  thus  assume  vigorous  offensive  operations,  at 
the  enemy's  weakest  point.  Both  armies  were  crowded 
within  the  village  of  Trenton,  separated  only  by  a  narrow- 
creek,  and  the  British  were  sanguine  that  the  whole  Amer 
ican  army  was  in  their  power  beyond  escape. 

As  soon  as  night  fell,  Washington's  measures  were  silently 
and  swiftly  taken.  The  fires  were  renewed  and  ordered  to 
be  diligently  kept  up  through  the  night.  Guards  were 
posted  at  the  bridge  and  passes,  and  ordered  to  go  their 
rounds;  the  baggage  was  removed  to  Burlington ;  and  about 
one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  whole  army,  unperceived, 
took  up  their  line  of  march  for  the  enemy's  rear. 

By  one  of  those  fortunate  events,  upon  which  the  success  of 
the  best  laid  plans  frequently  depends,  a  sudden  and  favor 
able  change  in  the  weather  took  place  in  the  night.  The 
wind  veered  unexpectedly  to  the  north-west,  and  the  roads, 
that  had  been  almost  impassable  with  mud,  and  broken  up  by 
rains  and  thaws,  were  frozen  so  hard  that  the  artillery  was 
conveyed  as  easily  as  upon  a  solid  pavement,  and  the  troops 
marched  with  swiftness  and  comfort.  In  the  morning  the 
British  general  found  himself  out-manoeuvred  ;  and  instead 
of  arming  for  an  easy  victory,  was  forced  to  break  up  his 
camp  and  retreat  towards  Princeton,  to  save  his  stores  from 
capture. 

The  whole  army  of  Washington  approached  Princeton 
about  daybreak.  Near  the  town  they  encountered  three 
regiments  under  Colonel  Mawhood,  forming  the  I  jan  3dj 
British  advance,  who  were  marching  to  join  |  1777- 
Cornwallis  at  Trenton.  General  Mercer,  with  the  Phil 
adelphia  militia,  engaged  them;  but  being  charged  with 
bayonets,  they  gave  way,  and  General  Mercer  was  mortally 
wounded.  The  moment  was  critical,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  enterprise,  with  all  the  hopes  of  the  army,  imminent, 
when  Washington  rallied  the  troops  in  person,  dashing  into 
the  open  space  between  the  armies,  and  exposing  himself 
to  the  fire  of  both  sides,  fortunately  without  receiving  a 
wound.  The  enemy  were  soon  routed,  a  considerable 
number  fell,  but  the  colonel,  with  great  bravery,  cut  his  way 
with  a  few  followers  through  the  surrounding  battalions,  and 
escaped  towards  Pennington.  The  rear,  which  had  not 
been  engaged,  saved  themselves  and  retreated  to  Brunswick. 

Q 


HISTORY   OF    THE 

The  Americans  took  three  hundred  prisoners,  with  but  littk 
loss.  Among  the  killed  was  General  Mercer,  highly  esteem 
ed  and  deeply  regretted  by  the  victors ;  and  Colonel  James 
Monroe,  afterwards  the  fifth  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  wounded. 

Washington  had  scarcely  occupied  Princeton,  and  secured 
his  prisoners,  before  he  was  compelled  to  retreat  to  avoid 
the  fresh   forces   of  Cornwallis,   who,  comprehending  the 
design  of  Washington,  had  retraced  his  steps  and  hurried  on 
towards   Brunswick.     The  American  army  had   now  been 
eighteen  hours  under  arms ;   some  of  them  had  been  two 
days,  all  of  them  one  day,  without  rest,  undergoing  severe  la 
bor,  and  were  nearly  exhausted  by  fatigue  and  want  of  sleep. 
They  were  accordingly  prudently  drawn  off  into  a  secure 
position  in  Upper  Jersey,  and  encamped  for  the  present  at 
Morristown.  Cornwallis,  without  pursuing  them  continued  his 
march  to  Brunswick.     Washington  did  not  long  remain  inac 
tive.    Having  refreshed  his  troops  and  received  an  increase 
of  infantry,  he  re-entered  the  field,  and  overrun  almost  the 
whole  of  New  Jersey  to  the  Raritan,  made  himself  master  of 
many  important  points,    and  crossing  the  river,   captured 
Newark,    Eiizabethtown,    and    Woodbridge,  fortifying  his 
positions  and  choosing  his  camps  so  strongly  and  with  such 
judgment,  that  he  could  not  be  dislodged.     In  these  expedi 
tions  he  was  aided  by  risings  of  the  people  in  all  parts 
of  New  Jersey,  who    during  the  ascendancy  of  the  British 
had  been  treated  with  harshness,   insult,  and  cruelty.     The 
exasperation  produced,    especially   by  the   conduct  of  the 
Hessians,  broke  forth  in  every  direction,  as  soon  as  the  Amer 
ican   arms   prevailed.     Those  who  had  before   favored  the 
royal  cause,  or  sought  a  timid  neutrality,   were   driven  by 
the  atrocities  with  which  the  steps  of  the  British  army  had 
,   been  marked,  to  make  a  common  cause,  and  aid  in  expelling 
-  them  from  the  country.     Ambuscades  were  frequent,  armed 
parties  of  farmers  were  constantly  on  the  watch,  and  a  uni 
versal  hatred  of  the  invader,  stimulated  even  the  most  feeble 
to  do  something  towards  harassing  their  march,  cutting  off 
their  stragglers,  embarrassing  their  means  of  communication, 
and  carrying  information  to  the  American  camp.     So  suc 
cessful  were   these  enterprises,    that  when  General  Wash 
ington  retired    into  secure  quarters  for  the  winter,  on  the 
6th  of  January,  the   army  that  at  Christmas  were  undis 
puted  masters  of  the  whole  State,  were  cooped  up  in  two 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  183 

posts,  New  Brunswick  and  Amboy,  with  no  means  of  com 
munication  with  New  York  except  by  sea,  and  straitened 
for  forage,  while  Washington  was  safely  entrenched  at  Mor- 
ristown,  having  in  a  few  weeks,  with  such  scanty  means, 
saved  Philadelphia,  protected  Pennsylvania,  reconquered 
New  Jersey,  infused  ardor  and  enthusiasm  into  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen,  and  established  for  himself  and  country 
a  reputation  that  attracted  the  attention  of  Europe. 

Congress  returned  to  Philadelphia  in  security,  and  testi 
fied  their  increased  confidence  in  Washington,  by  making 
him  the  sole  responsible  director  of  the  war,  and  formally 
releasing  him  from  all  obligations  to  be  guided  by  councils 
of  war. 


184  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  American  Congress,  while  thus  exerting  themselves 
to  repel  invasion  at  home,  had  turned  their  earnest  attention 
to  the  policy  of  securing  foreign  aid.  Some  months  before 
the  declaration  of  independence,  communications  had  been 
opened  by  means  of  secret  committees, with  leading  persons 
on  the  continent,  to  sound  the  disposition  of  those  courts 
which  were  most  hostile  to  Great  Britain  to  take  part  with 
the  Colonies,  in  the  event  of  a  war.  In  November  1775,  a 
committee,  consisting  of  Mr.  Harrison,  Dr.  Franklin,  Messrs. 
Johnson,  Dickinson,  and  Jay,  were  appointed  by  resolution 
for  this  purpose.  A  letter  written  by  Dr.  Franklin  shortly 
after,  to  a  gentleman  in  Holland,  asks  with  anevidentantici- 
pation  of  independence,  whether,  if  the  colonies  should  be 
"  obliged  to  break  off  all  connexion  with  Great  Britain," 
and  declare  themselves,  "  an  independent  people,"  there 
was  any  state  or  power  in  Europe,  would  be  willing  to  enter 
into  an  alliance  with  them  for  the  benefit  of  their  commerce. 
The  passage  of  the  violent  acts  of  Parliament  of  the  next 
session,  stimulated  the  committee  to  fresh  efforts ;  and 
accordingly  Silas  Deane,  a  member  of  Congress  from 
Connecticut,  wras  commissioned  by  them  to  the  French 
court,  with  instructions,  dated  March  2d,  1776,  signed  by 
Franklin,  Jay,  Harrison,  Dickinson,  and  Robert  Morris,  in 
the  place  of  Mr.  Johnson.  He  arrived  in  Paris  about  the 
first  of  July,  and  opened  a  communication  with  the  French 
minister,  Count  de  Vergennes,  and  pursuant  to  his  instructions 
applied  for  immediate  aid,  in  supplies  of  clothing  and  arms 
for  25,000  men,  or  in  case  they  would  not  grant  in  that 
form,  for  permission  to  make  purchases  on  credit.  He  was 
also  directed  to  ascertain  the  disposition  of  the  French  court, 
on  the  subject  of  a  treaty  of  alliance,  if  the  Colonies  should 
declare  themselves  independent. 

The  British  ministry,  aware  of  these  movements,  sent  Lord 
Stormont  express  to  Paris  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
American  envoy,  who  was  not  openly  countenanced  by 
the  French  court,  though  his  interviews  were  frequent  in 
private.  Personally  Mr.  Deane  w^s  assured  of  the  protection 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  185 

of  the  police,  and  a  free  intercourse  between  the  ports  of 
France  and  America  was  at  once  promised  him.  He  was  also 
assured  that  all  obstructions  to  the  purchase  and  shipment  of 
warlike  stores,  would  be  removed.  The  British  government 
went  so  far  as  to  demand  that  Deane  should  be  given  up  to 
them  as  a  rebel,  which  was  refused. 

Before  Deane's  arrival  in  France,  a  voluntary  offer  had 
been  made  to  the  Americans,  through  their  agent  in  Lon 
don,  Arthur  Lee  of  Virginia,  by  one  Beaumarchais,  to  advance 
them  supplies  to  the  amount  of  a  million  of  livres.  The 
loan  or  gift, — for  the  nature  of  the  transaction  remains  still  a 
mystery, — was  afterwards  completed  at  Paris,  by  Mr.  Deane, 
and  the  supplies  furnished  by  the  way  of  Cape  Francois 
under  fictitious  names,  and  apparently  as  a  commercial  spe 
culation.  The  profound  secrecy  with  which  the  transaction 
was  managed,  with  a  design  that  the  government  of  France 
should  appear  to  take  no  part  in  it,  has  never  been  fully  ex 
plained;  and  for  a  long  time  the  heirs  of  Beaumarchais  made 
an  individual  claim  against  the  American  government  for  a 
repayment  of  this  million,  as  though  it  had  been  the  private 
advance  of  their  ancestor. 

The  remonstrances  of  the  British  minister,  Lord  Stormont, 
were  politely  listened  to,  but  evaded.  Vessels  laden  with 
warlike  stores  were  detained  on  his  representation,  but 
afterwards  suffered  to  depart ;  and  when  these  shipments 
were  complained  of,  in  a  tone  more  menacing  than  was 
agreeable  to  the  French  court,  the  Count  de  Vergennes 
inquired  significantly  whether  a  declaration  of  war  was 
meant  ?  which  produced  an  alteration  in  the  manner  of 
remonstrance. 

The  indulgences  extended  to  the  American  agents  in 
France,  in  procuring  supplies,  were  liberally  construed  and 
diligently  improved.  During  the  year  1776,  the  feeling  in 
favor  of  America,  originally  encouraged  through  a  desire  of 
crippling  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  increased  among  the 
French  people ;  and  practices,  beyond  the  letter  of  the 
grants  of  the  government,  and  contrary  in  fact,  to  the  exist 
ing  engagements  with  England,  were  connived  at  and  encour 
aged.  Arms  and  munitions  of  war  were  not  only  allowed 
to  be  purchased  and  sent  to  America,  but  were  actually 
furnished  covertly  from  the  public  arsenals.  Their  ports  gave 
as  great  facilities,  as  could  be  done  without  committing  the 
government,  to  American  privateers,  and  especially  in  the 


166  HISTORY   OP   THE 

West-Indies,  ready  harbors  and  markets  were  found  for  their 

?rizes,  of  which  great  numbers  were  captured  during  the  year 
776.  These  naval  enterprises  were  of  the  greatest  conse 
quence  to  the  Americans,  and  had  been  prosecuted  with  much 
spirit  and  perseverance.  Authority  had  been  granted  by 
Congress  in  November  1775,  for  capturing  vessels  laden  with 
military  stores  or  reinforcements,  which  was  in  March  1776, 
extended  to  permit  the  general  arming  of  privateers  against 
the  commerce  of  the  enemies  of  the  united  colonies.  Under 
this  permission  American  privateers  swarmed  on  the  seas, 
to  the  coasts  of  Great  Britain,  and  especially  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  proved  successful  in  making  captures  of  many 
valuable  vessels.  The  value  of  their  prizes  in  that  year 
has  been  estimated  as  high  as  six  millions  of  dollars.  They 
were  sold  principally  in  the  French  ports,  and  instances  not 
unfrequently  occurred  of  privateers  fitted  out  against  British 
commerce  altogether  from  French  ports,  under  the  Ameri 
can  flag. 

During  Mr.  Deane's  agency  in  Paris,  with  the  co-operation 
of  Arthur  Lee,  in  London,  to  induce  the  French  court  to 
take  active  measures  for  assisting  the  Colonies,  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  was  made,  and  one  of  the  first  diplo 
matic  measures  of  the  new  States  was  to  prepare  a  plan  for 
obtaining  foreign  alliances.  Before  the  Declaration  was  finally 
adopted,  and  on  the  same  day  on  which  it  was  agreed  to  in 
committee  of  the  whole,  the  llth  of  June,  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  report  on  this  matter,  consisting  of  Mr.  Dickin 
son,  Dr.  Franklin,  John  Adams,  Mr.  Harrison,  and  Robert 
Morris.  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  James  Wilson  were  after 
wards  added ;  and  on  the  17th  of  September  they  reported  a 
plan  of  foreign  alliance,  which  Congress  adopted.  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  were  appointed 
commissioners  to  France.  For  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  could 
not  leave  home,  Arthur  Lee  was  substituted.  The  mission 
was  designed  to  be  kept  a  profound  secret,  and  their  instruc 
tions  were  special,  and  included  authority  to  make  appli 
cation  and  offer  inducements  for  Spanish  aid.  Dr.  Franklin 
sailed  on  the  mission,  and  with  Mr.  Lee,  who  was  at  the  time 
of  his  appointment  in  London,  joined  Mr.  Deane,  in  Paris, 
in  December. 

'The  gloomy  prospect  of  affairs  in  America,  as  the  cam 
paign  advanced,  produced  stronger  efforts  in  Congress  to 
obtain  aid  from  abroad.  On  the  30th  of  December,  reso- 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  187 

lutions  were  adopted  to  send  agents  to  other  courts  of  Europe, 
and  to  strengthen  their  application  to  France  and  Spain. 
William  Lee  was  appointed  to  Vienna  and  Berlin  ;  Ralph 
Izard  to  the  Duke  of  Tuscany,  and  Dr.  Franklin  specially 
to  Spain.  Arthur  Lee  was  afterwards  substituted  for  Dr. 
Franklin  to  Spain.  The  additional  instructions  to  their 
agents  in  France,  reiterated  the  determination  of  the  States, 
never  to  return  to  subjection  to  Great  Britain,  an  apprehen 
sion  of  which  naturally  deterred  the  other  powers  of  Europe 
from  entering  into  negotiations  with  them,  and  made  liberal 
offers  of  territorial  and  commercial  favors,  in  return  for  open 
or  covert  aid. 

Before  the  arrival  of  these  new  propositions,  the  great 
talents,  high  reputation,  and  extraordinary  personal  popular 
ity  of  Dr.  Franklin  had  been  successful  in  increasing  the 
general  enthusiasm  which  began  to  be  felt  in  behalf  of  the 
Americans.  The  court  and  the  people,  the  halls  of  science 
and  the  saloons  of  fashion,  became  equally  charmed  with 
the  character,  wit,  and  simplicity  of  manners  of  the  Ameri 
can  envoy ;  and  in  addition  to  inducements  arising  out  of 
reasons  of  state,  and  national  rivalry,  his  mission  and  his 
country  grew  personally  in  favor.  The  government  was  not 
ready  to  acknowledge  the  States  openly  or  form  treaties  with 
them  as  an  independent  nation  ;  but  in  all  other  respects,  it 
was  willing  to  give  them  efficient  aid.  A  paper  signed  by 
the  king  was  read  to  the  commissioners  early  in  January 
1777,  by  Monsieur  Gerard,  secretary  to  Count  Vergennes, 
in  which  he  explained  his  disposition  to  serve  them,  ex 
pressed  his  doubts  of  the  fitness  of  the  time,  or  the  condition  of 
his  own  affairs  to  give  them  countenance,  or  form  a  close  alli 
ance  with  them,  and  gave  them  as  an  earnest  of  his  good 
wishes,  two  millions  of  livres,  payable  quarterly,  to  be  aug 
mented,  as  the  state  of  his  finances  would  permit.  The 
new  propositions  received  in  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
though  they  strengthened  the  confidence  of  the  French  in 
the  stability  of  the  American  purposes,  were  not  sufficient  to 
induce  them  to  depart  from  this  line  of  policy.  They  were 
uncertain  of  the  course  which  events  would  take,  of  the 
final  resolution  of  Congress  against  all  reconciliation  with 
Britain  in  any  form,  and  were  in  particular  very  sceptical  as 
to  the  harmony  of  the  States  among  themselves,  and  their 
capacity,  if  successful,  to  form  a  permanent  union,  and 
responsible  government.  Though  lending  succors  in  vari- 


188  HISTORY   OF    THE 

ous  ways,  by  loans,  gifts,  supplies  of  arms,  provisions,  cloth 
ing  and  ammunition,  to  the  American  commissioners  and 
agents,  and  receiving  them  individually  with  every  demon 
stration  of  favor  and  sympathy,  France  avoided  all  formal 
recognition  of  American  Independence,  or  official  inter 
course  with  the  United  States,  and  preserved  a  nominal 
neutrality  between  the  belligerents  during  the  whole  of  the 
year  1777. 

The  popular  sympathy  of  the  French  nation,  happily  out 
stripped  the  calculating  policy  of  their  rulers.  Volunteers 
offered  themselves  to  bear  arms  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and 
among  them,  were  numerous  persons  of  merit  and  distinc 
tion,  who  could  only  have  been  actuated  by  a  generous 
gallantry  and  noble  zeal  for  free  principles.  The  most  emi 
nent  was  the  young  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  a  nobleman, 
who  enjoyed,  by  his  high  rank,  large  wealth,  numerous 
connexions  among  the  noblest  and  wealthiest,  and  the  rare 
felicity  of  his  domestic  relations,  every  inducement  to  give 
himself  up  to  a  career  of  enjoyment  in  his  own  country, 
but  who,  fired  with  a  virtuous  indignation  against  tyranny, 
and  zeal  for  human  happiness,  abandoned  all  the  delights 
and  endearments  of  home,  and  embarked  his  fortune 
and  his  life  in  the  cause  of  American  liberty,  when  its 
prospects  were  darkest.  His  proffers  of  service  were  made 
at  an  early  period,  but  were  not  warmly  encouraged  by  the 
agents  of  America,  in  consequence  of  the  uncertain  condition 
of  the  affairs  of  the  new  Colonies,  and  their  want  of  means 
to  offer  suitable  inducements.  When  news  of  the  disas 
trous  battle  of  Long  Island,  following  so  immediately  after 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  reached  France,  and  the 
apparent  desperation  of  American  affairs  was  communicated 
to  him,  it  only  elicited  the  noble  comment,  "  If  your  country 
is  indeed  reduced  to  such  extremity,  this  is  the  moment  at 
which  my  departure  to  join  her  armies  will  render  her  the 
most  efficient  service.  "  He  accordingly  fitted  out  a  vessel 
at  his  own  expense,  and  in  the  spring  of  1777,  arrived  in 
America,  where  he  was  received  with  the  liveliest  joy,  and 
adopted  into  the  family  of  Washington,  who  became  tenderly 
attached  to  him.  Congress  soon  after  appointed  him  a  Ma 
jor  General  in  their  armies. 

Contemporary  with  these  movements  in  France,  by  which 
efficient  succor  was  given  to  the  Americans,  the  British 
parliament  was  in  session,  and  the  subject  of  American  affairs 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  189 

was  brought  before  them,  both  by  the  king  in  his  speech  at 
the  opening  of  the  session  in  October,  and  by  members  of 
the  opposition  afterwards.  The  ministerial  majority  for  per 
severance  in  the  war,  was  overwhelming.  Addresses  moved 
as  echoes  to  the  speech,  and  calling  for  the  subjugation  of 
the  rebels,  were  carried,  and  conciliatory  amendments  rejected 
.in  the  House  of  Commons,  by  a  vote  of  242  to  87,  and  in 
the  House  of  Peers  by  a  vote  of  91  to  26.  The  opposition 
in  the  lower  House  was  led  by  Lord  John  Cavendish,  and  in 
the  Upper  by  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham.  Fourteen  peers 
joined  in  a  protest  on  the  journal,  which  contained  the  fol 
lowing  passages : 

"A -wise  and  provident  use  of  the  late  advantages,  might 
be  productive  of  happy  effects,  as  the  means  of  establishing 
a  permanent  connexion  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies,  on  principles  of  liberty  and  terms  of  mutual 
benefit,"  but  "we  should  look  writh  shame  and  horror  on 
any  events  that  would  bow  them  to  any  abject  or  uncon 
ditional  submission  to  any  pov/er  whatsoever;  annihilate 
their  liberties,  and  subdue  them  to  servile  principles 
and  passive  habits  by  the  mere  force  of  foreign  mercenary 
arms.  " 

The  proclamation  issued  by  the  Howes  in  America  as 
commissioners  under  the  act  of  the  previous  session,  was 
brought  before  the  House ;  and  though  censured  as  illegal, 
a  motion  was  made  to  proceed,  on  the  faith  of  the  promises 
of  the  ministry  expressed  in  it,  to  go  into  a  revisal  of  the 
acts  of  parliament  complained  of  in  America.  This  being 
rejected,  the  minority  avowing  their  despair  of  checking 
the  ruinous  policy  of  the  administration,  seceded  from  the 
House,  and  left  the  ministers  entirely  unopposed.  A  few  of 
them  rallied  in  February,  to  oppose  another  tyrannical  mea 
sure,  introduced  by  Lord  North,  to  suspend  the  Habeas  Cor 
pus  act,  "to  enable  his  majesty  to  secure  and  detain  persons 
charged  with  or  suspected  of  the  crime  of  high  treason  com 
mitted  in  America,  or  on  the  high  seas,  or  the  crime  of 
piracy.  "  They  succeeded  in  modifying  some  of  the  clauses, 
but  their  opposition  to  the  principle  was  vain.  The  session 
was  protracted  till  the  month  of  June,  but  no  further  effort 
made  on  American  affairs.  They  were  left  to  the  fortune 
of  war,  and  the  tender  mercies  of  the  German  mercenaries, 
hired  by  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  to  subdue  the  revolted 
colonists  into  renewed  affection  for  Great  Britain. 


190  HISTORY   OF    THE 

Washington,  in  the  early  part  of  the  year,  after  closing  his 
campaign  by  the  recovery  of  New  Jersey  from  the  enemy 
and  retiring  into  winter  quarters  at  Morristown,  passed  some 
months  of  extreme  embarrassment  and  severe  labors  in  pre 
paring  for  the  period  of  action.  The  army  having  suffered 
severely  by  the  small-pox,  he  directed  them  to  be  inoculated, 
and  both  regular  soldiers,  and  recruits  as  they  arrived,  went 
through  the  operation  successfully.  During  the  season  when 
they  were  laboring  under  the  effects  of  this  precautionary 
measure,  the  whole  camp  was  almost,  if  not  quite  defenceless  : 
not  more  than  a  comparative  handful  of  men  were  fit  for 
any  duty.  Indeed,  the  extreme  weakness  of  the  forces 
under  Washington's  command,  during  the  winter,  at  Morris- 
tow^,  was  such,  that  a  strong  effort  by  the  British  army 
could  not  have  failed  to  drive  them  completely  out  of  Jersey. 
The  recruiting  service  went  on  but  slowly,  even  after  the 
favorable  change  produced  by  the  victories  at  Trenton  and 
Princeton.  The  battalions  voted  by  Congress  in  December, 
were  none  of  them  filled  up ;  and  as  the  times  of  enlistment 
expired,  the  soldiers  rarely  consented  to  re-enter  the  service. 
The  utmost  force  that  could  be  mustered  during  the  month 
of  February,  was  fifteen  hundred  men ;  and  there  were  times 
when,  from  the  causes  just  mentioned,  there  were  not  four 
hundred  of  all  descriptions,  fit  for  duty.  In  March,  the 
general  reported  to  Congress,  that  his  whole  force  in  Jersey, 
including  the  militia,  was  only  three  thousand,  one  third 
only  of  whom  were  regular  troops,  and  that  the  time  of  ser 
vice  of  the  militia  would  expire  within  the  month.  Towards 
the  latter  part  of  the  month  the  numbers  had  increased 
nominally  to  near  five  thousand.  At  the  same  time  the 
British  army,  under  General  Howe,  exceeded  twenty-seven- 
thousand.  Congress,  which  re-assembled  at  Philadelphia  on 
the  27th  February,  were  invoked  earnestly  and  repeatedly 
by  the  Commander-in-chief  to  do  something  effectual  for 
improving  the  state  of  the  army.  They  passed  some  resolves 
with  this  object,  among  which  was  one  to  raise  three  artillery 
regiments,  to  be  put  under  the  command  of  General  Knox, 
another  to  raise  three  thousand  cavalry,  and  a  third  to  estab 
lish  a  corps  of  engineers.  At  the  head  of  the  engineer  corps, 
was  placed  General  Du  Portail,  a  distinguished  French  officer. 
These  regulations  gradually  produced  beneficial  consequen 
ces  upon  the  organization  of  the  army,  though  not  of  much 
instant  importance.  Much  difficulty  was  produced  by  the 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  191 

anomalous  nature  of  the  authority  by  which  the  various 
military  bodies  were  brought  together  under  the  direction 
of  Congress.  A  union  in  fact  existed  among  the  States,  but 
only  by  consent,  no  articles  of  agreement  having  been 
adopted,  and  every  State  having  an  absolute  independence 
of  the  others.  The  States  alone  had  power  to  compel  obedi 
ence,  and  their  regulations,  both  as  to  bounty  and  to  pay, 
were  various  and  discordant.  When  their  several  quotas 
were  raised  and  brought  together  under  the  control  of  a 
body  so  utterly  powerless  in  fact,  as  the  continental  Con 
gress,  jealousies,  discords,  and  confusion,  inevitably  ensued. 
Particular  States,  looking  to  their  own  position,  and  appre 
hensions  of  the  enemy,  called  for  a  diversion  of  the  general 
force,  to  their  own  defence,  or  raised  state  battalions,  to  be 
at  their  own  separate  disposal.  These  mischiefs  were  earnestly 
combatted  by  the  efforts  and  representations  of  Congress  and 
the  Commander-in-chief,  and  before  the  opening  of  the 
campaign  they  were  in  part  removed.  The  army  arrange 
ments  were  made  more  uniform,  and  the  discipline  brought 
into  greater  method.  An  evil  still  greater  and  beyond  the 
power  of  Congress  to  remedy,  was  the  alarming  depreciation 
of  the  continental  bills  of  credit,  issued  on  the  public  faith 
by  Congress,  to  a  very  large  amount.  Not  being  based  upon 
any  specie  fund;  with  no  provision  for  redemption  at  any 
time,  except  the  remote  and  now  almost  hopeless  contingency 
of  the  establishment  of  Independence,  the  formation  of  a  solid 
government,  and  the  restoration  and  increase  of  the  national 
commerce,  nothing  could  give  them  currency  among  the 
people.  Unwise  and  arbitrary  enactments,  to  force  them 
into  circulation  at  par,  or  even  to  limit  their  depreciation, 
failed,  as  ought  to  have  been  expected.  The  disorder  in  the 
finances  could  not  be  repaired  by  any  expedients  within  the 
means  of  Congress,  and  continued  to  increase.  This  fruit 
ful  source  of  distress  to  the  army,  and  the  government 
during  the  war,  had  already  exhibited  part  of  its  mischiev 
ous  effects  upon  the  American  cause,  in  the  winter  of  1776, 
and  1777. 

Another  source  of  trouble  and  vexation,  was  the  disputes 
between  the  English  and  American  generals  on  the  treat 
ment  of  prisoners.  These  had  commenced  with  the  earliest 
hostilities  in  Massachusetts.  General  Gage  considered  the 
Americans  as  revolted  subjects,  in  arms  against  their  sover 
eign,  and  as  such  not  entitled  to  the  treatment  of  prisoners 


192  HISTORY  OP    THE 

of  war.  Without  distinction  of  rank,  he  confined  them  in 
prisons  \^ith  malefactors,  under  the  general  designation  of  re 
bels.  This  brought  on,  first,  remonstrances  from  Washington, 
repeated  in  terms  of  indignation,  and  demanding  for  American 
prisoners  the  respect  due  to  their  rank,  conformable  to  mili 
tary  usage  ;  and  finally,  on  the  harsh  and  insolent  refusal  of 
General  Gage,  retaliation  upon  British  officers  and  soldiers. 
This  barbarous  system  of  mutual  injustice,  was  relaxed 
on  the  arrival  of  General  Howe,  who  admitted  the  captured 
Americans  to  the  privileges  of  lawful  enemies.  Washington, 
to  whom  the  necessity  of  acting  harshly  in  self-defence  had 
given  great  pain,  immediately  withdrew  his  own  orders,  and 
restored  the  British  prisoners  to  the  same  privileges  in  return. 
Complaints,  however,  constantly  occurred  of  the  abuse  of 
American  prisoners,  and  communications  passed  between 
the  commanding  generals  on  that  subject.  After  the  cap 
ture  of  General  Lee  in  December,  the  circumstances  of  his 
case,  and  the  treatment  he  received,  aggravated  the  irritation 
which  had  been  mutually  felt,  and  reproduced  the  harsher  sys 
tem  of  retaliation.  Lee  had  been  an  officer  in  the  British  ser 
vice,  and  it  was  alledged  that  he  had  joined  the  Americans 
before  the  resignation  of  his  British  commission  had  beenactu- 
laly  accepted.  For  this  reason,  Sir  William  Howe  undertook  to 
consider  him  as  excluded  from  the  terms  of  exchange  agreed 
'upon,  and  treated  him  as  a  deserter  taken  in  arms.  He  re 
fused  to  parole  him,  and  peremptorily  rejected  the  offer  of 
Congress  to  give  six  general  officers  in  exchange  for  Lee. 
On  this  refusal,  Congress  ordered  that  the  officers  selected 
should  be  closely  confined,  and  receive  in  every  respect  the 
same  treatment  as  Lee.  This  order  was  carried  into  effect 
strictly,  not  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  but  the  State  execu 
tives,  in  whose  custody  the  designated  officers  were.  They 
were  the  British  Colonel  Arbuthnot,  and  five  Hessian  field 
officers.  The  order  for  retaliation  thus  enforced,  was  con 
trary  to  the  advice  and  remonstrances  of  General  Washing 
ton,  whose  letters  to  Congress  earnestly  deprecated  it  as 
cruel  and  impolitic.  They  persisted  nevertheless,  and 
no  favors  were  extended  to  the  captives,  until  Howe 
consented  to  exchange  General  Lee.  In  the  interval,  the 
exchange  of  prisoners  was  totally  suspended.  The  course  of 
the  war  threw  a  great  number  of  Americans  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  and  their  treatment,  especially  at  New  York, 
is  one  of  the  blackest  stains  upon  the  arms  of  England  in 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  193 

that  conflict,  so  fruitful  in  disgraces  to  her.  The  sick  and  the 
well,  the  maimed  and  the  wounded,  with  the  healthy  and  the 
strong,  were  promiscuously  crowded  together,  in  churches 
converted  into  prisons,  in  common  jails,  or  in  prison-ships, 
without  supplies,  without  medicines,  food,  or  fuel,  adequate  to 
their  sustenance,  and  subjected,  in  addition,  to  cruel  scoffs, 
and  brutal  outrages  from  the  soldiery.  Want,  neglect,  close 
confinement  in  filth  and  an  impure  atmosphere,  at  an  incle 
ment  season,  engendered  mortal  Diseases,  and  hundreds  upon 
hundreds  perished  miserably  witriiif  atfew  weeks.  The  sur 
vivors  were  enfeebled  by  disease  and  hunger,  and  wounded 
in  every  manly  feeling  by  insults  and  brutal  stripes.  In  the 
midst  of  these  sufferings,  the  royal  officers  were  strenuou .-j 
in  efforts  to  seduce  them  into  the  British  service,  making 
liberal  promises  for  recruits,  and  punishing  rejection  of  their 
dishonorable  proposals  by  ignominious  beatings  and  increased 
inhumanity.  These  efforts  were  totally  fruitless.  None 
listened  to  the  tempter,  and  all  the  horrors  of  the  dungeon, 
the  perils  of  disease,  and  death  itself,  were  magnanimously 
preferred  to  an  abandonment  of  the  cause  of  their  coun 
try.  The  offers  of  Washington  to  provide  for  the  wants 
of  these  victims,  were  declined  by  General  Howe;  and 
even  the  request  to  send  an  agent,  to  examine  into  and 
relieve  their  condition,  was  rejected.  After  an  obstinate 
and  protracted  controversy,  the  exchange  was  effected, 
and  the  survivors  restored  to  their  country.  The  wretched 
state  in  which  they  were  sent  into  the  American  lines  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  arrangements  for  exchange  in  the 
spring,  testified  strongly  to  the  hardships  they  had  endured. 
All  of  them  were  sickly  and  debilitated,  and  many  fainted 
and  died,  before  they  reached  head-quarters.  A  more  hu 
mane  treatment  of  prisoners  ensued,  but  not  for  a  long  time 
afterwards  was  a  regular  system  of  exchange  re-established. 
In  these  discussions  and  negotiations,  the  winter  passed 
away,  and  spring  advanced  without  any  decided  movement 
on  the  part  of  the  British  army,  and  with  constant  efforts 
on  the  part  of  the  American  general  to  cover  the  feeble 
ness  of  his  actual  position,  and  the  poverty  of  his  numbers, 
from  the  knowledge  of  the  enemy,  and  to  collect  stores  and 
augment  his  forces  as  rapidly  as  possible.  In  the  month  of 
May,  his  encampment  at  Morristown  was  so  weakly  manned, 
as  appears  by  the  official  letters  of  Washington,  that  his  safety 
consisted  in  the  false  information  received  by  his  opponents. 
K 


194  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Magazines  of  stores  were  in  the  mean  time  prepared,  on  the 
east  side  of  the  North  river,  in  the  hilly  country  above  Peeks- 
kill,  called  Courtlandt's  manor,  and  the  arrival  from  France 
of  a  stock  of  munitions  of  war,  supplied  some  of  the  most 
pressing  deficencies.  A  vessel  of  twenty-four  guns  reached 
Portsmouth  with  about  ten  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  one 
thousand  barrels  of  powder,  and  ten  thousand  stands  of  arms 
were  received  in  another  quarter.  The  successive  arrivals 
of  recruits  augmented  the  army  of  Washington  to  more  than 
seven  thousand  men,  with  which  he  begun  the  campaign  at 
the  close  of  the  month  of  May. 

Before  the  regular  campaign  was  opened  between  the  two 
armies,  several  skirmishes  had  occured,  of  importance  in  the 
progress  of  events. 

General  Lincoln  was  stationed  at  Boundbrook,  with  about 
five  hundred  men.  Cornwallis,  who  was  quartered  at  Bruns- 
\  riii?  I  w*ck>  conceived  the  idea  of  surprising  this  body, 
I  and  with  this  view  marched  upon  them  suddenly 
on  the  morning  of  the  13th  of  April,  in  two  columns,  of  a 
thousand  men  each,  advancing  upon  both  sides  of  the  Rari- 
tan  river.  They  reached  within  a  hundred  paces  of  the 
American  quarters  before  they  were  discovered,  and  Lin 
coln  himself  with  difficulty  rejoined  his  troops  who  were 
already  engaged.  He  succeeded  in  making  his  retreat  and 
bringing  off  his  men,  with  the  loss  of  about  sixty  :  but  his 
papers,  stores,  and  three  pieces  of  artillery,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy. 

An  attack  was  made,  at  nearly  the  same  time,  by  a  body 
of  troops  despatched  by  Howe,  against  the  town  of  Peekskill. 
This  place  is  situated  about  fifty  miles  from  New  York, 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson  river,  and  is  a  kind  of 
port  to  the  hilly  country  in  which  the  American  stores  had 
been  collected.  There  were  several  magazines  of  the  kind, 
in  the  town  itself.  A  powerful  armament  was  sent  up  the 
river  in  transports,  and  the  American  troops  who  garrisoned 
the  place,  seeing  defence  impossible,  set  fire  to  the  stores, 
and  abandoned  the  place.  The  loss  was  severe,  but  the  En 
glish,  after  landing  and  taking  possession,  returned  without 
delay  to  New  Jersey. 

A  similar  enterprise,  but  more  important  in  its  consequen 
ces,  was  undertaken  by  the  English  a  few  days  afterwards, 
against  the  town  of  Danbury,  which  is  situated  near  the  line 
of  New  York,  in  the  county  of  Fairfield,  in  Connecticut. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  195 

There  was  there  a  large  depot  of  stores   and  provisions,  of 
great  value  to  the  Americans,  which  it  was  the  object  of 
the  British  expedition  to  capture    or  destroy.     There  were 
also  believed  to  be   numerous  loyalists,  or  tories,  in  that 
part  of  the  country,  from  whom  aid  and  recruits  were  ex 
pected.      The  command  was  given  to  General  Try  on,  late 
royal  governor  of  New  York.      Landing  at  Saugatuck,  on 
Long  Island  sound,  between  Norwalk  and  Fairfield,  |    A  rfl  25 
on  the  evening  of  the  25th  of  April,  with  two  thou-  | 
sand  men,  he    reached   Danbury  without   meeting  resist 
ance,  on  the  next  day.      The  slender  garrison  which  was 
stationed   there,  under   Colonel    Huntingdon,   retreated  at 
his  approach,  to  a  stronger  position  in  the  rear.  After  destroy 
ing  the  stores,  without  receiving  any  of  the  expected  co-ope 
ration  from  the  loyalists,  the  British  commenced  their  return, 
but  not  with  the  same  security.  The  country  around  them  had 
begun  to  rally,  and  the  militia  collected  themselves  at  Read 
ing,  impatient  to  check  the  insulting  progress  of  the  enemy. 
Arnold,  who  was  in  the  neighborhood  on  recruiting  service, 
hastened  to  join  them,  and  old  General  Wooster,  now  in  his 
seventieth  year,    summoned  reinforcements  and  marched 
with  alacrity  to  join  them.     The  force  collected  amounted  to 
about  six  hundred  men ;  the  English  retreated  by  the  way  of 
Ridgefield ;   but  before  they  reached  there,  the  Americans 
had  divided  their  forces,  one  party  under  Wooster,  hanging 
upon  the  rear  to  harass  them,  whilst  Arnold,  with  the  larger 
division,  pushed  on  to  Ridgefield  to  intercept  them.     In  the 
pursuit,  the  veteran  Wooster,  while  leading  his  men  on,  with 
all  the  gallantry  of  youth,  received  a  mortal  wound.     Arnold 
reached  Ridgefield  by  great  exertions,  about  midnight ;  and 
his  men,  augmented  to  about  five  hundred  in  number,  threw 
up   barricadoes  across  the  streets,  manned  the  houses  with 
soldiers,  and  determined  to  make  a  stand.     A  hot  action  en 
sued,  but  the  great  superiority  of  the  British  in  number, 
enabled  them  to  out-flank  the  American  position,  and  force 
them  to  retreat.     Tryon  remained  all  night  at  Ridgefield,  and 
committed  numerous  outrages,  burning  and  wantonly  destroy 
ing  private  property,  as  well  as  a  church,  in  which  some 
public  stores  were  placed.     The  next  morning,  he  pursued 
his  march  to  Norwalk,  along  the  east  bank  of  the  I 
Saugatuck  river,  pursued  and  harassed  by  Arnold,  | 
who  kept  the  west  side,  until  both  parties  reached  Saugatuck 
bridge.     There  a  sharp  conflict  was  kept  up  for  a  quarter  of 


196  HISTORY    OF   THE 

an  hour,  but  the  English  forced  their  way  by  hard  fighting", 
to  their  shipping,  and  embarked  under  a  galling  fire  from 
Arnold's  militia.  The  American  stores  destroyed  in  this 
expedition,  were  a  heavy  loss  to  them.  They  had  about 
sixty  men  killed  and  wounded,  while  the  loss  of  the  British 
was  five  hundred. 

General  Wooster  died  of  his  wounds  on  the  2d  of  May. 
Congress  passed  resolutions  expressive  of  gratitude  for  his 
services  and  character,  and  decreed  a  monument  to  be  erect 
ed  to  his  memory.  Arnold,  whose  horse  was  shot  under 
him  in  the  fight,  received  from  Congress  the  present  of  a  horse 
fully  caparisoned,  and  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major 
general. 

One  of  the  most  encouraging  results  of  this  expedition, 
was  the  defeat  of  the  anticipations  of  the  enemy  of  finding 
friends  and  efficient  supporters  among  the  natives.  None  de 
clared  themselves  for  the  British,  and  the  outrages  committed 
by  the  invaders,  roused  the  whole  population  to  resentment- 

Not  long  afterwards,  a  daring  expedition  was  planned  and 
successfully  accomplished,  by  a  party  of  American  militia, 
against  a  depot  of  British  stores.  Magazines  of  forage,  and 
provisions,  had  been  collected  at  Sagg  harbor,  a  port  on  the 
east  end  of  Long  Island,  under  the  protection  of  a  detach 
ment  of  infantry,  and  an  armed  sloop.  The  navigation  was 
believed  to  be  entirely  commanded  by  the  English  vessels. 
Colonel  Meigs  of  Connecticut  crossed  the  sound  one  night 
with  a  party  of  Connecticut  militia,  170  in  number,  in  whale- 
boats,  and  reached  the  Harborbefore  day.  He  surprised  the 
guards,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  burned  a  dozen  brigs 
and  sloops,  totally  destroyed  every  thing  on  shore  which 
the  enemy  had  collected,  and  returned  safely  with  nume 
rous  prisoners  to  Guilford.  This  brilliant  affair  took  ulace  on 
the  23d  of  May. 

The  main  operations  of  both  armies  were,  in  the  mean  time, 
suspended  for  an  unusual  length  of  time.  The  British  army 
delayed  commencing  any  offensive  operations,  and  that  of 
Washington  profited  very  much  by  the  season  of  inaction. 
They  were  gradually  reinforced,  by  recruits  and  militia,  and 
their  policy  was  to  wait  the  development  of  the  plans  of 
the  enemy,  and  make  provision  for  encountering  him  in  any 
direction,  against  which  he  might  decide  on  moving.  Gene 
ral  Burgoyne  was  already  in  Canada,  with  a  powerful  army, 
and  it  was  obvious  to  Washington,  that  General  Howe  would 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  197 

cither  attempt  to  seize  on  the  passes  of  the  North  river,  and 
thus  co-operate  directly  with  Burgoyne,  or  leaving  that  for 
future  movements,  would  follow  up  at  first  the  attempts  of 
the  previous  campaign,  and  march  upon  Philadelphia.  As 
a  precaution  against  both  these  movements,  he  determined 
to  open  the  campaign  by  descending  from  his  position  at 
JVlorristown.  and  post  his  army  on  the  high  ground  north  of 
the  Brunswick  road  to  Philadelphia,  extending  his  left  to 
wards  the  river  and  stationing  a  considerable  force  at  Peeks- 
kill.  By  this  management  his  forces  could  be  readily  con 
centrated  at  either  point;  for  the  defence  of  Philadelphia,  or 
to  protect  the  forts  and  passes  of  the  river.  On  the 
25th  of  May,  he  formed  his  new  camp  at  Mid- 
dlebrook,  about  ten  miles  from  Brunswick,  a  position  natu 
rally  very  strong,  which  he  fortified  with  careful  entrench 
ments.  His  troops,  exclusive  of  artillery  and  cavalry,  were 
about  eight  thousand  three  hundred  men,  of  whom  more 
than  two  thousand  were  sick. 

The  real  design  of  General  Howe,  was  the  recovery  of 
New  Jersey,  and  the  capture  of  Philadelphia.  This  is  gen 
erally  charged  upon  him  as  a  military  fault.  The  army  of 
Burgoyne,  about  to  descend  from  Canada,  was  the  chief  reli 
ance  of  the  British  ministry,  for  subduing  America.  A 
junction  with  the  army  in  New  York,  with  the  command 
of  the  Hudson  and  the  lakes,  would  have  separated  the 
States,  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  force  already  in  Rhode  Island, 
given  the  whole  of  New  England  into  the  power  of  the 
British  army.  Instead  of  entering  zealously  and  at  once 
into  this  plan,  General  Howe  delayed  some  time,  in  the 
effort  to  draw  General  Washington  into  action,  and  finally 
postponed  his  co-operation  with  the  northern  army,  for  an  at 
tack  upon  Philadelphia.  He  perhaps  hoped  so  thoroughly  to 
subdue  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  by  this  enterprise,  as  to 
be  able  to  make  a  clear  field  for  the  approach  of  General  Bur 
goyne.  The  calculations  failed  as  signally  below,  as  the 
main  expedition  above.  Philadelphia  fell,  but  neither  Con 
gress  nor  the  people  were  subdued  nor  terrified ;  and  when 
Burgoyne  descended  the  Hudson,  it  was  not  as  a  flushed 
conqueror,  but  as  a  captive  to  the  despised  republicans. 

On  the  night  of  the  14th  of  June,  General  Howe  made 
a  bold  effort  to  entice  Washington  from  his  camp,  and  bring 
on  an  action.  The  whole  army,  with  the  exception  of  two 
thousand  soldiers,  who  were  left  to  protect  the  baggage  and 


198  HISTORY   OP   THE 

bridge  equipage,  at  Brunswick,  marched  out  in  two  columns, 
and  advanced  to  Somerset  court-house,  with  the  apparent 
design  to  cross  the  Delaware.  Washington  was  too  wary  to 
believe,  that  they  would  be  rash  enough  to  cross  in  front  of 
a  formidable  opposition,  and  with  an  army  in  the  rear,  and 
did  not  fail  to  remark,  that  the  bridges  prepared  to  cross  with, 
had  been  left  behind.  When  the  enemy  approached,  with 
out  leaving  his  strong  position,  he  drew  up  his  army  in  or 
der  of  battle,  and  kept  them  under  arms  all  night.  The  New 
Jersey  militia  assembled  with  alacrity ;  and  Howe,  finding 
his  scheme  frustrated,  retreated  to  Brunswick  on  the  19th, 
and  gathered  all  his  forces  towards  that  point.  Washing 
ton,  relieved  of  his  present  fears  for  the  river  passages, 
ordered  down  a  part  of  his  force  at  Peekskill,  and  strength 
ened  himself  at  Middlebrook.  The  movements  of  the  Brit 
ish  to  and  fro,  were  marked  with  devastation  and  cruelty. 
They  burned,  ravaged  and  destroyed,  without  respect  to 
property,  or  persons. 

The  rapid  advance  on  the  14th  having  failed  in  its  object,  the 
British  general  tried  another  feint,  and  a  few  days  afterwards 
made  as  rapid  a  retreat  to  Amboy.  His  baggage  having  be  en 
sent  across  to  Staten  Island,  he  threw  a  bridge  over  the  chan 
nel,  and  several  detachments  passed  over,  as  though  it  had 
been  his  final  intention  to  abandon  New  Jersey,  and  march 
upon  Philadelphia.  Washington  despatched  strong  parties  to 
pursue  and  harass  his  march,  commanded  by  Generals  Greene, 
Maxwell,  and  Sullivan,  and  Colonel  Morgan,  and  in  order  to 
follow  up  the  retreating  army,  left  his  camp  at  Middlebrook, 
and  with  his  whole  army  took  up  a  new  position  at  Quibble- 
town,  six  or  seven  miles  nearer  to  Amboy.  General  Howe 
promptly  endeavoured  to  take  advantage  of  the  success  of 
k*s  manoeuvre.  On  the  night  of  the  25th  of  June, 
he  suddenly  recalled  his  troops  from  the  island, 
and  advanced  swiftly  towards  the  Americans.  Washing 
ton,  with  equal  rapidity,  retraced  his  own  movements.  Recall 
ing  his  advance,  he  resumed  his  position  on  the  heights,  and 
the  British  only  succeeded  in  engaging  the  brigade  under 
the  command  of  Lord  Sterling.  That,  after  maintaining  a 
hot  action,  retreated  with  little  loss,  and  the  British  forces, 
foiled  again,  withdrew  to  Amboy  on  the  27th,  and  three 
days  afterwards  passed  finally  over  to  Staten  Island, 
leaving  General  Washington  in  undisturbed  pos 
session  of  New  Jersey.  The  fleet  under  the  command  of 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  199 

Admiral  Howe,  was  lying  at  Sandy  Hook,  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  island.  The  destination  of  their  fleet  and  army 
from  this  point,  was  a  subject  of  great  anxiety  to  all  America. 
They  had  it  in  their  power,  having  the  command  of  the  sea, 
to  land  at  any  point  of  the  country,  and  the  Hudson,  Phila 
delphia,  Charleston,  and  Boston,  were  alternately  looked  to 
as  the  objects  of  the  expedition.  A  sudden  movement  to  the 
north  side  of  Staten  Island,  led  Washington  to  believe  that 
the  Hudson  was  the  point;  and  he  accordingly  reinforced  the 
northern  army,  changed  his  camp  to  the  old  position  at  Mor- 
ristown,  and  strengthened  the  river  forts  and  garrisons.  This 
uncertainty  continued  for  a  long  time,  the  various  changes  of 
position  made  by  Howe  being  considered  for  the  most  part 
as  feints  to  conceal  a  real  purpose.  Washington  becoming 
more  convinced  that  Philadelphia  was  the  object*,  turned  as 
much  of  his  care  in  that  direction  as  was  consistent  with 
prudence.  The  Pennsylvania  militia  were  called  out,  to  ren 
dezvous  at  Chester,  and  those  of  New  Jersey  were  summon 
ed  at  Gloucester.  At  last,  on  the  23d  of  July,  the  British  fleet 
sailed  from  Sandy  Hook.  It  consisted  of  more  than  juiy  23, 
three  hundred  vessels,  and  carried  thirty-six  British  1777- 
and  Hessian  battalions,  including  light  infantry  and  grena 
diers,  with  a  powerful  corps  of  artillery,  amounting  in  all  to 
about  eighteen  thousand  men.  The  rest  of  the  army,  seven 
teen  battalions,  was  left  under  the  command  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  for  the  protection  of  New  York.  The  fleet  was  re 
ported  to  steer  southwardly,  and  the  same  doubt  as  to  their 
object,  continued  to  harass  the  public  mind,  and  perplex 
the  Commander-in-chief.  A  letter  was  intercepted,  which 
stated  New  Hampshire  to  be  the  point,  but  so  convinced  was 
Washington  that  it  was  intended  to  mislead,  that  he  instantly 
marched  to  the  south.  He  halted  for  a  while  on  the  Dela 
ware,  hesitating  to  believe  that  Howe  could  absolutely  aban 
don  the  Hudson,  where  he  was  expected  to  aid  the  Northern 
army.  On  the  31st,  the  fleet  came  in  sight  of  the  capes  of 
the  Delaware,  but  from  some  change  of  plan,  instead  of  en 
tering,  put  to  sea  again,  and  were  not  heard  of  for  weeks. 
This  increased  the  uncertainty  and  anxiety  of  the  American 
army,  which  marched  and  counter-marched  through  New 
Jersey  according  to  the  various  reports  that  were  received, 
until  all  doubts  were  dispelled  by  intelligence  of  the  arri 
val  of  the  British  fleet  in  the  Chesapeake,  and  the  disem 
barkation  of  the  army  at  Turkey  point,  at  the  mouth  of  the 


300  HISTORY    OF    THE 


Elk  river,  in  Maryland.  General  Washington 
instantly  marched  his  whole  army  through  Phila 
delphia,  to  oppose  them.  He  had  a  considerable  nominal 
force,  but  his  effective  strength  did  not  exceed  eleven 
thousand.  On  the  3d  of  September,  the  armies  approached 
each  other,  and  Washington,  after  manoeuvring  several  days 
to  avoid  being  out-flanked  by  a  superior  force,  finally  fell 
back  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Brandywine  river,  at  Chadd's 
ford,  where  he  made  a  stand  to  dispute  the  passage  with  the 
enemy.  Congress  and  the  people  called  upon  the  general 
to  risk  a  battle  there,  for  the  defence  of  Philadelphia. 

The  discipline  of  the  army  had  been  much  improved  dur 
ing  their  stay  in  New  Jersey,  by  the  French  officers,  who 
had  joined  it,  either  as  volunteers  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  or 
on  the  invitation  of  Silas  Deane,  the  American  envoy  at 
Paris.  Some  of  these  were  veteran  and  skillful  soldiers, 
whose  experience  in  European  warfare,  and  knowledge 
of  military  tactics,  was-  of  much  value  to  the  new  levies  of 
the  States.  He  who  added  most  lustre  to  the  French  name, 
not  by  military  knowledge,  but  by  his  personal  virtue?,  the" 
splendor  of  his  individual  character,  and  the  enthusiastic 
disinterestedness  with  which  he  had  embraced  the  Ameri 
can  service,  was  the  young  Marquis  de  La  Fayette.  At 
the  age  of  nineteen,  h^  had  risked  every  thing  to  join  a  sink 
ing  cause,  escaped  with  difficulty  from  France,  from  a  court 
circle  the  gayest  in  Europe,  a  fortune  beyond  his  wishes, 
a  home  endeared  by  a  newly  wedded  and  fondly  loved  wife, 
against  the  commands  of  his  sovereign,  and  though  chased  by 
cruisers  to  arrest  and  bring  him  back,  brought  his  sword  and 
his  arm  to  the  service  of  liberty.  His  arrival  inspirited  Con 
gress  and  the  people,  by  the  proofs  of  ardent  sympathy  which 
it  displayed,  and  the  hopes  of  "efficient  succor  from  abroad 
which  it  encouraged.  At  the  Brandywine,  he  occupied  a 
distinguished  post  in  the  army.  \ 

The  landing  of  Howe  in  the  Chesapeake,  made  manifest 
to  Washington  that  the  British  forces  were  not  acting  under 
a  common  head,  and  for  a  joint  plan  of  operation.  They 
were,  in  fact,  divided  into  three  independent  bodies,  two  of 
which  at  least,  those  under  Burgoyne  and  Howe,  aimed  at 
distinct  objects,  tending  only  remotely  to  a  union.  Bur 
goyne  in  the  north  was  pushing  on  with  rapidity,  and  in 
apparent  triumph,  from  Crown  Point  towards  Albany  :  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  with  a  large  force,  was  inactive  at  New  York; 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  201 

and  Sir  William  Howe  was  pursuing  a  separate  purpose  in 
the  middle  States.  The  campaign  of  Burgoyne  will  be 
narrated  presently,  in  a  connected  form.  We  shall  here 
pursue  the  fortunes  of  the  army  which,  on  the  llth  of  Sep 
tember  1777,  was  approaching  the  Brandywine  river,  to  force 
its  way  to  Philadelphia. 

One  anecdote  of  an  enterprise,  which  occurred  some  time 
before  in  the  north,  deserves  to  be  recorded  here,  though  not 
strictly  in  the  order  of  the  narrative.  Though  not  of  much 
real  importance,  it  produced  a  great  exultation  to  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  was  exceedingly  mortifying  to  the  British.  The 
British  force  at  Rhode  Island,  consisting  of  seven  battalions 
and  a  considerable  fleet,  was  commanded  by  General  Pres- 
cott,  who,  being  so  superior  in  force  to  any  that  could  be 
brought  against  him,  kept  negligent' guard.  Aware  of  this, 
and  anxious  to  retaliate  for  the  capture  of  General  Lee,  a 
party  of  Americans,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Barton, 
to  the  number  of  about  forty,  formed  a  plan  of  surprising  the 
general  in  his  quarters,  and  carrying  him  off.  Embarking 
by  night  in  whale-boats,  and  cautiously  rowing  between  the 
enemy's  ships,  they  landed  on  the  coast  between  Newport 
and  Bristol  Ferry,  and  having  silently  reached  the  lodgings 
of  Prescott,  arrested  him  in  bed,  and  conducted  him  safely 
through  his  own  troops  and  fleet  -back  to  the  main  land. 
Congress  voted  their  thanks,  and  presented  a  sword  to  Colo 
nel  Barton,  for  this  daring  feat. 

The  battle  of  the  Brandywine  was  hazarded  by  Washing 
ton  more  in  compliance  with  the  public  call  for  decisive  ac 
tion,  and  the  impatience  of  delay,  than  in  accordance  with 
his  own  judgment.  His  army  was  inferior  in  numbers  and 
discipline,  and  he  might  easily  have  assumed  a  position 
among  the  hills  too  strong  to  be  forced,  which  would  have 
retarded  the  royal  troops,  and  forced  them  to  waste  the  sea 
son  to  little  •'  purpose.  But  delay  had  dissatisfied  both 
Congress  and  the  public  expectation,  and  it  was  determined 
to  try  the  fortune  of  battle. 

The  army  of  Sir  William  Howe  advanced,  at  day-break 
on  the  morning  of  the  llth  of  September,  in  two 
columns  against  the  American  position.    The  first, 
under  the  Hessian  General  Kniphausen,  was  directed  against 
Chadd's  ford,  with  the  design  of  forcing  a  passage  at  that  point. 
The  main  point  of  attack  was,  however,  not  there.     This 
column,  which  was  the  right,  was  instructed  to  delay  making 


202  HISTORY   OF   THE 

a  final  effort,  until  the  other  column  had  succeeded  in  its 
manoeuvres.  The  left  column,  led  by  Generals  Howe  and 
Cornwallis,  was  composed  of  two- thirds  of  the  whole  strength 
of  the  British  army.  It  was  decided  to  make  a  considerable 
circuit  towards  the  left,  and  crossing  the  forks  of  the  Brandy- 
wine  above,  to  descend  against  the  American  right,  at  the 
same  time  that  the  column  at  Chadd's  ford  should  make  a 
brisk  charge  in  front.  Washington,  on  being  advised  of  the 
separation  of  the  columns,  immediately  conceived  the  bold 
design,  of  leaving  Generals  Sullivan  and  Sterling  to  keep 
Howe  and  Cornwallis  in  check,  and  crossing  the  ford 
himself  with  the  bulk  of  his  force,  to  attack  Kniphausen. 
While  issuing  his  orders  for  this  movement,  information  was 
brought  him  by  Colonel  Bland  of  Virginia,  contradicting  the 
first  intelligence,  and  declaring  the  movement  of  the  second 
column  to  be  only  a  feint  to  divide  the  American  strength, 
and  that  it  had  already  commenced  its  return  to  join  the 
Germans  at  Chadd's  ford.  In  the  uncertainty  produced  by 
these  confused  accounts,  the  order  was  countermanded,  and 
the  Americans  continued  their  defence  of  the  ford,  under 
the  expectation  that  Kniphausen  would  soon  attempt  to  force 
a  passage,  supported  by  the  whole  British  strength.  At  two 
o'clock,  he  had  not  made  the  attempt,  and  all  doubt  of  the 
course  of  the  left  column  was  dissipated  by  intelligence  that 
Generals  Howe  and  Cornwallis  had  crossed  the  forks  of  the 
Brandywine,  and  were  in  full  march  down  the  north  side  of 
the  river,  against  the  American  right.  An  immediate  change 
of  plan  was  ordered  by  Washington.  Wayne  was  left  to  dis 
pute  the  passage  of  the  ford  with  Kniphausen,  who  was 
about  making  his  concerted  charge  ;  Sullivan  was  ordered  to 
inarch  a  division  to  the  right,  to  oppose  the  advancing  column, 
and  General  Greene,  with  his  corps,  was  posted  in  the  centre, 
as  a  reserve,  to  succor  either  party,  as  the  circumstances  might 
require.  It  was  four  o'clock  before  Sullivan  reached  ground 
upon  which  he  could  form,  and  before  his  right  was  properly 
in  order,  the  enemy,  under  Cornwallis,  attacked  that  side  of 
his  force,  which  instantly  gave  way,  and  the  disorder  spread 
irretrievably  until  the  whole  division  was  routed.  As  soon 
as  the  firing  was  heard  in  this  direction,  Washington  in  per 
son,  with  General  Greene  and  his  corps,  hastened  to  the  aid 
of  Sullivan,  but  arrived  only  in  time  to  check  the  career  of 
the  enemy  and  cover  the  retreat  of  the  flying  troops.  A 
Virginia  brigade  under  General  Weedon,  Colonel  Marshall's 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  203 

Virginia  regiment,  and  Colonel  Stewart's  Pennsylvania  regi 
ment,  displayed  the  most  determined  spirit,  and  kept  up  the 
action  with  Cornwallis  till  night  put  a  stop  to  it,  and  Gene 
ral  Greene  drew  off  his  troops  in  safety.  Wayne  had  been 
compelled  to  give  way  before  Kniphausen,  and  the  day 
terminated  in  the  success  of  all  the  leading  plans  of  the 
enemy.  The  whole  American  army  re  treated  <  to  Chester 
that  same  night,  and  soon  after  to  Philadelphia.  Their  loss 
was  computed  at  three  hundred  killed,  six  hundred  wounded, 
and  nearly  five  hundred  prisoners ;  they  also  lost  ten  field- 
pieces  and  a  howitzer.  The  British  loss  was  much  less,  not 
amounting  to  five  hundred  in  all,  of  which  the  slain  were 
about  one  hundred. 

The  French  officers  behaved  with  gallantry,  and  were  of 
great  service  to  the  Americans.  One  of  them,  the  Baron  St. 
Ovary,  was  made  prisoner ;  and  the  Marquis  La  Fayette,  while 
rallying  his  troops  with  spirit  and  activity,  was  wounded  in 
the  leg,  but  refusecUo  quit  the  field.  Count  Pulaski,  a  noble 
Pole,  who  had  distinguished  himself  at  home,  led  on  the 
light-horse  with  undaunted  gallantry,  and  Congress  testified 
their  sense  of  his  merit,  by  promoting  him  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier,  arid  giving  him  the  command  of  the  cavalry. 

The  British  followed  up  their  successes  the  next  day,  by 
seizing  upon  Wilmington,  on  the  Delaware. 

The  loss  of  the  battle  did  not  produce  the  dispiriting  effect 
upon  Congress  or  the  army,  which  might  have  been  anti 
cipated.  The  coolness  and  courage  with  which  many  of 
the  regiments  had  behaved,  rather  tended  to  beget  a  higher 
tone  of  confidence.  Measures  were  taken  to  prevent  any 
depression  among  the  people,  and  to  reinforce  the  army,  and 
to  manifest  a  feeling  of  perfect  security.  Fifteen  hundred 
troops  were  sent  from  Peekskill ;  large  detachments  of  mili 
tia  summoned  from  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  and  a 
brigade  of  the  regular  line  under  General  Small  wood,  from 
Alexandria,  to  strengthen  the  army  of  Washington.  The 
commander-in-chief  was  authorized  to  impress  all  horses, 
wagons,  and  provisions,  necessary  for  the  army.  The  general 
orders  which  he  issued  spoke  in  terms  of  commendation  of 
the  behavior  of  the  army  in  the  late  engagement,  and  promised 
them  success  in  another  battle.  Having  allowed  them  to  rest  a 
day  in  the  environs  of  German towrn,  he  resolved  to  try  an 
other  general  action,  before  yielding  Philadelphia  to  the  ene 
my  With  this  determination  he  recrossed  the  Schuylkill  on 


204  HISTORY   OF   THE 


isth  I  ^e  ^k  °^  September,  and  marched  to  face  the 
I  British  army,  which  was  advancing  upon  Philadel 
phia  by  the  Lancaster  road.  He  took  up  a  position  at  the 
Warren  tavern,  about  twenty-three  miles  from  Philadelphia, 
with  the  double  object  of  covering  his  stores  which  were 
deposited  at  Reading,  and  waiting  to  give  the  enemy  battle. 
The  next  morning  the  advance  guards  of  the  armies  com 
menced  an  engagement  which  lasted  only  a  few  moments. 
A  violent  storm  came  on,  which  separated  the  combatants  ; 
the  rain  fell  in  such  quantities  and  with  such  force,  for  the 
whole  of  that  day  and  the  next,  that  both  parties  were  obliged 
to  remain  inactive,  and  the  consequences  compelled  the 
American  army  to  retreat  immediately.  It  was  found  that 
their  ammunition  was  damaged,  and  the  gun-locks  and  car 
tridge-boxes,  from  defective  construction  were  unfit  for  use.  On 
the  18th,  Washington  filed  off  towards  Reading,  the  enemy 
being  unable,  from  the  effects  of  the  same  storm,  to  pursue 
him.  He  ascended  the  Schuylkill,  crossed  it  to  obtain  a 
supply  of  ammunition,  and  on  the  19th,  recrossed  it  at  Par 
ker's  ferry,  and  took  up  a  position,  on  Parkyomy 

Sept.  19th.  -    J..f  •       ,-,  r  n  /.        ,.        ,i          /        J 

creek,  fortifying  the  passes  and  fronting  the  advanc 
ing  enemy,  with  the  determination  of  risking  a  battle. 

A  severe  disaster  occurred  at  this  time  to  the  republican 
forces.  On  recrossing  the  Schuylkill,  Washington  had  de 
tached  General  Wayne  with  1500  men,  to  join  the  corps  of 
Smallwood,  and  harass  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  with  instruc 
tions  to  conceal  his  movements.  While  encamped  near 
the  Paoli  tavern,  his  position  was  discovered,  and  he  him 
self  surprised  by  a  British  detachment  under  General  Grey 
The  out-posts  and  picquets  were  forced  without  noise,  on  the 
night  of  the  20th  of  September,  and  before  the  soldiers  could 
form,  a  murderous  slaughter  commenced.  When  they  did 
form,  under  a  fierce  attack,  it  was  unfortunately  in  front  of 
their  fires,  which  exposed  them  to  the  charge  of  the  British, 
and  three  hundred  of  them  were  bayonetted,  with  the  loss  of 
only  eight  of  the  enemy.  Wayne,  with  great  exertions,  suc 
ceeded  in  rallying  some  of  his  soldiers  and  covering  the 
retreat  of  the  survivors. 

Howe  could  now  safely  push  forward  towards  Philadelphia, 
Washington  was  before  him,  with  an  inferior  army  and  with 
two  most  important  points  to  defend.  He  could  not  protect 
the  extensive  magazines  of  provisions  and  military  stores, 
established  at  Reading,  without  exposing  the  capital,  almost 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  205 

undefended,  to  be  taken  by  a  movement  of  the  British  army 
to  the  right,  and  crossing  the  Schuylkill.  He  could  only 
hope  to  save  Philadelphia,  by  interposing  his  army  at  once 
between  General  Howe  and  the  capital,  abandoning  his 
stores,  and  risking  a  final  and  probably  a  fatal  battle.  The 
soldiers  were  fatigued  and  worn  out,  by  constant  marchings 
and  counter-marchings,  since  the  landing  of  the  British  at  the 
Elk,  on  the  26th  of  August.  Since  the  defeat  of  Brandy- 
win^,  they  had  been  exposed  to  heavy  rains,  without  cover 
ing,  destitute  of  stores,  and  scantily  supplied  in  all  things, 
and  had  crossed  and  recrossed  several  large  streams,  almost 
daily.  To  hazard  both  the  capital,  the  army,  and  the  stores, 
in  a  single  action,  under  such  circumstances,  was  decided 
by  Washington,  to  be  too  rash  a  scheme  to  be  risked,  although 
the  calls  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  for  another  battle 
were  loud  and  urgent.  He  determined  to  abandon  the  city  : 
and  on  a  movement  of  the  British  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Schuylkill  towards  Reading,  the  American  army  retreated 
rapidly  up  the  stream  to  Pottsgrove,  leaving  the  lower  road 
open  to  the  enemy.  On  the  night  of  the  23d  of  September, 
the  whole  British  army  was  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Schuyl 
kill,  between  Washington  and  the  capital,  and  three  days 
afterwards,  General  CornwTallis,  without  opposition,  took  pos 
session  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  with  part  of  his  I 

mi  .       c  j.u  i    r-i.    •  •          Sept.  26. 

troops.     The  rest  01  the  army  was  leit  in    posi-  j 

tion  at  Germantown.     Four  regiments  were  posted  in  the 

city. 

Congress,  on  the  retreat  of  Washington  from  the  Warren 
tavern  on  the  18th,  considering  themselves  insecure  in  Phi 
ladelphia,  had  adjourned  immediately  to  Lancaster.  The 
public  archives  and  stores  were  removed  to  the  same  place. 
On  the  fall  of  Philadelphia,  they  retired  to  Yorktown.  Before 
removing,  they  invested  Washington  with  the  same  dicta 
torial  powers,  as  had  been  granted  after  the  reverses  in  New 
Jersey.  Some  of  the  leading  citizens  in  Philadelphia,  chiefly 
Quakers,  who  were  disaffected  to  the  American  cause,  were 
arrested  and  sent  to  Virginia,  as  a  measure  of  precaution. 

On  the  occupation  of  the  city  by  the  enemy,  Washington 
led  his  army,  consisting  of  about  eleven  thousand  men, — eight 
thousand  regulars.,  and  three  thousand  militia, — along  the  left 
bank  of  the  Schuylkill ;  and  encamped  them  at  Schippack 
creek,  about  eleven  miles  from  Germantown. 

The  British  fleet,  which  had  landed  the  army  in  the  Ches- 
S 


206  HISTORY    OP    THE 

apeake,  were  now  ordered  round  into  the  Delaware.  Foresee 
ing  this,  the  Americans  had  taken  early  steps  to  obstruct  the 
navigation  of  the  river,  so  that  the  vessels  could  not  pass  up. 
Cheveaux  de  Frise  were  sunk  in  the  river,  and  forts  erected 
on  Mud  Island,  at  Red  Bank,  opposite  on  the  Jersey  shore, 
and  at  Billing's  Point,  on  the  same  shore  below.  Mud  Island 
is  about  seven  miles  below  Philadelphia.  In  the  channel 
between  Mud  Island  and  Red  Bank,  double  rows  of  Cheveaux 
de  Frise  were  sunk,  consisting  of  large  pieces  of  timber 
strongly  clamped,  and  pointed  with  iron.  These  were  pro 
tected  by  galleys,  floating  batteries,  and  armed  ships. 

The  fort  on  Mud  Island  was  called  Fort  Mifflin,  and  that 
upon  Red  Bank,  Fort  Mercer. 

It  was  important  to  Sir  William  Howe,  to  destroy  these 
works,  and  open  a  communication  between  the  fleet  and  the 
army.  The  American  army,  lying  above,  would  effect 
ually  obstruct  all  supplies  by  land  ;  and  unless  means  of  access 
by  water  could  be  furnished  to  the  fleet  below,  he  would  have 
been  compelled  to  evacuate  the  city.  Two  regiments  were 
accordingly  despatched  by  General  Howe  to  dislodge  the 
Americans  from  Billing's  Point,  which  was  done  without 
much  difficulty.  The  garrison  spiked  the  guns,  and  aban 
doned  the  works  on  the  advance  of  the  enemy.  A  part  of 
the  fleet  was  thus  enabled  to  advance,  and  with  great  labor 
finally  cleared  out  a  narrow  passage  through  the  Cheveaux 
de  Frise  for  the  shipping.  This  being  done,  a  third  regiment 
was  sent  to  Chester,  to  convoy  a  quantity  of  provisions  to 
the  camp,  the  whole  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Ster 
ling.  These  three  regiments,  and  the  four  battalions  in 
Philadelphia,  being  separated  from  the  main  body,  Washing 
ton  determined  to  surprise  the  army  of  Howe  at  German- 
town  ;  and  accordingly  moved  down  rapidly  from  his  camp 
at  Schippack  creek,  on  the  evening  of  the  3d  of  October, 
and  reached  Germantown  early  on  the  4th.  His  army  had 
been  strengthened  by  a  reinforcement  from  Peekskill,  and  a 
body  of  Maryland  militia. 

The  British  lines  crossed  the  valley  of  Germantown  at  right 
angles  near  its  centre ;  its  flanks  were  strongly 
guarded,  and  one  of  them,  the  left,  rested  upon  the 
Schuylkill.  The  American  army  was  divided  into  several 
columns,  which  made  simultaneous  attacks  by  different  roads, 
upon  the  enemy's  positions,  and  at  first  success  seemed  cer 
tain.  About  sunrise,  General  Sullivan  drove  in  the  British 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  207 

piquets  on  the  British  left,  and  Greene  was  equally  success 
ful  on  the  right.  Several  brigades  penetrated  the  town,  and 
victory  appeared  to  be  decided  in  favor  of  the  Americans. 
The  fortune  of  the  day  was  changed  by  an  unlooked  for 
event.  Colonel  Musgrave,  a  British  officer,  in  retreating  be 
fore  the  division  of  Sullivan,  threw  himself,  with  his  com 
panies  of  light  troops,  into  a  stone  house,  called  Chew's  house, 
and  made  a  most  gallant  and  persevering  defence.  Every 
attempt  to  dislodge  him  proved  ineffectual.  The  Ameri 
can  line  was  checked,  and  thrown  into  disorder.  A  fog 
which  had  risen  increased  the  confusion,  and  gave  the  enemy 
time  to  rally.  The  spirit  of  the  troops  flagged,  and  in  the 
midst  of  a  career  of  apparent  victory,  they  were  thus  check 
ed  and  finally  began  to  retreat.  All  efforts  to  rally  them 
were  unavailing  and  Washington,  seeing  the  battle  lost,  drew 
off  his  troops,  just  as  Cornwallis  came  up  with  a  squadron  of 
horse,  to  the  succor  of  the  British.  The  pursuit  continued 
for  some  miles,  but  the  Americans  saved  all  their  artillery. 
Their  loss  was  about  two  hundred  killed,  among  whom  was 
General  Nash  of  North  Carolina,  six  hundred  wounded,  and 
several  hundred  prisoners.  Of  the  British,  the  killedwere 
about  one  hundred  in  number,  and  the  wounded  four  hun 
dred. 

The  American  army  retreated  about  twenty  miles  to 
Parkyomy  creek,  and  being  reinforced  by  1500  militia,  re 
turned  to  their  old  camp  at  Scihppack.  Congress  by  a  vote 
approved  of  the  plan  of  attack,  and  returned  thanks  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers,  for  their  conduct  at  the  battle  of  Ger- 
mantown. 

General  Howe  immediately  broke  up  his  encampment  at 
German  town,  and  moved  his  whole  force  into  the  city.  Pro 
visions  began  to  grow  scarce,  and  he, found  it  necessary  to 
turn  his  whole  attention  to  the  opening  of  the  navigation  of 
the  Delaware.  Washington  strengthened  the  garrisons  at  forts 
Miffiin  and  Mercer,  called  upon  the  government  of  New 
Jersey  to  turn  out  the  militia  to  form  a  camp  to  support 
them,  commanded  all  the  roads  leading  to  the  city  by  his 
detachments,  and  under  the  authority  of  Congress  proclaim 
ed  martial  law  against  all  citizens  who  should  furnish  the 
enemy  with  supplies.  Thus  situated,  General  Howe  found, 
as  Franklin  sarcastically  remarked,  that  "  instead  of  taking 
Philadelphia,  Philadelphia  had  taken  him." 


208  HISTORY  OF    THE 

The  main  body  of  the  American  army  took  post  at  White 
Marsh,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  city. 

No  change  of  position  was  made  by  either  army,  nor  ac 
tion  of  moment  undertaken  on  either  side,  until  the  22d  of 
the  month ;  previous  to  which  the  campaign  in  the  North 
had  concluded  triumphantly,  by  the  total  defeat  of  the  Brit 
ish,  and  the  capture  of  Burgoyne  and  his  army.  To  pursue 
a  connected  narrative  of  the  events  of  1777  in  that  quarter, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  go  back  several  months  in  the  order  of 
time,  to  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  in  the  North. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  209 


CHAPTER  X. 

GENERAL  Burgoyne,  who  had  served  in  Canada  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1776,  under  General  Carleton,  arrived  at  Quebec  in 
the  beginning  of  the  month  of  May,  1777,  and  was  followed 
by  a  large  regular  force  from-  England,  designed  to  make  a 
descent  upon  the  United  States  through  Lake  Champlain, 
and  effect  a  junction  with  Sir  William  Howe  at  New  York. 
This  plan   had  always  found  favor  wilh  the  ministry,  and 
had  been  earnestly  pressed  upon  them  by  Burgoyne  on  his 
return  from  America.      His   representations   strengthened 
their  opinion,  that  the  most  effectual  means  of  subduing  the 
revolutionary  spirit,  was  to  separate  the  States  ;  so  that  New 
England,  which  was  thought  to  be  the  principal  seat  of  dis 
turbance,  would  be  cut  off  from  communication  with  the 
rest  of  the  country,  and  reduced  to  obedience.     It  was  de 
termined,  therefore,  to  provide  a  powerful  army,  well  ap 
pointed  in  every  respect,  to  make  success  certain.     Bur 
goyne,  whose    personal    solicitations    had    done    much    to 
hasten  and  arrange  the  expedition,  was  made  commander-in- 
chief,  to  the  prejudice  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  governor 
of  Canada,  whose  popularity  as  a  man  of  talents  and  energy, 
was  very  high,  and  who  had  contributed  so  efficiently  to  the 
recovery  of  the  provinces  the  year  before.     Carleton,  dis 
satisfied  with  being  superseded,  asked  leave  to  resign,  but 
with  honorable  magnanimity  exerted  the  utmost  zeal  and  ac 
tivity  in  forwarding  the  objects  of   the    expedition.     The 
regular  corps  of  the  army,  consisting  of  British  and  Hessians, 
amounted  to  about  seven  ihousand  men,  exclusive  of  the  ar 
tillery  corps.     The  brass  train  sent  out  for  the  service,  was 
esteemed  the  finest  and  best  appointed,  ever  allotted  to  a 
force  of  that  magnitude.     To  these  was  added  a  detachment 
of  700  rangers,  under  Colonel  St.  Leger,  destined  to  make 
an  incursion  into  the  Mohawk  country  to  seize  Fort  Stanwix, 
otherwise  called  fort  Schuyler.    It  was  also  ordered  that  two 
thousand  Canadians,  consisting  of  hatchmen  and  other  work 
men,  should  join  the  army,  to  aid  in  forcing  a  way  through  the 
woods.     Seamen  were  collected  for  manning  the  necessary 
vessels  to  command  the  Lake,  and  convey  the  trooos  dowa 
S  2 


210  HISTORY  OP  THE 

the  Hudson.  Other  parties  were  collected  to  scour  the  coun 
try  on  the  frontier,  and  occupy  the  intermediate  posts,  amount 
ing  to  at  least  three  thousand  men.  Every  aid,  of  arms, 
munitions  of  war,  provisions,  clothing,  and  baggage  of  all 
descriptions,  was  amply  provided,  and  sanguine  calculations 
were  made  that  by  this  army  the  rebellion  would  be  put  down 
at  once. 

The  generals  who  accompanied  Burgoyne,  were  eminen* 
and  veteran  officers.  Among  the  principal  were  General 
Philips  of  the  artillery,  and  generals  Reidesel  and  Specht, 
Germans,  and  the  British  generals  Frazer,  Powell,  and 
Hamilton. 

The  Americans,  on  the  other  hand,  had  paid  early  atten 
tion  to  their  defence,  in  that  quarter.  They  had  construct 
ed  an  additional  fort,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  strait  on 
which  Ticonderoga  stands,  which  they  called  Mount  In 
dependence.  The  obstruction  of  the  navigation  was  a  great 
point,  and  they  sunk  cassoons  in  the  channel,  so  as  to  serve 
also  as  a  bridge  of  communication  between  the  forts,  and  to 
prevent  the  British  from  drawing  their  small  craft  over  land 
into  Lake  George,  they  also  obstructed  the  navigation  of  that 
lake.  Fort  Schuyler  was  fortified,  and  other  forts  erected 
along  the  Mohawk  river.  Requisitions  were  made  for  thir 
teen  thousand  six  hundred  men  for  the  security  of  the  dis 
trict,  and  the  adjacent  States  were  called  upon  to  fill  up  their 
militia  in  readiness  for  an  active  campaign.  General  Schuy 
ler  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  northern  campaign 
at  an  early  date,  thus  superseding  General  Gates,  a  nomina 
tion  which  produced  no  little  dissatisfaction  at  the  time. 
He  took  the  command  on  the  3d  of  June,  and  despatched 
General  St.  Glair  immediately  to  Ticonderoga.  Burgoyne's 
plan  of  the  campaign  was  two-fold.  He,  with  the  main 
army,  was  to  proceed  by  Champlain  and  the  Hudson,  to 
Albany,  and  Colonel  St.  Leger,  with  a  second  detachment 
of  about  two  thousand  troops,  was  directed  to  ascend  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  by  the  Oswego  and  Fort  Stanwix,  join  the 
general  at  Albany.  Thence  both  were  to  proceed  by  the 
Hudson  to  New  York. 

The  preparations  being  completed,  on  the  most  elaborate 
and  careful  scale,  Burgoyne  moved  forward,  and  in  the  be 
ginning  of  the  last  week  in  June,  arrived  in  the 
h*  neighborhood  of  Crown  Point.  He  held  a  confer 
ence  at  the  river  Bouquet  with  his  Indian  allies,  many  of 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  211 

which  had  been  engaged,  by  the  influence  of  governor  Carle- 
ton.  He  addressed  them  in  terms  of  energy,  to  excite  them 
to  take  part  with  the  royal  forces,  and  endeavored  to  impress 
upon  them  the  necessity  of  regarding  the  laws  of  civilized 
warfare,  in  their  mode  of  combat,  and  the  treatment  of  their 
captives.  Having  fully  secured  the  co-operation  of  the  In 
dians,  he  endeavored  to  improve  the  advantage  their  alliance 
gave  him,  in  intimidating  the  Americans.  On  the  | 
29th  of  June,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  with  the  | 
design  of  spreading  terror  among  them,  magnifying  the  force 
of  the  armies  and  fleets  prepared  to  crush  the  revolted  colo 
nies,  and  insisting  upon  the  numbers  and  ferocity  of  their  In 
dian  allies.  Promises  of  favor  and  support  were  held  out  to 
such  as  should  aid  in  establishing  the  government  of  the  king, 
and  all  the  horrors  of  war  and  devastation  threatened  against 
those  who  should  persist  in  rebellion.  Thousands  of  Indians, 
he  admonished  them,  were  ready  at  his  bidding,  to  be  let 
loose  against,  "the  hardened  enemies  of  Great  Britain  and 
America."  This  proclamation  justly  provoked  some  animad 
version  in  England,  and  was  strongly  censured  in  both  houses 
of  parliament.  In  the  United  States  it  kindled  a  general  in 
dignation  at  the  atrocity  of  its  sentiments,  mingled  with 
derision  at  its  pompous  denunciations.  The  temper  of  the 
people  was  too  stern  for  such  intimidations,  and  his  gran 
diloquent  threats  of  Indian  massacres,  served  to  inflame 
resentment,  and  stimulate  resistance. 

All  preparations  being  made,  Burgoyne  advanced  towards 
Ticonderoga ;  there  he  expected  to  meet  with  a  vigorous  op 
position.  The  natural  strength  of  the  post,  and  its  great  im 
portance  as  the  key  to  the  navigation  of  the  lakes,  com 
manding  the  entrance  to  the  interior  of  New  York,  justified 
him  in  believing  that  a  strong  effort  would  be  made  to  pre 
serve  the  fort,  and  check  his  advance.  But  the  garrison 
under  General  St.  Clair,  was  totally  inadequate  to  its  defence. 
Their  numbers  did  not  exceed  three  thousand  men,  badly 
armed,  particularly  in  the  essential  article  of  bayonets,  in 
which  they  were  almost  totally  deficient..  The  militia  which ' 
had  been  called  for  to  reinforce  them,  had  not  arrived,  and 
no  rational  expectation  was  entertained  of  a  successful  de 
fence,  unless  the  enemy  should  undertake  to  carry  the  place, 
by  a  general  assault,  in  which  the  bravery  of  the  Americans 
might  have  foiled  them,  by  a  gallant  and  fortunate  repulse. 
Burgoyne,  however,  acted  with  more  caution ;  and  having 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

landed  his  troops  on  the  15th  of  July,  advanced  regularly  on 
both  sides  of  the  lake,  while  his  fleet  kept  the  centre.  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Mount  Independence  were  both  invested,  and  in 
a  few  days  nearly  surrounded  by  the  enemy's  works.  They 
had  also  established  themselves  at  Sugar-loaf  hill,  or  Moun+ 
Defiance,  as  it  was  also  called,  an  eminence  which  overlooked 
both  posts,  but  which  the  Americans  had  not  been  able  to 
fortify  or  man  for  their  defence.  All  the  American  works 
were  now  fully  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  a  bom 
bardment  from  all  points  simultaneously,  was  to  be  hourly 
expected,  when  General  St.  Clair  called  a  council  of  war  to 
j  I  Determine  whether  it  would  be  better  to  withdraw 

I  all  the  troops  within  Mount  Independence,  and  de 
fend  that  post  to  the  last  extremity,  or  abandon  the  whole. 
It  was  unanimously  recommended  to  him  to  retreat,  as  soon 
as  possible,  which  was  accordingly  undertaken  with  prompti 
tude  and  secrecy,  that  same  night.  The  garrison,  divided  into 
two  bodies,  the  first  under  St.  Clair,  and  the  second  command 
ed  by  Colonel  Francis,  took  up  their  route  for  Castleton,  by 
the  way  of  Hubbardstown,  along  the  right  bank  of  the  lake. 
The  baggage,  stores,  and  sick,  were  embarked  in  batteaux, 
and  despatched  under  the  convoy  of  five  galleys,  and  escorted 
by  a  detachment,  commanded  by  Colonel  Long,  to  Skenes- 
borough,  or  Whitehall,  on  Lake  George.  A  storm  which  rose 
towards  morning  embarrassed  the  movements  of  all  these 
parties,  and  the  accidental  firing  of  a  house,  gave  notice  to 
the  enemy  of  what  was  going  on.  The  land  detachments 
had  pushed  forward  with  rapidity,  before  the  pursuit  was 
fully  commenced,  and  it  was  found  necessary  to  clear  the 
obstructions  in  the  channel  before  the  British  fleet  could  get 
into  motion,  to  follow  Colonel  Long  and  his  convoy.  Bur- 
goyne  himself  accompanied  the  fleet,  which,  favored  by  winds 
and  superior  sailing,  overtook  the  Americans  near  the  Skenes- 
borough  falls,  and  soon  overpowered  them.  Two  of  the 
batteaux  were  captured  and  several  destroyed  in  the  battle, 
upon  which  Colonel  Long  destroyed  the  others,  with  all  the 
stores,  provisions,  and  baggage,  together  with  the  works  and 
mills,  of  the  place,  and  hastily  retreated  to  Fort  Anne. 

The  divisions  which  left  the  fort  by  the  land  route,  were 
pursued  by  a  corps  of  British  troops  under  General  Frazer, 
and  one  of  German  under  General  Reidesel.    On  the 
seventh,  they  overtook  the  American  forces  com 
manded  by  Colonel  Francis,  at  Hubbardstown;  and  after  an 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  213 

obstinately  contested  action,  routed  them  with  considerable 
loss.  Among  the  killed  was  Colonel  Francis,  and  the  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  many  of  whom  perished  for  want  in 
the  woods,  were  not  far  from  one  thousand  in  number.  The 
British  lost  one  hundred  and  eighty.  General  St.  Clair,  with 
his  own  division,  learning  these  several  disasters,  instead  of 
proceeding,  as  had  been  his  design,  to  Fort  Anne,  where 
Colonel  Long  writh  his  corps  had  taken  refuge,  turned  off  into 
the  woods,  and  having  collected  as  many  as  possible  of  the 
fugitives  from  the  defeat  at  Hubbardstown,  proceeded  across 
the  country  to  Fort  Edward  on  the  Hudson,  to  unite  with 
General  Schmyler,  whose  head-quarters  were  there.  Colonel 
Long  after  resisting  gallantly  the  attack  of  several  British  regi 
ments  sent  against  his  post,  set  it  on  fire,  and  withdrew  to 
Fort  Edward. 

St.  Clair  joined  General  Schuyler  on  the  12th  July.  After 
his  arrival,  the  whole  American  force,  including  the  fugitives 
that  came  in,  and  the  recruits  that  had  been  collected  at 
Fort  Edward,  was  about  4400  men,  including  the  militia,  with 
out  supplies,  arms,  or  ammunition.  The  Americans  had  lost 
in  the  late  reverses,  one  hundred  and  ninety-eight  pieces  of 
artillery,  and  a  vast  amount  of  warlike  stores  and  provi 
sions,  especially  flour,  that  had  been  necessarily  abandoned 
in  their  flight.  They  had,  moreover,  lost  confidence,  and  a 
general  terror  fell  upon  the  country.  The  power  and  successes 
of  the  enemy  were  portrayed  in  exaggerated  terms.  Indeed, 
a  comparison  of  the  scanty  remnants  of  a  northern  army  as 
sembled  at  Fort  Edward,  with  the  victorious  troops  of  Bur- 
goyne,  gave  but  too  strong  causes  for  gloomy  apprehensions. 
The  popular  discontent  vented  itself  in  loud  censures  of 
the  conduct  of  General  St.  Clair,  in  abandoning  Ticonderoga, 
and  of  General  Schuyler,  for  the  whole  arrangement  of  the 
campaign.  An  inquiry  into  their  conduct  subsequently  order 
ed  by  Congress,  terminated  after  a  long  delay  in  their  ac 
quittal  of  all  misconduct ;  but  the  confidence  of  the  army 
and  the  people,  was  withdrawn  from  them,  at  the  most  criti 
cal  period.  It  is  evident,  from  a  review  of  the  whole  case, 
that  the  actual  condition  of  the  garrison  was  not  sufficiently 
known  to  Congress,  and  its  strength  very  much  overrated. 
If  blame  is  to  be  attached  to  St.  Clair  at  all,  it  is  now  agreed, 
that  it  should  be  not  for  abandoning  the  fort  at  last,  but  for 
holding  out  so  long.  But  at  the  time  murmurs  were  loud 
against  the  whole  direction  of  the  army,  and  this  distrust  in  the 


214  HISTORY    OF    THE 

officers  retarded  very  much  the  progress  of  the  recruiting  ser 
vice.  Fort  George,  which  had  remained  in  possession  of  the 
Americans,  was  evacuated,  and  shortly  after,  it  was  found  im 
possible  to  retain  Fort  Edward.  On  the  22d,  the  whole  army 
retired  to  Moses'  creek,  and  on  the  30th,  retreated  still  fur 
ther  to  Saratoga,  and  still  unable  to  make  an  efficient  stand, 
OQ  continued  their  retreat  to  Stillwater,  at  which  place 

they  finally  encamped  on  the  20th  of  August. 
Burgoyne,  in  the  interim  had  employed  his  army  in  a  la 
borious  effort  to  open  a  direct  communication  across  the 
country,  from  Whitehall  to  Fort  Edward  on  the  Hudson, 
through  the  woods.  The  distance  is  comparatively  small, 
but  the  nature  of  the  country  was  such,  as  to  make  the  pas 
sage  almost  impracticable  to  a  large  body  of  men,  and  Gene 
ral  Schuyler  had  been  active  in  increasing  the  difficulties  by 
every  means  in  his  power.  The  bridges  over  the  streams, 
of  which  there  had  been  a  great  number,  were  broken  up, 
and  the  defiles  through  which  the  paths  usually  ran,  were 
obstructed  by  large  trees,  which  he  had  caused  to  be  cut 
down,  so  as  to  fall,  across  the  way  and  lengthwise,  and  thus 
interlock  their  branches  to  present  an  almost  insurmountable 
barrier.  In  this  toilsome  undertaking  the  British  were  com 
pelled  to  construct  not  less  than  forty  bridges,  one  of  whi^h 
was  a  log- work  two  miles  long,  across  a  morass.  A  party 
which  had  been  left  at  Ticonderoga  was  equally  active  in 
conveying  gunboats,  provisions,  and  batteaux  over  land  to 
Lake  George.  On  the  advance  of  the  British  towards  Fort 
Edward,  by  this  route,  which  place  they  reached  on  the 
30th  of  July, and  the  consequent  abandonment  of  Fort  George, 
and  the  retreat  of  the  army  of  the  Americans,  the  route 
from  Ticonderoga  was  left  open,  and  the  rest  of  the  trans 
portation  required  for  the  army,  was  carried  on  from  Fort 
George  to  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Hudson,  a  distance 
of  eighteen  miles  across  the  country.  So  difficult  was  even 
this  route,  though  preferable  to  that  by  Whitehall,  that  a 
fortnight  had  elapsed — from  the  thirtieth  of  July  to  the  fif 
teenth  of  August — before  provisions  for  only  four  days  con 
sumption  had  been  collected  ;  and  not  ten  batteaux  had  been 
afloat  on  the  river.  Heavy  rains  obstructed  the  works,  and 
it  was  found  impossible  to  procure  supplies  for  daily  use,  ex 
cept  what  were  brought  from  Ticonderoga.  The  effect  of  the 
progress  of  the  army,  triumphant  thus  far,  began  to  be 
weakened.  The  joy  with  which  the  possession  of  the  Hud- 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  215 

son  was  hailed,  was  succeeded  by  embarrassment  and  anx 
iety — even  without  an  opposing  force  ;  and  the  delay  gave 
the  Americans  time  to  rally. 

Proclamations  had  been  issued  by  both  sides.  Burgoyne 
announced,  in  the  language  of  a  conqueror,  the  victories  ol 
the  English,  and  the  approaching  subjugation  of  all  America, 
and  called  upon  the  inhabitants  to  send  deputations  to  give 
in  their  adhesion  to  the  regal  cause.  Schuyler  reiterated  the 
determination  of  the  States  to  hold  out  to  the  last,  invok 
ing  the  perseverance  of  the  people  in  the  good  cause,  by 
every  consideration  of  duty,  interest,  and  patriotism. 

He  availed  himself  skilfully  of  every  day's  delay  to  abate 
the  panic  which  had  at  first  overwhelmed  the  people,  to  re 
kindle  their  courage,  and  rouse  them  to  arms.  In  this  he  was 
most  effectually  aided,  by  the  conduct  of  the  British  and 
their  allies,  Germans  and  Indians.  The  barbarities  practised 
in  New  Jersey  arose  fresh  in  their  recollections,  and  the 
cruelties  committed  by  the  Indians  in  Burgoyne's  army, 
whom  he  found  it  impossible  to  restrain,  contributed  to  make 
the  royal  cause  odious,  and  inflame  the  resentment  of  Amer 
icans.  When  the  republican  army  began  to  retreat  down 
the  Hudson,  the  spirit  of  the  country  began  to  rise  again. 
A  new  army  seemed  to  spring  out  of  the  woods  and  moun 
tains.  All  around  the  march  of  the  enemy,  parties  of  militia 
poured  from  every  hill  and  valley  to  harass  them  with  par- 
tizan  attacks,  and  cut  off  their  supplies.  As  the  regular  force 
of  Schuyler,  wasted  by  toils  and  defeats,  diminished,  it  was  re 
cruited  by  increased  numbers  of  fresh  and  spirited  yeomanry. 
Washington  reinforced  them  with  several  regiments  from 
Peekskill,  commanded  by  Arnold,  and,  without  waiting  the 
order  of  Congress,  called  out  the  militia  of  New  England, 
and  placed  them  under  the  command  of  General  Lincoln. 
Morgan,  with  his  riflemen,  was  detached  for  the  land  ser 
vice,  so  that,  by  the  middle  of  August,  the  army  amounted 
to  about  thirteen  thousand  men,  and  the  militia  were  ripe 
every  where  for  co-operation.  The  Polish  hero,  Kosciusko, 
was  in  the  army,  as  chief  engineer. 

The  second  division  of  Burgoyne's  forces,  under  Colonel  St. 
Leger,  had  been,  as  stated  above,  appointed  to  ascend  the  St 
Lawrence,  from  Quebec,  and  penetrating  through  the  Mohawk 
country,  to  intercept  the  Americans  at  the  junction  of  the  Mo 
hawk  and  Hudson,  and  unite  with  the  main  army  there.  He 
nad  succeeded  in  reaching  Fort  Schuyler,  to  which  he  laid 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

siege,  with  his  regular  force,  and  a  large  party  of  Indians,  com 
manded  by  Sir  John  Johnson,  the  whole  amounting  to  abou+ 
2,000  men.     General  Herkimer  raised  a  party  of  the  neigh- 
I  boring  militia,  and  pushed  on  to  the  relief  of  the 
I  garrison,  but  unfortunately  allowed  himself  to  be  led 
into  an  English  ambuscade,  in  which  he  was  defeated  and 
slain,  with  the  loss  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  of  his  men,  killed. 
The  militia  defended  themselves  with  great  resolution  andob 
stinacy.  Few  of  them  would  have  escaped,  but  for  a  vigorous 
and  gallant  sortie  from  the  fort,  led  by  Colonel  Willett,  which 
suddenly  attacked  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  killed  a  great 
many,  drove  numbers  into  the  woods,  and,  having  seized  a 
large  quantity  of  baggage,  and  besieging  tools,  returned  to 
the  fort  in  triumph,  and  without  loss.     This  diversion  ena 
bled  the  remainder  of  Herkimer's  detachment  to  save  them 
selves  by  retreat.     In  these  combats   the   Indians  behaved 
with  such  ferocity  and  insubordination,  as  to  alarm  the  Brit- 
:sh  officers,  not  only  for  the  reputation  of  their  arms,  but  for 
the  fidelity  of  their  savage  allies.    Distrust  grew  up  between 
them,  and  acts  of  violence  against  each  other  shortly  after 
occurred,  to  increase  the  mutual  dislike.     St.  Leger  availed 
himself  of  the  immediate  terror  produced  by  this  defeat  to 
demand  the  surrender  of  the  fortress  from  'Colonel  Ganse- 
voort,  the  commander.     He  employed  every  art  of  intimida 
tion  to  increase  the  impression  produced  by  the  violence  and 
cruelty  of  the  Indians,  and  represented  himself  as  unable  to 
restrain  them,  if  the   defence  should  be   continued  longer. 
The  immediate  massacre  of  the  garrison,  and  of  every  man, 
woman,  and  child  in  the  Mohawk  country,  was  set  forth  as  the 
unavoidable  consequence  of  opposition  to  the  Indians.     The 
answer  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  was  simple.  The  United  States 
had  entrusted  him  with  the  charge  of  the  garrison,  and  "he 
was  determined  to  defend  it  to  the  last  extremity  against  all 
enemies  whatsoever,   without  any  concern  for  the  conse 
quences  of  doing  his  duty."     Colonel  Willett,  who  had  led 
the  successful  sortie,  performed,  in  company  with  another 
officer,   another   daring  feat,  in  order  to  obtain  succor  for  the 
beleagured  fortress.  They  passed,  by  night,  through  the  midst 
of  the  British  camp,  escaped  the  sagacity  even  of  the  In 
dians,  and  made  their  wray,  for  a  distance  of  fifty  miles, 
through  pathless  woods  and  morasses,  to  give  notice  .of  the 
danger  of  the  garrison.  Information  reached  General  Schuyler 
on  the  27th  July,  and  Arnold  was  immediately  despatched 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION. 

Vith  eight  hundred  men,  and  a  few  militia  who  could  be  pre 
vailed  upon  to  join  him,  to  FortSchuyler.  Their  numbers  were 
inferior  to  those  of  St.  Leger,  and  Arnold  accordingly  had  re 
course  to  a  stratagem,  to  terrify  the  Indians  in  St.  Leger's 
camp,  which  completely  succeeded.  An  emissary,  Cuyler  by 
name,  was  sent  among  the  Indians,  as  a  deserter,  with  in 
structions  to  magnify  the  numbers  of  the  Americans,  who 
were  approaching.  This  finesse  was  aided  by  the  discontent 
already  existing  among  them,  and  their  disappointment  at  the 
protracted  defence  of  the  fort.  A  part  of  them  hastily  de 
camped,  and  the  rest  threatened  to  follow,  unless  a  retreat 
was  instantly  ordered.  The  siege,  which  had  been  continued 
for  eighteen  days,  was  precipitately  raised,  before  Arnold's 
arrival,  and  in  such  disorder  that  most  of  the  artillery,  stores, 
tents,  and  baggage,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  garrison.  In 
the  retreat,  the  Indians  quarrelled  with  their  allies,  and  rob 
bed  them.  A  violent  quarrel  broke  out  between  the  com 
manding  officers,  St.  Leger  and  Johnson,  which  was  with 
difficulty  appeased. 

Whilst  the  contest  for  the  possession  of  Fort  Schuyler  was 
going  on,  an  action  was  fought  at  Bennington,  I  Au 
which  gave  trie  first  decisive  turn  to  the  current  of  | 
events  that  had  been  hitherto  so  adverse  to  the  American 
cause  in  the  North.  Burgoyne,  desirous  of  aiding  the  ad 
vance  of  St.  Leger's  forces,  thought  to  occupy  the  attention 
of  the  American  army  by  a  sudden  and  rapid  advance  down 
the  Hudson.  They  were  between  him  and  Albany,  in  con 
siderable  strength.  If  he  could  engage  them  in  front,  so  as 
to  prevent  them  from  succoring  Fort  Schuyler,  they  might  be 
assailed  in  flank  by  the  other  division  descending  the  Mo 
hawk,  and  forced  either  to  risk  a  general  battle  or  to  retire 
into  New  England.  The  difficulty  of  maintaining  a  commu 
nication  with  Fort  Edward  and  Fort  George,  whence  all  his 
supplies  were  drawn,  presented  an  obstacle  to  his  rapid 
movement.  This  he  determined  to  remove  by  seizing  upon 
a  quantity  of  stores  which  the  Americans  had  collected  at 
Bennington,  in  Vermont,  distant  about  twenty  miles  from  the 
Hudson.  The  magazines  were  guarded  only  by  parties  of 
militia,  and  the  intermediate  country  was  represented  to  be 
favorably  disposed  to  the  royalists.  A  plan  was  formed  to 
capture  those  stores,  and,  the  army  being  thus  supplied 
to  push  on  boldly  against  the  republican  camp. 

The  detachment  ordered  on  this  service  consisted  of  about 
T 


218  HISTORY   OF    THE 

five  hundred  men,  chiefly  Hessians  and  Canadians,  with 
about  one  hundred  Indians,  under  the  command  of  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  Baum,  a  German  officer  of  distinction.  To  sup 
port  him,  a  Brunswick  regiment  of  grenadiers  and  light-in 
fantry,  under  Colonel  Breyman,  were  directed  to  follow  and 
take  post  at  Batten  Hill.  Baum  advanced  with  considerable 
difficulty  on  account  of  the  badness  of  the  roads,  but  with  lit 
tle  hostile  opposition,  until  he  approached  the  town  of  Ben- 
nington,  where  he  found  an  unexpected  force  prepared  to 
oppose  him.  Colonel  Stark,  with  a  party  of  New  Hampshire 
militia,  was  on  his  way  to  the  American  camp,  when  intelli 
gence  of  the  expedition  of  Baum  was  brought  him.  He  hast 
ened  to  collect  the  neighboring  militia  to  repulse  him.  Baum, 
after  some  skirmishing  with  part  of  the  American  force,  find 
ing  them  too  numerous  for  him,  encamped  upon  advantageous 
ground,  on  Walloon  Creek,  about  four  miles  from  Benning- 
ton,  and  sent  for  reinforcements.  A  storm  of  rain  retarded  as 
well  the  operations  of  Colonel  Stark,  as  the  advance  of  the 
expected  succors,  for  two  days.  On  the  16th3 
Stark,  having  been  strengthened  by  the  arrival 
of  some  militia,  determined  upon  attacking  the  Hessians 
in  their  entrenchments  before  a  junction  could  be  form 
ed  with  Breyman's  regiment.  He  divided  his  force  into 
several  divisions,  and  charged  the  enemy  in  front,  flank,  and 
rear,  at  nearly  the  same  time,  with  great  impetuosity. 
Baum  made  a  gallant  resistance :  after  his  artillery  had 
been  captured,  and  his  ammunition  expended,  he  led  on  the 
Hessians,  sword  in  hand ;  and  was  only  conquered  by  the 
repeated  and  overwhelming  charges  of  Stark' s  militia.  The 
Americans  fought  with  extraordinary  spirit,  and  their  firing 
was  compared,  in  the  official  account  of  the  battle,  to  "  one 
uninterrupted  peal  of  thunder."  The  corps  of  Breyman 
arrived  on  the  field  immediately  after  the  discomfiture  of 
Baum's  division,  and  while  the  Americans  were  dispersed  in 
pursuit,  not  expecting  another  engagement.  They  rallied  to 
attack  this  new  enemy,  and  a  sharp  contest  recommenced, 
about  four  in  the  afternoon.  The  battle  was  soon  decided  in 
favour  of  the  Americans,  by  the  charge  of  Colonel  Warner, 
at  the  head  of  a  regiment  of  the  line ;  and  the  Germans  gave 
way,  and  were  pursued  until  dark,  with  the  loss  of  their  bag 
gage,  artillery,  and  arms.  The  royalists  lost  in  these  two 
battles,  about  seven  hundred  men,  the  greater  part  prisoners. 
The  American  loss  was  about  seventy. 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  219 

The  fruits  of  this  battle  were  of  the  highest  value,  inde 
pendent  of  the  mere  loss  of  men  to  the  enemy,  considerable 
as  that  was.  It  was  the  first  victory  which  had  been  gained 
by  the  armies  of  the  United  States  in  the  campaign.  In 
every  direction  they  had  been  retreating  before  superior 
forces,  and  manoeuvring  to  avoid  the  enemy  ever  since  the 
month  of  March.  In  the  southern  department  Washington 
had  carefully  avoided  an  engagement  with  Howe,  and  from 
the  first  appearance  of  Burgoyne  before  Ticonderoga,  nothing 
but  defeat  had  befallen  the  arms  of  America.  The  battle  of 
Bennington  changed  the  face  of  affairs,  and  reanimated  the 
courage  of  the  militia.  They  had  met  a  highly  disciplined 
corps  in  the  open  field,  and  defeated  them  by  hard  fighting, 
and  had  taken  by  assault  a  camp  entrenched  strongly  and 
defended  by  regulars.  As  a  military  achievement,  it  was 
just  ground  for  general  exultation.  It  restored  confidence, 
gratified  national  pride,  and  kindled  military  enthusiasm  by 
the  trophies  of  victory  which  it  furnished.  On  the  British 
this  effect  was  reversed.  Defeat  produced  mortification  if 
not  absolute  depression.  The  direct  effects  of  the  loss,  in 
the  condition  and  prospects  of  the  army,  were  severe, — and, 
as  the  event  showed,  of  fatel  importance.  It  deranged  the 
entire  plan  of  the  campaign,  arrested  the  advance  movement 
which  had  been  contemplated,  and  compelled  the  army  to 
halt,  inactive,  in  an  enemy's  country,  until  the  necessary 
supplies  could  be  brought  from  Fort  George.  The  delay  was 
a  loss  to  them  of  nearly  a  month, — from  the  sixteenth  of 
August  to  the  thirteenth  of  September, — within  which  period 
the  Americans,  flushed  with  the  triumphs  of  Bennington  and 
Fort  Schuyler,  were  recruiting  their  forces,  and  gathering 
all  things  necessary  for  following  up  those  successes  vigor 
ously. 

Congress,  on  the  4th  of  August,  had  superseded  General. 
Schuyler,  and  on  the  21st  General  Gates  arrived  and  as 
sumed  the  command.  The  army  was  then  encamped  at 
Vanshaick's  Island,  and  Burgoyne  occupying  his  camp  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Hudson,  was  employed  in  transporting 
supplies  from  the  lakes.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of  Gates,  the 
army  received  the  reinforcements  already  mentioned,  in 
cluding  Morgan's  celebrated  corps  of  riflemen,  and  the  New 
York  militia,  raised  by  the  indefatigable  activity  of  George 
Clinton. 

A  daring  enterprise  was  undertaken,  about  the  same  time, 


220  HISTORY   OF   THE 

by  a  party  of  New  England  militia,  who  penetrated  across 
the  country,  in  the  rear  of  the  British,  seized  on  a  number 
of  posts  on  the  lake,  and  actually  laid  siege  to  Ticonderoga, 
but,  from  a  deficiency  of  artillery,  were  compelled  to  retire. 
This  gallant  corps  was  under  the  direction  of  General  Lin 
coln. 

The  indignation  of  the  Americans  was  aggravated  by  an 
atrocious  act  of  murder,  committed  by  some  of  the  Indian 
allies  of  Burgoyne,  on  the  person  of  an  amiable  and  accom 
plished  young  lady.  Miss  M'Crea,  of  Fort  Edward,  the 
daughter  of  an  American  loyalist,  was  betrothed  to  a  British 
officer,  in  the  army  of  Burgoyne,  and  on  the  approach  of  the 
army  the  impatient  lover  sent  a  party  of  Indians  to  conduct 
his  bride  to  the  British  camp.  She  consented  to  accompany 
them,  but,  on  the  road,  her  savage  guides  quarrelled  about 
the  reward  that  had  been  promised  them,  and,  exasperated 
by  mutual  contradictions,  ended  the  dispute  by  ferociously 
murdering  the  innocent  victim.  So  horrible  an  incident, 
under  circumstances  appealing  so  strongly  to  the  sympathies, 
roused  a  universal  cry  of  detestation  against  the  employ 
ment  of  Indians  in  civilized  warfare,  and  stimulated  the 
Americans  to  deeper  resentment  against  the  army  in  which 
such  allies  were  employed.  Burgoyne  answered  the  indig 
nant  representations  of  Gates  by  arresting  the  murderers, 
but  subsequently  pardoned  them,  as  an  act  of  policy,  not 
the  less  reprobating  the  inhuman  act.  This  policy  did  not 
succeed  in  retaining  the  aid  of  the  Indians.  Already  dis 
satisfied  with  delay  and  inaction,  and  disappointed  of  the 
plunder  they  had  expected,  they  resented  the  attempt  to  re 
strain  them  further,  and  deserted  in  great  numbers.  The 
Canadians  were  not  more  faithful,  and  in  a  few  weeks  he 
found  that  all  the  force  he  could  rely  upon  was  the  British 
and  Hessian  regulars.  Finally,  having  supplied  himself  with 
thirty  days  provisions  from  the  magazines  in  his 
rear,  he  took  the  bold  step  of  breaking  up  his  line 
of  intercourse  with  Canada,  and  crossed  the  river  to  the  leftj 
bank  with  his  whole  force.  Four  days  after  he  encamped  at 
Saratoga,  in  front  of  the  army  of  Gates,  which  lay  encamp 
ed  near  Stillwater,  about  three  miles  below. 

This  movement  separated  him  from  his  communications 
with  the  supplies  in  his  rear,  and  threw  him  at  once  upon 
the  resources  of  his  army,  to  force  their  way  through  to 
Albany,  and  form  a  junction  with  the  forces  of  Sir  Henry 


Sept.  13th. 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  221 

Clinton  from  below.  The  event  showed  that  he  had  miscal 
culated  his  own  strength  and  that  of  his  opponents,  and  that 
the  plan  of  co-operation  between  the  two  armies  had  not 
been  thoroughly  understood.  The  expedition  from  New 
York  failed  in  the  most  essential  points,  and  from  the  day  of 
the  crossing  of  the  Hudson  the  fate  of  his  army  was  deter 
mined,  and  a  few  weeks  saw  it  surrounded  and  captured  by 
the  republican  forces,  over  whom  he  had  promised  himself 
an  easy  victory. 

On  the  nineteenth,  the  battle  of  Stillwater  was  fought  by 
the  two  armies,  with  great  obstinacy  and  courage.  I  „ 

A  1,1          T    ji  i      •   •  ii         ,1       i-    11        Sept.l9th. 

Although  there  was  no  decisive  result  on  the  field,  | 
it  had  all  the  effects  of  a  victory  to  the  Americans.  They,  for 
the  first  time  in  the  campaign,  met  the  British  regulars  in  a 
pitched  battle,  arid  maintained  their  ground  writh  unexpect 
ed  firmness  and  success.  The  conflict  began  between 
scouting  parties,  and  continued  irregularly  for  an  hour  and  a 
half,  each  being  gradually  reinforced  until  both  armies  were 
engaged,  and  a  hot  and  prolonged  firing  was  kept  up  for 
three  hours.  The  British  and  Americans  were  alternately 
driven  back,  but  rallied  again  with  determined  courage, 
and  each  party  seemed  resolute  in  maintaining  their  posi 
tion  at  all  hazards.  The  British  had  the  advantage  of  several 
pieces  of  artillery,  which  were  taken  and  recovered  several 
times  during  the  action.  Night  put  an  end  to  the  prolonged 
battle,  without  positive  defeat  on  either  side.  But,  as  the 
enemy  fought  to  force  the  position  of  the  Americans,  and  did 
not  succeed  while  the  latter  remained  where  they  were  in 
the  morning,  the  fruits  of  a  victory  were  evidently  theirs, 
independently  of  the  vast  moral  effect  of  having  arrested  the 
progress  of  Burgoyne  in  a  regular  battle.  The  Indians  and 
Canadians,  in  particular,  who  had  remained  with  the  Brit 
ish,  were  disheartened,  and  deserted  in  increasing  num 
bers.  The  actual  loss  of  that  army,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  about  five  hundred ;  of  the  Americans,  three  hundred 
and  twenty.  Arnold  distinguished  himself  in  this  battle  by 
his  daring  and  almost  desperate  bravery.  An  unfortunate 
dispute  occurred  not  long  afterwards  between  him  and  Gen 
eral  Gates,  which  produced  such  resentment  that  he  threw 
up  his  command.  The  cause  of  offence  was  the  assumption 
by  Gates  of  the  direction  of  a  part  of  the  army,  which  Ar 
nold  thought  subject  exclusively  to  his  own  direction.  This 
was  one  of  the  first  of  the  dissensions  which  provoked  the 
T  2 


222  AMERICAN   REVOLUTION. 

excitable  temper  of  Arnold,  and  led,  among  other  and  baser 
causes,  to  his  subsequent  betrayal  of  his  country. 

After  the  battle  of  Stillwater,  Burgoyne  encamped  near 
the  former  position,  entrenching  himself  for  the  purpose  of 
waiting  the  expected  co-operation  of  Clinton,  from  New 
York.  Gates  followed  his  example,  fortifying  his  lines,  en 
couraging  his  army  by  frequent  skirmishes  with  the  enemy, 
and  increasing  their  numbers  constantly  by  the  numerous 
bodies  of  militia,  which  flocked  to  him  now  that  the  pros 
pect  of  success  became  so  flattering.  General  Lincoln 
brought  two  thousand  men  of  the  best  New  England  troops, 
and,  on  the  retirement  of  Arnold,  succeeded  to  his  com 
mand.  On  the  4th  of  October,  the  American  army  was 
eleven  thousand  strong,  of  whom  at  least  seven  thousand 
were  effective  men,  and  the  British  little  exceeded  four 
thousand.  Burgoyne  had  but  three  weeks  provisions  in  store, 
and  a  return  to  Ticonderoga  would  occupy  at  least  eight 
days,  under  the  most  favourable  train  of  events.  He  had 
therefore  but  a  fortnight  in  which  to  expect  the  co-operation 
of  Clinton,  to  force  his  way  against  the  American  aVmy,  or 
to  commence  a  retreat.  Such,  in  a  few  days,  had  been  the 
change  of  prospects  in  an  army  which  had  set  out  so  tri 
umphantly  only  a  month  before. 

In  the  middle  of  September  Burgoyne  received  a  com 
munication  from  Clinton,  promising  a  tardy  and  inefficient 
expedition,  compared  to  what  had  been  expected,  to  move  up 
the  North  River,  in  order  to  occupy  the  army  of  Gates  by  an 
assault  from  below,  and  thus  aid  the  Northern  army.  Replies 
were  instantly  despatched,  stating  the  condition  of  the  army, 
and  informing  Clinton  that  the  provisions  in  store  would 
not  enable  it  to  hold  out  beyond  the  12th  of  October.  It  was 
therefore  all  important  that  an  early  movement  should  be 
made  to  relieve  it.  In  the  beginning  of  October  it  became 
necessary  to  reduce  the  soldiers  rations,  and  news  from  be 
low  was  looked  for  with  intense  anxiety.  No  intelligence 
being  received,  he  determined  upon  making  a  stronger  ef 
fort  than  he  had  heretofore  ventured  on  and,  on  the  after 
noon  of  the  seventh,  made  an  attack,  which  brought  on  the 
decisive  battle  of  Saratoga. 

Burgoyne  himself,  aided  by  Generals  Phillips,  Reidesel, 
and  Fraser,  led  a  picked  column  of  fifteen  hundred  men 
against  the  American  left.  His  left  flank  was  commanded 
by  Major  Ackland,  and  his  right- by  the  Earl  of  Balcarras. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  223 

The  battle  was  opened  by  the  Americans  simultaneously 
against  the  right  and  left  wings,  with  extraordinary  impet 
uosity.  General  Poor,  with  the  New  Hampshire  militia,  at 
tacked  the  left ;  and  Morgan,  with  his  riflemen,  poured  in 
his  irresistible  charge  upon  the  right,  which,  after  a  gallant 
resistance,  was  compelled  to  give  way.  In  the  meantime 
the  Americans  had  extended  their  assault  along  the  whole 
line  of  Germans,  and  pushed  forward  a  detachment  to  inter 
cept  them  in  their  retreat.  The  battle  was  obstinate  and 
bloody,  but  did  not  last  long.  In  less  than  an  hour  the  Brit 
ish  left  gave  way  before  the  repeated  assaults  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  the  whole  line,  attacked  in  front  and  driven  back 
upon  both  flanks,  was  compelled  to  retire  in  confusion. 
The  assailants  followed  them  up,  and  a  part  of  the  lines  were 
forced  by  a  regiment  of  which  Arnold  had  assumed  the  com 
mand.  During  the  whole  fight  he  performed  feats  of  cour 
age  and  audacity,  almost  frantic — dashing  into  the  midst  of 
the  enemy,  fighting  single-handed,  and  leading  on  troops  in 
every  part  of  the  field.  The  fighting  did  not  terminate  till 
nightfa'll,  and  the  British  army  rested,  with  the  loss  of  four 
hundred  killed  and  wounded,  among  whom  were  several  of 
their  best  officers.  They  lost  besides,  eight  field  pieces, 
some  tents,  carts,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  baggage. 
The  American  killed  and  wounded  did  not  exceed  eighty. 

The  British  General  Fraser  was  mortally  wounded  in  the 
action.  His  obsequies  were  performed  at  the  close  of  the 
next  day,  with  great  solemnity,  in  the  darkness  of  night, 
amidst  the  blaze  and  roar  of  the  American  cannon,  the  balls 
dashing  the  earth  in  the  faces  of  the  mourners  over  the 
corpse.  Gates  was,  at  the  time,  unaware  of  the  nature  of 
the  ceremony. 

On  the  night  after  the  battle,  Burgoyne,  perceiving  his  posi 
tion  no  longer  tenable  against  the  approaches  of  the  enemy, 
determined  upon  a  change  of  ground,  which  he  effected  suc 
cessfully  and  without  loss,  taking  up  a  stronger  position.  The 
Americans  instantly  occupied  his  abandoned  camp.  He  wait 
ed  under  arms  the  whole  of  the  next  day,  in  expectation  of  a  re 
newed  battle  ;  but  nothing  but  a  few  skirmishings  took  place. 
In  one  of  these  General  Lincoln  was  dangerously  wounded. 
General  Gates  was  not  inclined  to  risk  the  fruits  of  so  de 
cisive  an  action,  by  making  an  attack  at  disadvantage.  He 
preferred  dispatching  detachments  to  occupy  the  fords  of 
the  river,  to  obstruct  the  retreat  of  Burgoyne  in  that  direction, 


HISTORY   OF    THE 

and  another  strong  force  to  reach  beyond  his  right  flank,  and 
thus  surround  him.  The  British  general,  hastily  abandoning 
his  hospital  to  the  humanity  of  the  Americans,  put  his  army 
immediately  in  motion,  .and  retreated  to  Saratoga,  six  miles 
up  the  river,  by  a  night  march.  On  this  march,  his  soldiers 
burnt  and  destroyed  the  houses  and  other  property  on  their 
way.  Gates  followed  them  step  by  step,  cautiously,  with 
out  giving  him  any  opportunity  of  battle.  He  hastened  to 
occupy  Fort  Edward,  in  order  to  secure  the  passage  of  the 
river  there.  On  the  10th  and  llth,  the  two  armies  were  near 
each  other,  and  some  skirmishes  took  place  between  them 
at  Fishkill  creek.  The  Americans  were,  however,  in  such 
force  there,  as  to  destroy  all  hope  of  being  able  to  cross, 
and  Burgoyne  accordingly  determined,  as  his  last  hope,  to 
abandon  his  artillery,  baggage,  carriages,  and  encumbrances 
of  every  kind,  except  provisions  to  be  carried  on  the  backs 
of  the  soldiers,  and,  by  a  rapid  night  march  up  the  river,  to 
cross  above  Fort  Edward,  and  force  a  passage  to  Fort  George. 
His  scouts,  sent  out  to  reconnoitre,  reported  the  roads  to  be 
almost  impracticable,  and  further  information  of  the  precau 
tions  taken  by  the  Americans,  compelled  him  to  abandon 
even  this  forlorn  expedition.  Abandoned  by  his  Indian  and 
Canadian  allies,  his  troops  worn  out  with  toil  and  fighting, 
destitute  of  supplies,  their  numbers  reduced  from  ten  thou 
sand,  healthv  and  effective  men,  to  less  than  five  thousand, 
and  surrounded  by  an  army  three  times  their  number,  and 
too  secure  of  triumph  to  risk  the  chance  of  a  battle,  Bur 
goyne  was  forced  to  relinquish  all  hope  of  extricating  him 
self,  and  depend,  as  his  only  chance,  upon  the  aid  of  Clinton 
from  below,  and  that  within  a  few  days.  That  feeble  hope  was 
vain.  Clinton,  whose  tardiness  in  the  whole  campaign  is 
inexplicable,  never  moved  up  the  river  till  the  5th  of  October. 
His  force  wa-s  about  three  thousand  men,  and  his  first  enter 
prise  was  against  Fort  Montgomery,  which  commands  the 
passage  of  the  river,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Highlands.  The 
strength  of  the  works  was  towards  the  river,  which  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  avoided,  by  landing  his  men  at  Stoney  Point, 
below,  and  marching  them  to  attack  the  land  side  of  the  fort. 
He  had  made  several  feints  of  landing  in  other  places,  but 
his  true  design  was  foreseen,  and  the  fort  manned  as  strongly 
as  possible,  under  the  direction  of  Governor  George  Clin 
ton,  and  his  brother,  General  James  Clinton.  The  resistance 
was  bravely  maintained  until  dark,  wrhen  the  British  entered 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  225 

the  fort,  with  fixed  bayonets.  The  defenders  fought  Qct  ^ 
their  way  out  of  the  fort,  and  under  the  cover 
of  the  night  escaped,  with  little  loss.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  at 
the  same  time,  took  possession  of  Fort  Clinton,  and  then 
employed  himself  at  his  leisure  in  removing  the  obstructions 
to  the  navigation,  which  had  been  constructed  by  the  Amer 
icans.  With  a  free  navigation  before  him,  instead  of  pro 
ceeding  to  the  assistance  of  Burgoyne,  then  in  great  strait, 
and  anxiously  looking  for  succor,  he  lost  his  time,  and  dis 
graced  his  arms  by  ravaging  and  plundering  the  country. 
Tryon,  with  one  party,  totally  destroyed  a  settlement,  called 
Continental  Village ;  and  another  division  of  the  force,  un 
der  Sir  James  Wallace,  devastated  the  property  and  farm 
houses  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  without  compunction  and 
wantonly.  On  the  thirteenth  of  October,  General  Vaughan 
landed  at  Esopus,  or  Kingston,  a  fine  and  flourishing  village, 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  laid  it  in  ruins  ;  not  a 
house  was  left  standing.  Every  thing  upon  which  their 
vengeance  could  be  wreaked,  was  burnt  or  destroyed.  Their 
acts  were  well  calculated  to  excite  keenly  the  resentment  of 
the  Americans,  against  the  authors  of  such  savage  barbari 
ties  ;  but  General  Gates  was  too  wise  to  be  tempted  to  weak 
en  his  force  by  detaching  any  portion  of  it  against  the  ma 
rauders.  He  suffered  them  to  exhaust  their  time  in  injuring 
private  individuals  and  plundering  private  property,  while 
he  pressed  more  closely  upon  the  devoted  army,  so  com 
pletely  hemmed  in  by  the  republican  forces.  He  wrote  an 
indignant  letter  to  Vaughan,  after  Burgoyne's  surrender, 
which  contained  the  following  threat:  "  Abler  generals  and 
older  officers  than  you  can  pretend  to  be,  are  now,  by  the 
fortune  of  war,  in  my  hands.  Their  fortune  may  one  day  be 
yours,  when,  sir,  it  may  not  be  in  the  power  of  any  thing 
human,  to  save  you  from  the  just  revenge  of  an  injured  peo 
ple."  Why  this  course  was  pursued,  and  a  week  lost  in 
these  predatory  excursions,'  when  a  vigorous  march  would 
have  brought  them  within  reach  of  Burgoyne,  and  perhaps 
afforded  him  a  chance  for  escape,  has  never  been  explained 
to  the  credit  of  the  sagacity  or  courage  of  the  British  general. 

On  the  day  that  Esopus  was  burnt,  Burgoyne 
took  an  account  of  his  provisions,  and  found  no 
more  on  hand  than  would  suffice  for  three  days  subsistence. 
Retreat  was  cut  off,  to  fight  was  hopeless,  no  succor  was 
approaching,  every  moment  made  his  condition  more  des- 


Oct.  13th. 


226  HISTORY    OF    THE  , 

perate.  His  men  were  compelled  to  lie  on  their  arms,  day 
and  night,  harassed  with  the  continued  apprehensions  of 
assault.  Every  part  of  his  camp  was  exposed  to  uninter 
rupted  cannonading,  and  even  rifle  and  grapeshot  reached 
the  lines.  A  council  of  war  was  accordingly  summoned, 
and  so  closely  were  they  beset  that  bullets  whistled  by  the 
tent  in  which  the  council  was  held.  It  was  determined  to 
open  a  treaty  with  the  American  general ;  and  after  several 
days  of  negotiation  and  conference,  a  convention  was  agreed 
Oct  nth  uPon  on  *ne  fifteenth,  and  on  the  seventeenth  was 
regularly  signed,  by  which  the  whole  British  army 
surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  Intelligence  of 
the  approach  of  Clinton  was  received  by  Burgoyne  during1 
the  negotiations,  but  they  had  advanced  so  far,  that  had  he 
been  inclined  to  expect  succor  confidently,  he  could  not 
have  receded  honourably.  It  is  also  related  in  Wilkinson's 
Memoirs,  that  before  the  convention  was  absolutely  signed, 
part  of  the  American  force  left  the  carnp  and  returned  home, 
and  the  rest,  believing  the  treaty  concluded,  gave  them 
selves  up  to  carelessness  and  indolence,  so  as  to  give  serious 
apprehensions  of  the  event,  had  Burgoyne  refused  to  pro 
ceed,  and  tried  the  issue  of  an  attack.  In  fact,  he  addressed 
a  note  to  General  Gates  suspending  the  treaty,  on  the  ground 
of  information  he  had  received,  that  the  superiority  of  num 
bers  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  which  was  the  basis  of 
the  treaty,  no  longer  existed,  and  requiring  satisfaction  on 
this  head.  The  decision  of  the  American  general  in  refus 
ing  the  request  peremptorily,  and  demanding  an  immediate 
conclusion  of  the  treaty,  or  an  immediate  renewal  of  hos 
tilities,  prevented  the  evil  consequences.  One  hour  was 
given  to  determine  the  cessation  of  arms,  or  conclude  the 
capitulation ;  within  which  time  the  articles  were  fully  rati 
fied.  The  British  council  of  war  alleged  that  they  consented 
principally  because  they  thought  themselves  bound  in  good 
faith  not  to  retract  at  that  point. 

The  principal  articles  of  the  treaty,  which  by  stipulation 
between  the  commanding  officers  was  entitled  a  Convention, 
instead  of  a  Capitulation,  were :  that  the  army  should  march 
out  of  their  camp  with  all  the  honors  of  war,  and  leave  their 
artillery  and  arms  in  a  designated  spot;  that  they  should  be 
allowed  embarkation  and  passage  to  Europe,  from  Boston, 
on  engaging  not  to  serve  in  America  during  the  war'  that 
they  should  be  kept  together,  especially  the  officers,  with 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  227 

the  men;  roll  calling,  and  other  military  duties,  to  be  al 
lowed  them.  The  officers  were  to  be  admitted  to  parole, 
and  to  retain  their  side  arms.  All  private  property  and  bag 
gage  was  to  be  passed  without  molestation  or  inspection,  and 
public  property  given  up  on  honour.  Every  description  of 
persons  attached  to  the  camp  was  included  in  the  capitula 
tion  ;  the  Canadians  to  be  returned  to  their  own  country, 
liable  to  the  same  conditions. 

These  terms  were  honorable  to  the  moderation  and 
magnanimity  of  the  American  general,  especially  as  at  the 
time  he  was  in  possession  of  tidings  of  the  atrocious  con 
duct  of  the  British  on  the  Hudson.  His  delicacy  was  also 
strongly  marked  on  the  occasion  of  the  delivery  of  the  arms 
of  the  captives  on  the  day  of  the  surrender.  A  small  party 
was  appointed  to  receive  them,  and  the  rest  of  the  Ameri 
can  army  retired  within  the  lines.  Every  possible  attention 
was  paid  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  to  the  comfort  and 
support  of  the  whole  army.  The  whole  conduct  of  the 
Americans  was  marked  with  a  tenderness  and  generosity 
which  called  forth  the  unqualified  acknowledgments  of  the 
enemy.  Burgoyne  in  person  was  treated  with  a  courtesy 
which  touched  .his  feelings  deeply  at  the  time.  At  Al 
bany  he  was  lodged  as  an  honored  guest,  with  the  family 
of  General  Schuyler,  whose  mansion  and  estate  at  Saratoga 
had  been  destroyed  by  Burgoyne's  order.  In  Boston  he  was 
entertained  with  the  same  hospitality  in  the  house  of  General 
Heath. 

On  the  day  of  the  surrender,  the  American  army  amount 
ed  to  about  fifteen  thousand  men,  of  whom  ten  thousand 
were  regulars,  that  of  Burgoyne,  to  5791,  of  whom  2412 
were  Germans,  and  3379  English.  Among  the  spoils  were 
the  train  of  brass  artillery,  containing  forty-two  pieces  ;  four 
thousand  six  hundred  muskets,  and  an  immense  quantity  of 
warlike  stores. 

Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne, Gates  march 
ed  down  the  Hudson  to  stop  the  devastations  of  Clinton  and 
Vaughan.  They  immediately  withdrew  to  New  York ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  Ticonderoga,  and  all  the  forts  on  the 
American  frontier,  were  abandoned  by  the  British  and  oc 
cupied  by  the  Patriots.  In  a  short  time,  the  whole  Northern 
department  was  freed  from  the  enemy,  and  reinforcements 
were  despatched  to  Washington. 

The  tidings  of  the  capture  of  Burgoyne's  army  circulated 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

rapidly,  and  was  received  with  unbounded  exultation.  As 
a  presage  of  future  victories,  it  was  invaluable  to  the  mili 
tary  spirit  of  the  people,  and  was  hailed  with  transports  of 
joy  as  a  certain  pledge  of  the  speedy  establishment  of  Inde 
pendence.  It  was  also  justly  esteemed  as  giving  such  an 
assurance  of  success  as  would  not  fail  to  secure  foreign  al 
liances  and  European  acknowledgments  of  the  United 
States  as  an  independent  power. 

The  thanks  of  Congress  were  voted  to  General  Gates  and 
his  army,  and  gold  medals  ordered  to  be  struck  to  comme 
morate  the  glorious  event. 

The  manner  in  which  the  Convention  of  Saratoga  was 
subsequently  observed  is  a  disputed  point  in  history,  in 
which  charges  of  bad  faith  are  mutually  made  by  each  na 
tion  against  the  other.  A  brief  notice  of  the  leading  facts 
will  show  that  there  were  faults  on  both  sides,  and  that  if  an 
unusual  distrust  of  the  intentions  of  the  British  was  display 
ed  by  Congress,  the  true  cause,  if  not  altogether  satisfactory 
at  least  defensible,  is  to  be  found  in  the  earlier  breaches  of 
humanity,  and  violations  of  military  usage,  practised  on 
American  prisoners  by  Gage  in  Massachusetts,  and  Howe 
in  New  York  and  New  Jersey.  It  is  certain  that  the  patriots 
who  first  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British  were  held  to  be 
rebels,  and  denied  the  ordinary  privileges  of  lawful  prison 
ers  of  war.  When  this  rigid  system  was  relaxed  so  as  to  ac 
knowledge  their  title  to  such  treatment,  they  fared  little  better. 
They  were  refused  almost  every  courtesy ;  kept  in  harsh, 
and  sometimes  barbarous,  confinement ;  and  in  numerous  in 
stances  made  the  victims  of  atrocious  personal  ill  usage  and 
persecution.  The  subject  of  an  exchange  of  prisoners  was, 
as  mentioned  before,  one  of  dispute  and  recrimination 
between  the  commanding  generals,  and  of  resentment  to 
Congress,  from  the  delays,  denials,  and  equivocations  of 
General  Howe.  In  the  midst  of  these  rankling  causes  for 
suspicion  and  anger,  the  Convention  of  Saratoga  threw  a 
preponderating  number  of  British  prisoners  into  the  power 
of  Congress.  It  is  not  possible  that  they  should  not  have 
desired  to  keep  that  vast  number  rigidly  to  the  terms  of 
capitulation,  and  employ  the  victory  so  as  to  enforce  the 
claims  of  their  own  captive  countrymen,  and  looked  with 
extreme  sensitiveness  upon  any  indication  of  willingness 
on  the  part  of  any  portion  of  them  to  violate  the  terms.  It 
is  moreover  rational,  if  not  magnanimous,  that  they  should 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  229 

suspect  a  repetition  of  what  they  had  experienced  before, 
and  perhaps  too  natural,  that  they  should  improve  the 
pretexts  which  the  conduct  of  any  portion  of  the  prisoners 
gave  them,  to  sustain  them  in  taking  strong  precautionary 
measures. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  captured  army  at  Boston,  the  sol 
diers  were  lodged  in  barracks,  provided  by  the  authorities ; 
but  from  the  unpopularity  of  the  officers,  it  was  difficult  to 
obtain  suitable  quarters  for  them.  They  complained  to  Bur- 
goyne,  who  remonstrated  with  General  Gates,  complaining 
that  it  was  a  breach  of  the  treaty  stipulations.  This  was  fol 
lowed  by  a  request  to  change  the  place  of  embarkation  from 
Boston  to  New  York  or  Rhode  Island,  both  being  then  in 
the  possession  of  the  British.  In  the  course  of  the  corres 
pondence,  Burgoyne  used  the  expression  that  "  the  public 
faith  pledged  at  Saratoga  had  been  broken  by  the  United 
States."  Congress,  who  had  previously  sought,  too  eagerly, 
to  find  specific  breaches  of  the  Convention  on  the  part  of 
the  prisoners,  from  all  which  the  testimony  of  Gates  acquit 
ted  them,  saw  in  this  declaration,  and  the  proposal,  plausi 
ble  ground,  perhaps  a  sufficient  one,  for  arresting  all  further 
compliance  with  the  Convention,  until  formally  ratified  by 
the  British  government.  They  argued,  that  any  subsequent 
breach  by  the  English,  in  re-enlisting  in  America,  contrary 
to  their  agreement,  could  be  justified  on  the  plea  of  notice, 
or  by  the  repetition  of  the  same  allegations,  and  they  thought 
they  found  evidence  that  such  a  design  was  meditated  in 
the  proposed  change  of  the  place  of  embarkation.  Burgoyne 
remonstrated  in  vain  against  this  determination,  retracted 
and  explained  his  words,  and  offered  every  possible  pledge 
to  abide  by  the  Convention,  but  Congress  was  inexorable. 
The  troops  were  detained,  and  he  finally  sailed  to  England 
without  them,  on  his  individual  parole.  The  imprudence 
of  Burgoyne  alone  gave  Congress  a  plausible  defence  for 
this  act,  but  it  is  certain  that  no  such  use  could  have  been 
made  of  it,  had  not  the  conduct  of  the  British  generals  in 
America  given  too  much  reason  for  the  distrust  and  resent 
ment  manifested  on  the  occasion. 

The  army  of  Washington  had  not  received  reinforce- 
ments  from  the  North  till  the  latter  part  of  October.  The 
works  on  the  Delaware,  guarding  the  passage,  occupied  the 
attention  of  both  armies.  Admiral  Howe  having  succeeded 
in  removing  the  obstructions  at  Billing's  Port,  after  the 


230  HISTORY  OF  THE 

evacuation  of  the  fort  by  the  Americans,  a  joint  attack  by 
sea  and  land  was  planned  against  Forts  Mercer  arid  Mifflin. 
Fort  Mifflin  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Samuel  Smith  of 
Maryland,  and  Fort  Mercer  by  Colonel  Greene.  The  Augusta, 
a  sixty-four  gun  ship,  and  the  Merlin,  a  frigate,  with  several 
o  t  °2d  I  sma^er  vessels,  moved  up  to  assault  Fort  Mifflin, 
I  on  Mud  Island,  while  Colonel  Donop,  with  1200 
Germans,  crossed  into  New  Jersey,  to  attack  Fort  Mercer. 
The  land  assault  was  impetuous.  Colonel  Greene's  force 
was  about  500,  not  enough  to  man  the  outworks  fully.  They 
were  in  consequence  slightly  defended,  and  the  entire 
strength  of  the  garrison  was  reserved  for  the  defence  of  the 
inner  entrenchments.  Colonel  Donop,  meeting  with  little 
opposition,  poured  in  his  Germans  with  great  confidence  and 
bravery,  but  was  met  with  such  a  deadly,  uninterrupted 
fire,  that  he  fell,  mortally  wounded  ;  his  second  in  command 
shared  the  same  fate,  and  the  third  was  compelled,  notwith 
standing  the  bravery  of  his  men,  to  draw  them  off  and  re 
treat,  with  prodigious  loss.  Four  hundred  of  them  were, 
killed  or  wounded,  while  the  garrison  lost  about  thirty  only, 

Fort  Mifflin  in  the  mean  time  sustained  an  incessant 
bombardment  from  the  shipping.  The  gallant  garrison  main 
tained  their  post  under  a  shower  of  bombs  and  cannon  balls, 
until  the  ebb  of  the  tide  left  the  Augusta  and  the  Merlin 
aground,  where  they  were  burnt. 

These  brilliant  actions  only  saved  the  forts  for  a  while, 
The  fort  on  Mud  Island  became  the  immediate  point  of  the 
future  operations  of  the  enemy,  and  its  defence  is  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  feats  of  determined  courage  exhibited 
during  the  war.  From  the  latter  part  of  September,  up  to 
the  date  of  the  general  attack,  the  numbers  under  the  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Smith  had  not  amounted  to  three  hundred. 
Reinforced  then,  he  had  about  four  hundred,  with  whom  he 
defended  the  fort  against  daily  assaults  by  land  and  water, 
until  the  llth  of  November.  By  that  time  the  enemy  had 
succeeded  in  getting  possession  of  such  positions  on  the 
heights  of  Province  Island  above,  as  made  the  fort  entirely 
untenable.  Colonel  Smith  was  wounded  in  a  bombardmenl 
of  his  post  from  that  quarter,  and  forced  to  withdraw,  and 
on  the  15th,  the  garrison  retired  to  Fort  Mercer,  on  Red 
Bank,  and  the  English  occupied  the  deserted  post.  A  strong 
division  was  sent,  under  the  command  of  Cornwallis,  against 
Red  Bank,  on  the  approach  of  which  the  garrison  evac- 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  231 

uated  it,  and  Cornwallis  took  possession  and  demolished  its 
defences. 

The  capture  of  the  forts  left  the  American  vessels  de 
fenceless,  and  the  crews  accordingly  abandoned  and  burnt 
them.  The  impediments  to  navigation  sunk  in  the  river 
were  next  removed  in  part,  by  the  British,  and  with  diffi 
culty,  and  the  passage  was  opened  for  transports  and  provision^ 
from  the  fleet,  to  reach  the  army  in  Philadelphia. 

The  troops  of  Washington,  reinforced  by  divisions  frorr 
the  victorious  army  of  the  North,  now  amounted  to  about 
twelve  thousand  regulars,  and  three  thousand  militia.  With 
these  he  was  encamped  at  White  Marsh,  whence  numerous 
attempts  were  made  by  Howe  to  draw  him  out,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  giving  battle,  but  in  vain.  He  could  not  be  in 
duced  to  risk  his  army  in  a  general  battle,  except  on  his 
own  position,  and  Howe,  foiled  in  his  manoeuvres,  returned 
to  Philadelphia  to  winter-quarters. 

Washington,  as  soon  as  he  became  satisfied  that  the  Brit 
ish  had  desisted  from  offensive  operations,  also  went  into 
winter-quarters  at  Valley  Forge,  about  sixteen  miles  from  the 
city. 

Thus  terminated  the  second  campaign  of  Great  Britain 
against  her  revolted  colonies.  Two  powerful  armies,  com 
manded  by  experienced  generals,  and  abundantly  provided 
with  every  thing,  had  succeeded  in  nothing  but  capturing 
the  cities  of  Philadelphia  and  New  York,  and  ravaging  the 
property  of  many  private  individuals  throughout  the  coun 
try.  One  army  had  been  lost  totally,  and  the  other,  though 
master  of  the  capital  of  the  country,  was  in  effect  straitened 
within  very  narrow  limits,  and  exercised  no  power  over  the 
people.  The  country  was  not  only  unsubdued,  but  unterri- 
fied,  and  more  sanguine  of  their  ability  to  maintain  their  In 
dependence,  and  warmed  with  sterner  and  more  unanimous 
determinations  to  yield  nothing  to  the  invader.  Besides 
their  own  higher  hopes  and  confidence  in  themselves, 
supported  by  the  issue  of  the  two  years'  battles,  they 
had  a  near  prospect  of  foreign  assistance  to  sustain  their 
claims. 

The  sufferings  of  the  memorable  winter  at  Valley  Forge, 
sufferings  which  tried  the  constancy  and  exhibited  in  a  no 
ble  light  the  heroic  patience  and  patriotism  of  the  soldiery 
of  the  Revolution,  form  the  next  subject  in  the  order  of 
time  in  the  military  history  of  the  war. 


232  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Before  following  up  that  narrative,  it  is  necessary  to  re 
cur  to  some  of  the  political  matters  that  had  engaged  the 
attention  of  Congress,  and  to  the  contemporaneous  move 
ments  in  Europe,  connected  with  American  affairs. 


CHAPTER  XJ. 

A  FRUITFUL  source  of  embarrassment  to  American  affairs 
in  every  department,  military  and  civil,  was  the  want  of  a 
stable  government.  Not  only  were  the  armies  of  1776  and 
1777  raised,  clothed,  and  directed  ;  the  political  and  foreign 
relations  of  the  country  managed,  and  vast  sums  of  money 
raised  and  expended  and  prodigious  debts  incurred,  without 
any  regular  form  of  government  or  binding  authority  from 
the  separate  States,  but  without  any  definite  system  among 
their  acting  representatives  in  Congress.  The  delegates  from 
the  several  States,  by  virtue  of  the  general  powers  and  in 
structions  of  each,  exercised  at  discretion  all  the  functions  of 
legitimate  government.  The  only  sanction  to  this  exercise 
was  the  implied  assent  of  their  separate  constituencies,  each 
of  which  was  a  distinct  sovereignty.  The  States  had  not  de 
fined  the  powers  which  they  designed  to  delegate,  nor  had 
Congress  established  a  system  of  powers  for  themselves.  All 
action  grew  out  of  the  necessities  of  each  occasion,  and  the 
acquiescence  of  the  people  was  presumed  to  what  was  con 
sidered  necessary.  The  evil  of  such  unlimited  discretion 
was  enormous.  It  weakened  all  confidence  in-'public  en 
gagements,  while  it  gave  constant  occasion  for  jealousies 
and  suspicion  among  the  people  of  the  States,  no  less  than 
among  their  representatives.  These  evils  were  foreseen  at 
a  very  early  day  by  the  leading  patriots,  and  plans  were 
suggested  for  removing  them  by  the  adoption  of  a  joint  sys 
tem  of  government.  Union  was  urged  as  indispensable  to 
strengthen  and  sustain  Independence,  and  secure  unanimity 
in  the  support  of  that  measure.  Dr.  Franklin  proposed  a 
plan  of  Confederation  in  the  summer  of  1775,  but  Congress 
were  not  then  ready  for  so  decided  a  movement  of  resist 
ance.  In  the  succeeding  year,  when  the  ties  of  connexion 
with  Great  Britain  were  about  to  be  broken,  the  project  of 


AMERICAN  *  RE  VOLUTION.  233 

&  union  of  the  States  was  revived  contemporaneously  with 
the  determination  to  assert  the  independence  of  the  States. 
But  one  day  intervened  between  the  adoption  of  the  resolu 
tion  on  Independence  in  Committee,  and  the  selection  of  a 
special  committee  to  prepare  a  form  of  Confederation.  Their 
names  have  already  been  quoted.  Their  report  was  made 
on  the  12th  of  July.  Delays  and  difficulties  occurred,  as 
well  from  differences  of  opinion  and  dissensions  among  the 
States,  as  from  the  pressure  of  immediate  danger  from  the 
common  enemy.  The  plan  was  resumed  in  April  1777,  and, 
after  long  discussion  and  repeated  postponements,  was  finally 
adopted  by  Congress,  on  the  15th  of  November,  in  that  year. 

John  Hancock  having  resigned  a  few  weeks  before, 
Henry  Laurens  of  South  Carolina,  was  then  President  of 
Congress. 

The  "  Articles  of  Confederation"  established  a  union  be 
tween  the  thirteen  States,  under  the  style  of  the  "United 
States  of  America."  It  was  resolved  to  be  a  "  firm  league 
of  friendship"  among  them,  "  for  their  defence,  the  security 
of  their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  and  general  welfare,  bind 
ing  themselves  to  assist  each  other  against  all  force  offered 
to,  or  attacks  made  upon,  them,  or  any  of  them,  on  account 
of  religion,  sovereignty,  trade,  or  any  other  pretence  what 
ever."  Each  State  was  to  retain  its  sovereignty,  freedom, 
and  independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right 
not  expressly  delegated  to  the  United  States.  Delegates 
were  to  be  appointed  by  each  State,  not  less  than  two  or 
more  than  seven  in  number;  each  State  to  maintain  its  del 
egates  ;  and  to  recall  them  at  pleasure.  In  the  determining  of 
questions,  the  vote  to  be  taken  by  States.  No  State  was  to 
enter  into  any  treaty,  agreement,  or  alliance,  with  a  foreign 
nation,  nor  with  any  other  State,  or  States,  without  the  con 
sent  of  Congress. 

The  States  were  prohibited  from  laying  imposts  or  duties, 
to  interfere  with  any  treaty  stipulations  of  the  United  States, 
in  pursuance  of  propositions  made  to  the  courts  of  France 
and  Spain.  No  vessels  of  war  were  to  be  kept  up  by  them 
in  time  of  peace,  except  such  as  Congress  might  deem  ne 
cessary  for  the  defence  of  the  State,  or  its  trade ;  nor  keep 
up  forces,  except  to  garrison  their  forts :  nor  engage  in  war, 
except  in  case  of  actual  invasion,  or  such  imminent  danger 
as  not  to  admit  of  delay  till  the  assembling  of  Congress. 
Every  State  was  required  to  keep  up  a  well-regulated  and 


HISTORY   OF   THE 

disciplined  militia,  sufficiently  armed  and  accoutred,  with  a 
proper  quantity  of  military  stores,  ammunition,  artillery, 
&c.  All  the  officers  of  land  forces  raised  by  the  States,  un 
der  the  rank  of  colonel,  were  to  be  filled  by  the  States. 

All  the  charges  of  war,  and  other  expenses  incurred 
for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare,  were  to  be 
defrayed  out  of  a  common  treasury,  supplied  by  the  States 
in  proportion  to  the  value  of  all  land  within  each  State,  grant 
ed  to  or  surveyed  for  any  person,  as  such  land,  and  the 
buildings  and  improvements  thereon  shall  be  estimated,  ac 
cording  to  such  mode  as  the  United  States  might  direct ; 
the  proportion  of  the  taxes  of  each  State  to  be  levied  by  the 
duration  and  authority  of  the  State  legislatures,  within  the 
time  agreed  upon  by  Congress. 

The  specially  delegated  and  exclusive  powers  of  Con 
gress  were  :  to  determine  on  peace  and  war,  except  in  case 
of  invasion,  or  imminent  danger  of  invasion ;  to  send  and 
receive  ambassadors  ;  make  treaties  and  alliances, — with  the 
exception  that  no  commercial  treaty  should  be  made  restrain 
ing  the  States  from  imposing  such  duties  on  foreigners  as 
their  own  people  are  subject  to,  or  from  prohibiting  exporta 
tion  or  importation.  Congress  were  to  decide  on  captures  by 
sea  and  land ;  prescribe  the  rules  for  distributing  prizes  ; 
grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  and  establish  courts  for 
the  adjudication  of  prizes,  and  the  trial  of  crimes  and  felo 
nies  committed  on  the  high  seas.  Congress  was  made  the 
final  judge  between  the  States,  in  all  cases  of  disputed 
boundaries,  "  or  any  other  cause  whatever;"  and  the  mode 
of  decision  was  minutely  prescribed,  with  the  proviso,  that 
no  State  should  be  deprived  of  territory  for  the  benefit  of  the 
United  States. 

Congress  were  to  have  the  sole  right  to  regulate  the  alloy 
and  value  of  the  coin  struck  by  their  own  authority,  or  that 
of  the  States ;  to  fix  a  general  standard  of  weights  and  mea 
sures  ;  regulate  trade  and  manage  affairs  with  the  In 
dians,  not  members  of  the  States,  "provided  the  legislative 
right  of  any  State,  within  its  own  limits,  be  not  infringed  or 
violated  ;"  establish  and  regulate  post-offices ;  and  appoint  all 
officers  of  the  land  forces,  except  regimental  officers,  and  all 
naval  officers. 

Congress  were  further  authorized  to  appoint  a  committee, 
to  sit  in  the  recess,  to  be  denominated  "  Jl  Committee  of  the 
States."  consisting  of  one  delegate  from  each  State  ;  to  ap- 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  235 

point  other  committees  and  necessary  civil  officers  for  man 
aging  the  general  affairs  of  the  United  States,  under  their 
direction ;  to  appoint  a  President  of  Congress,  provided  no 
person  was  allowed  to  serve  more  than  one  year  in  any 
time  of  three  years ;  to  ascertain  the  sums  of  money  neces 
sary  to  be  raised  for  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and 
appropriate  the  same ;  to  borrow  money  and  emit  bills  on 
the  credit  of  the  United  States,  rendering  an  account  half 
yearly  to  every  State ;  to  build  and  equip  a  navy ;  agree  on 
the  number  of  land  forces,  and  make  requisitions  for  them 
upon  the  State  legislatures,  the  United  States  .to  bear  the 
expense  of  raising,  equipping,  arming,  and  clothing  them. 

The  United  States  were  expressly  restrained  from  en 
gaging  in  war ;  granting  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in 
time  of  peace  ;  entering  into  treaties  and  alliances,  coining 
money  or  regulating  its  value,  ascertaining  or  fixing  the 
sums  necessary  for  the  use  of  the  United  States,  emit 
ting  bills,  borrowing  money  or  appropriating  it,  agreeing  on 
the  number  of  land  or  sea  forces,  or  appointing  a  com- 
mander-in-chief.  unless  nine  States  should  assent  to  the 
same.  All  other  questions,  except  that  of  adjournment  from 
day  to  day,  required  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  States. 

The  "  Committee  of  the  States,"  or  any  nine  of  them, 
might,  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  execute  such  powers  as 
Congress,  with  the  consent  of  nine  States,  should  invest 
them  with ;  provided  no  power  be  delegated  which,  in  Con 
gress,  required  the  assent  of  nine  States. 

It  was  further  provided,  that  all  bills  of  credit  emitted, 
moneys  borrowed,  and  debts  contracted  under  the  authority 
of  Congress,  before  the  assembling  of  the  United  States,  in 
pursuance  of  the  new  Confederation,  should  be  deemed  and 
considered  as  a  charge  against  the  United  States,  for  which 
the  public  faith  was  hereby  solemnly  pledged. 

Every  State  stipulated  to  abide  by  the  determination  of 
the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  questions 
which  by  the  Confederation  are  submitted  to  them  ;  the  arti 
cles  of  the  Confederation  to  be  inviolably  observed  by  every 
state,  and  the  union  to  be  perpetual ;  no  alteration  at  any 
time  thereafter  to  be  made  in  any  of  them,  unless  such  al 
teration  be  agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and 
afterwards  confirmed  by  the  legislature  of  every  State. 

Canada,  according  to  the  Confederation,  and  joining  in 
the  measures  of  the  United  States,  might  be  permitted  into 


236  HISTORY   OF   THE 

the  Union,  but  no  other  colony  to  be  admitted  into  the  same 
unless  such  admission  be  agreed  to  by  nine  States. 

This  plan  being  finally  agreed  to  in  Congress,  was  trans 
mitted  to  the  State  legislatures,  with  a  circular  letter,  en 
treating  their  early  consideration  of  it,  as  a  "  Confederacy 
for  securing  the  freedom,  sovereignty,  and  independence  of 
the  United  States."  "  It  will,"  says  the  letter,  "confound 
our  foreign  enemies,  defeat  the  flagitious  practices  of  the 
disaffected,  strengthen  and  confirm  our  friends,  support  our 
public  credit,  restore  the  value  of  our  money,  enable  us  to 
maintain  our  fleets  and  armies,  and  add  weight  and  respect 
to  our  councils  at  home,  and  to  our  treaties  abroad.  In  short, 
this  salutary  measure  can  no  longer  be  deferred.  It  seems 
essential  to  our  very  existence  as  a  free  people ;  and  with 
out  it  we  may  soon  be  constrained  to  bid  adieu  to  indepen 
dence,  to  liberty,  and  safety :  blessings  which,  from  the  jus 
tice  of  our  cause  and  the  favor  of  our  Almighty  Creator 
visibly  manifested  in  our  protection,  we  have  reason  to  ex 
pect,  if,  in  humble  dependence  on  his  divine  Providence, 
we  strenuously  exert  the  means  which  are  placed  in  our 
power." 

It  will  be  perceived  that  these  "  articles"  contain  little 
more  than  a  form  of  agreement  or  league  between  States 
entirely  distinct  and  independent,  and  that  there  was  pro 
vided  in  them  no  means  for  enforcing  the  decision  of  Con 
gress,  or  cariying  its  resolutions  into  effect,  other  than  by  the 
free  action  of  each  State  in  its  separate  capacity,  acting 
through  its  legislature,  representing  its  citizens.  The  Con 
federation  vested  no  power  in  the  new  government  to  act 
upon  the  people  of  the  States,  except  through  requisitions 
upon  State  authorities.  Adopted  by  Congress  in  November, 
"the  articles"  were  not  considered  as  binding  conclusively 
until  they  had  been  approved  of,  and  ratified  by,  the  legis 
latures  of  all  the  states  ;  which  was  not  accomplished  in  fact 
until  the  year  1781.  The  delays  and  controversies  which 
postponed  the  ratification  so  long,  did  not  however  prevent 
the  States  from  acting,  so  far  as  the  conduct  of  the  war  was 
concerned,  under  an  admission  that  the  stipulations  were  to 
be  fulfilled  in  good  faith.  Their  most  important  bearing  upon 
the  history  of  this  era  of  the  revolution,  is  in  the  rule  of 
action  and  specifications  of  powers  which  they  established 
for  Congress.  If  the  States  did  not  immediately  and  for 
mally  sanction  all  the  features  of  the  plan,  it,  nevertheless, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  237 

was  obligatory  upon  the  body  who  adopted  it,  and  derived 
their  authority  from  it,  and  became  to  them  a  written  Con 
stitution,  prescribing  and  limiting  their  functions. 

Though  not  strictly  in  the  order  of  time,  it  may  be  added 
here,  that  these  articles  of  confederation  were  ratified  by 
all  the  States,  except  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Mary 
land,  before  June,  1778.  New  Jersey  ratified  in  November 
of  that  year,  after  a  vain  effort  to  procure  some  important 
modifications;  Delaware  did  not  assent  until  the  22d  of 
February,  1779.  Maryland,  who  had,  with  Delaware,  in 
sisted  on  an  amendment,  securing  the  Western  lands  for 
the  benefit  of  all  the  States,  adhered  to  her  resolution  much 
longer,  and  carried  on  an  intermediate  controversy  with  Vir 
ginia  on  the  subject.  She,  however,  never  delayed  in  her 
exertions  in  support  of  the  war,  and  finally  acceded  to  the 
Confederation  in  March,  1781.  She  protested  that  her  con 
sent  was  given  because  "  the  common  enemy"  was  encour 
aged  by  her  refusal,  and  because  her  "  friend  and  '  illus 
trious  ally'  (France)  believed  her  accession  would  greatly 
benefit  the  common  cause."  She  declared  at  the  same  time, 
that  "  by  ratifying  the  articles  of  Confederation,  she  did  not 
relinquish,  or  intend  to  relinquish,  her  interest  with  the 
other  confederated  States  to  the  Western  territory." 

The  necessity  of  adopting  some  system  of  action  in  Congress 
had  been  forced  upon  them  in  the  summer  of  1777,  by  the 
confusion  which  prevailed  throughout  the  public  service.  The 
want  of  system  had  not  only  endangered  the  organization  of 
the  army,  upon  which  the  defence  of  the  country  relied,  but 
had  contributed  essentially  to  impose  upon  Congress  the  adop 
tion  of  that  unwise  financial  policy,  and  those  harsh  expe 
dients  which  affected  the  currency  so  fatally.  The  depart 
ments  of  the  Commissary  General  and  the  Quarter-Master 
General  were  not  well  organized,  and  what  they  could  have 
effected  in  the  procuring  of  supplies  was  obstructed  by  the 
pernicious  interference  of  Congress  in  the  regulation  of 
prices.  The  depreciation  of  the  bills  of  credit,  which  had 
been  profusely  emitted  during  the  first  years  of  the  war,  was 
alarming,  and  the  remedies  proposed  were  false  in  principle 
and  most  unjust  in  effect.  The  three  millions  that  had  been 
issued  in  1775  had  been  increased,  by  successive  emissions, 
until  the  amount  reached  to  near  a  hundred  millions,  for 
which  the  faith  of  the  States  was  pledged ;  but  no  means 
were  provided  for  its  redemption,  or  to  give  a  prospect  of 


238  HISTORY  OF   THE 

eventual  security  to  the  holders.  Without  commerce,  with 
state  governments  but  imperfectly  organized,  and  no  common 
government  for  the  whole,  it  would  have  been  imprudent  to 
call  for  taxes,  even  had  there  been  a  superintending  authority 
to  prescribe  and  collect  them ;  foreign  trade  was  totally  ex 
tinct,  and  Congress  had  no  other  resource  but  unlimited 
promises,  contingent  not  only  upon  the  successful  issue  of 
the  wrar,  but  the  subsequent  formation  of  an  efficient  govern 
ment,  and  the  untried  ability  of  the  country  in  times  of 
peace  and  independence.  Depreciation  of  this  paper  was 
the  unavoidable  consequence.  It  was  seriously  felt  in  the 
beginning  of  1777.  To  counteract  it,  Congress,  in  January, 
provided  a  law,  making  the  bills  a  tender  in  payment  in  all 
public  and  private  business, and  declaring  the  refusal  to  receive 
it  as  such,  to  be  the  extinguishment  of  the  debt.  Whoever 
refused  to  receive  it  at  par,  in  exchange  for  any  articles  of 
property  whatever,  was  denounced  as  an  enemy  to  his 
country.  These  wild  and  dangerous  measures  only  served 
to  accelerate  the  mischief  by  enhancing  prices  enormous 
ly,  and  Congress  accordingly,  proceeding  in  the  same  coer 
cive  measures,  and  attributing  to  hostile  feelings,  or  the  de 
sire  to  speculate  on  the  public  distress,  what  was  the  real 
effect  of  their  own  measures,  and  the  impoverished  state  of 
the  country,  resorted  to  still  stronger  and  indefensible  expe 
dients.  They  procured  the  establishment  in  the  States  of 
laws  regulating  the  price  of  labor,  and  of  all  exchangeable 
commodities.  If  any  persons  refused  to  sell,  the  purchasing 
commissaries  were  authorized  to  seize  upon  all  surplus  beyond 
a  given  quantity,  at  the  prices  so  fixed.  This  arbitrary  sys 
tem  drove  every  thing  out  of  the  public  market.  Citizens 
secreted  their  effects  and  intermitted  their  industry,  and 
the  public  embarrassments  increased  instead  of  diminishing. 
An  exhausted  country  was  goaded  by  such  palpable  wrong, 
and  by  the  unerring  instincts  of  self-preservation,  to  ob 
struct  the  furnishing  of  what  was  absolutely  required  by 
the  public  necessities.  In  November,  1778,  about  the  time 
of  the  adoption  of  the  articles  of  Confederation,  an  effort  was 
made  to  alter  the  system  of  finance,  by  raising  the  necessary 
sums  from  the  States  in  the  form  of  taxes.  Five  millions 
were  apportioned  among  them,  to  be  raised  within  the  year; 
the  amount  to  be  funded  until  the  final  settlement,  at  an  in 
terest  of  six  per  cent.  But  the  expedient  succeeded  badly. 
Little  attention  was  paid  to  the  regulation,  and  the  old  sys- 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  239 

tern  continued  to  produce  public  distress  and  embarrass 
ment,  and  private  suffering  and  injury,  until  the  end  of  the 
war. 

These  depreciations  of  the  currency  aggravated  the  defi 
cient  arrangement  and  mal-administration  of  the  army  de 
partments  charged  with  supplying  the  soldiers  with  arms  and 
provisions.  The  want  of  subordination  and  accountability 
was  the  chief  evil,  and  produced  perpetual  confusion.  The 
remonstrances  of  Washington  were  frequent  and  urgent, 
against  the  existing  modes  of  transacting  business,  until 
Congress,  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  deputed  a  commit 
tee  to  examine  into  the  subject,  at  head-quarters.  The  re 
sult  of  the  interview  was  the  reorganization,  early  in  the 
next  year,  of  the  departments  of  Commissary  General  and 
Quarter-Master  General.  General  Greene  was  made  Quarter- 
Master  General,  and  Colonel  Wadsworth  Commissary  Gen 
eral.  The  deputies  who  had  before  been  appointed  by  Con 
gress,  and  made  accountable  only  to  them,  were  put  under 
the  control  of  the  heads  of  department.  This  reform  was 
followed  by  rapid  improvements  in  the  management  of  those 
branches  of  the  public  service  ;  but  unhappily  the  effect  was 
not  felt  until  after  the  army  had  suffered  the  extreme  priva 
tions  of  that  terrible  winter  at  Valley  Forge. 

At  the  same  time  the  just  complaints  of  the  officers  of  the 
army,  which  had  been  repeatedly  pressed  upon  Congress, 
received  some  attention.  Oppressed  with  want,  overwhelm 
ed  with  debt,  and  unable  from  the  degraded  currency  and 
their  scanty  pay,  to  preserve  a  decent  exterior,  or  provide 
the  common  comforts  of  existence,  they  had,  time  after  time, 
called  for  a  more  liberal  and  permanent  provision.  Many  of 
them  had  resigned,  and  more  threatened  to  do  so,  unless 
their  grievances  were  redressed.  A  tardy  and  ungracious 
grant  of  half-pay  for  life  was  voted  to  them,  which,  by  sub 
sequent  resolutions,  was  restricted  to  seven  years  from  the 
end  of  the  war.  It  served  for  a  while  to  lessen  the  com 
plaints  of  the  officers,  though  it  was  far  from  affording  them 
substantial  relief  or  permanent  satisfaction.  On  the  last  day 
of  the  year,  Congress  voted  a  gratuity  of  one  month's  extra 
pay  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  in  the  army  of  Washington, 
as  a  reward  for  the  patience,  fidelity,  and  zeal  with  which 
they  had  borne  up  under  the  dangers  and  fatigues  of  the 
campaign. 

But  a  greater  calamity  than  depreciated  credit,  discon- 


240  HISTORY    OF    THE 

tented  officers,  a  disordered  and  exhausted  army,  and  an 
impoverished  people,  threatened  the  American  cause,  at  the 
close  of  the  year  1777.  Machinations  were  on  foot  among 
powerful  and  popular  leaders  in  Congress  and  in  the  army, 
for  displacing  Washington  from  the  command  and  elevating 
General  Gates  to  that  station.  The  brilliant  result  of  the 
Northern  campaign,  and  the  glorious  victory  of  Saratoga, 
were  contrasted  with  the  reverses  in  New  York,  New  Jer 
sey,  and  Pennsylvania,  since  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  to  the  disparagement  of  the  military  reputation  of 
Washington.  Anonymous  and  vague  charges  were  soon 
followed  by  loud  murmurs  and  open  accusations  among  the 
partizans  of  the  discontented  ;  letters  were  freely  circulated 
impeaching  the  integrity  and  ability  of  Washington ;  and 
pieces  published  in  the  newspapers,  expressing  dissatisfac 
tion  at  his  mode  of  conducting  the  war,  and  calling  for  his 
removal  and  the  substitution  of  Gates.  Some  of  the  State 
legislatures  joined  in  the  movement.  That  of  Pennsylvania 
addressed  a  remonstrance  to  Congress  against  his  conduct 
of  the  campaign,  when  he  retired  into  winter-quarters. 
Generals  Mifflin  and  Conway,  and  probably  Gates  himself, 
were  parties  to  these  intrigues.  Before  their  aim  was  fully 
discovered,  they  had  succeeded  in  establishing  a  board  of 
war,  of  which  Gates  and  Mifflin  were  members,  which  un 
dertook  to  act  in  opposition  to  the  commander-in-chief. 
Conway  obtained  the  appointment  of  Inspector-general  of  the 
army  ;  and  the  opponents  of  Washington  for  a  while  seemed 
to  have  assumed  the  lead  in  public  affairs,  and  superseded 
him  in  the  confidence  of  his  country.  Under  their  direction, 
and  contrary  to  his  remonstrances,  they  projected  anew  ex 
pedition  into  Canada,  of  which  they  assigned  the  lead  to 
the  Marquis  La  Fayette.  On  his  arrival  at  Albany,  where 
he  was  directed  to  take  command,  he  found  nothing  pre 
pared  for  the  expedition.  On  his  complaint  to  Congress, 
he  was  recalled  and  the  scheme  abandoned.  The  develop 
ment  of  these  plans  showed  how  widely  the  conspirators  had 
mistaken  public  sentiment,  if  they  had  hoped  to  be  sustained 
in  their  projected  removal  of  Washington.  The  indignation 
became  so  great,  even  among  the  troops  under  the  imme 
diate  command  of  Gates,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  appeased. 
The  principal  intriguers  were  forced  to  withdraw  from  pub 
lic  view,  to  save  themselves  from  the  resentment  of  the  sol 
diers.  Conway  resigned  his  commission,  and  subsequently 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  241 

fought  a  duel  with  General  Cadwalader,  in  which  he  was 
wounded,  as  he  believed,  mortally ;  he  wrote  a  penitential  let 
ter  to  Washington,  expressing  his  grief  for  the  injury  he  had 
attempted  to  do.  "You  are,"  said  he,  "  in  my  eyes,  the 
great  and  good  man — may  you  long  enjoy  the  love,  venera 
tion,  and  esteem  of  these  States,  whose  liberties  you  have 
asserted  by  your  virtues."  The  resignation  of  Conway  en 
abled  Washington  to  fill  that  office  with  his  friend,  Baron 
Steuben,  a  Prussian  officer  of  great  capacity,  who  had  serv 
ed  in  the  army  of  the  Great  Frederick. 

During  the  progress  of  these  intrigues,  Washington  was  fully 
advised  of  all  that  was  designed  and  attempted  against  him. 
His  private  letters  and  public  communications,  spoke  the 
same  magnanimous  and  moderate  spirit,  which  confer  more 
true  lustre  on  his  character  than  his  splendid  military  genius. 
Even  when  Congress  seemed  almost  ready  to  abandon  him  to 
the  fury  of  his  detractors,  he  never  for  a  moment  forgot  the 
calm  dignity  of  conscious  rectitude,  never  was  betrayed  into 
a  word  or  an  act  of  petulance  or  irritability,  and  never  relaxed 
the  devotion  of  his  entire  faculties  to  the  service  of  his  country. 
Although  deeply  wounded  in  his  feelings,  he  stifled  his  re 
sentments,  and  forbore  to  use  the  means  of  exculpation  in  his 
own  hands,  lest  the  disclosure  might  injure  the  common  cause. 
As  the  crisis  showed  him  maintaining  his  serenity  in  the  midst 
of  trials,  so  his  triumph  in  the  discomfiture  of  his  enemies  was 
signalized  by  delicate  forbearance  and  generous  forgiveness 
of  injuries.  The  vindication  of  his  own  character  and  the 
recognition  in  so  unequivocal  a  manner  of  his  claims  to  the 
admiration  and  affection  of  his  country,  touching  as  they 
must  have  been  to  his  feelings,  were  secondary  in  his  esti 
mation  to  the  great  benefits  of  restored  confidence  and  re 
united  counsels  to  the  liberties  of  America. 

Never  were  united  counsels,  mutual  forbearance,  and  un 
tiring  energy  more  required  than  for  the  management  of 
American  affairs  during  that  winter.  None  of  the  reforms  in 
the  army,  dictated  by  necessity,  began  to  relieve  the  embar 
rassments  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  or  diminish  mate 
rially  the  sufferings  of  the  army,  until  some  months  of 
their  encampment  at  Valley  Forge  had  passed.  A  faithful 
picture  of  all  they  endured  there  by  hunger  and  17?g 
cold,  in  want  of  the  most  common  necessaries  of 
clothing,  of  forage,  food,  and  tents,  would  display  a  scene  not 
more  striking  for  its  unparalleled  hardships,  than  for  the  con- 


242  HISTORY   OF    THE 

stancy  and  heroism  with  which  they  were  sustained.  With* 
out  shoes,  their  march  to  Valley  Forge  might  have  been 
tracked  by  their  bloody  steps  on  the  frozen  ground.     Desti 
tute  of  tents,  they  felled  trees  and  built  themselves  huts,  to 
protect  them  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  At  times 
they  were  without  food  for  days,  and  with  no  certain  pros 
pect  of  supply ;   depending  for  escape  from  the  horrors  of 
famine  upon  the  chance  returns  of  parties  sent  out  to  levy 
contributions  by  force  upon  the  neighboring  country.     The 
scarcity  of  fuel,  and  even  straw  for  beds,  was  so  great,  that 
hundreds  slept  on  the  bare  earth,  half  clad,  and  without 
blankets,  protecting  themselves  from  freezing  only  by  hud 
dling  together,   to  preserve  the  animal  warmth  of  their 
bodies.     Fevers  and  other  diseases,  the  natural  product  of 
want,  fatigue,  and  the  filth  generated  by  crowded  and  humid 
huts,  were  added  to  the  other  afflictions,  and  deepened  them 
into  horror.     The  hospitals  were  filled  with  patients  that  had 
sickened  from  want  to  die  of  neglect.    The  medical  depart 
ment  was  even  more  deficient  than  the  other  branches  of 
the  service:  for  the   want  of  proper   medicines,  diet,  and 
food,  was  aggravated  by  the  coarse  cupidity  and  brutal  neg 
lect  of  the  medical  attendants.  The  hospitals  became  terrors 
to  the  well,  and  the  invalids  preferred  dying  in  the  open  air 
to  perishing  in   an   atmosphere   of   pestilence   among  the 
expiringand  the  unburied  dead.   Frightful  indeed  to  the  con 
templation  is  the  record  of  the  sufferings  at  Valley  Forge,  and 
above  all  things  glorious  to  the  army  and  the  cause  in  which 
they  suffered,  the  memory  of  their  patience,  their  patri 
otic  resignation,  their  heroic  firmness  in  endurance.     The 
hundreds  upon  hundreds  that  perished  unrepiningly  in  keep 
ing  the  faith  they  had  pledged  to  their  country,  victims  to 
the  false  policy  of  the  government,  the  mismanagement  of 
their  officers,  and  the  necessities  of  an  almost  exhausted  na 
tion,  are  entitled  even  to  a  deeper  sentiment  of  veneration 
and  gratitude  than  their  more  fortunate  fellows  who  died  in 
the  field  of  battle.     Nothing  of  temporary  excitement  sus 
tained  them  ;  no  evanescent  enthusiasm  buoyed  them  up 
with  sudden  ardour ;  they  struggled  and  died  in  silence,  un 
complaining  and  unknown  to  fame,  invigorated  solely  by 
their  love  of  liberty  and  the  consciousness  of  performing  a 
sacred  duty. 

Of  the  seventeen  thousand  men  who  went  into  camp  on 
the   19th  of   December,   the   number  of  effective   men  in 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  243 

February  was  only  about  five  thousand.     Nearly  four  thou 
sand  (3989)  were  unfit  for  duty  from  nakedness. 

General  Washington,  with  the  most  indefatigable  perse 
verance,  labored  to  remedy  these  grievances  and  supply  the 
most  pressing  wants.  He  exercised  the  powers  given  him 
by  Congress  in  seizing  forcibly  upon  the  provisions  within 
reach  of  the  camp,  on  such  terms  as  the  law  prescribed,  to 
preserve  the  army  from  dissolution  ;  and  when  that  resource 
was  exhausted,  he  made  earnest  and  finally  successful  appeals 
to  the  New  England  States.  Towards  spring  supplies  were 
furnished  with  more  regularity  and  in  greater  quantities, 
and  as  the  season  advanced,  the  condition  of  the  army  be 
gan  to  improve.  The  public  affairs  of  the  States  began  at 
this  period  to  realize  some  of  the  benefits  of  the  victory  over 
Burgoyne,  in  determining  the  European  rivals  of  Great 
Britain  to  take  open  part  with  the  Americans  in  sustaining 
their  independence.  The  secret  aid  given  by  the  court  of 
France,  and  the  service  of  numerous  distinguished  French 
men  in  the  American  army,  have  already  been  related.  The 
capture  of  Burgoyne,  and  the  advance  towards  a  stable 
form  of  government  in  the  adoption  of  the  articles  of  Con 
federation,  satisfied  the  French  king  of  the  determination  of 
the  Americans,  as  well  as  their  capacity,  to  resist  the  power 
of  Great  Britain,  and  of  the  expediency  of  affording  them 
countenance  and  succor. 

During  the  year  the  conduct  of  France  had  afforded  suf 
ficient  indications  to  the  world  of  her  desire  to  engage  in 
the  war  on  a  favorable  opportunity.  As  the  fortunes  of  the 
Americans  varied,  her  connivance  at  practices  favorable  to 
them,  and  hostile  to  British  commerce,  was  more  or  less 
open,  but  always  unequivocally  inclining  to  the  new  States 
When  pressed  by  the  British  ministry  lor  explanations,  she 
evaded  the  demand,  or  complied  in  form,  without  exacting 
obedience  to  the  orders  which,  in  order  to  save  the  appearance 
of  neutrality,  she  was  obliged  to  issue.  In  compliance  with  the 
remonstrance  of  Lord  Stormoni,  an  order  was  obtained  for  all 
American  privateers  and  their  prizes  to  quit  the  ports  of  the 
kingdom;  but  expedients  for  delay  were  allowed  with  such 
success,  that  not  one  of  them  obeyed  the  order.  Instructions 
were  privately  given  to  the  revenue-officers  to  afford  coun 
tenance  and  protection  to  French  subjects  trading  with 
America.  These,  and  other  more  substantial  acts  of  favor, 
in  gifts,  loans  of  money  and  arms,  were  notorious  to  the 


244  HISTORY   OF    THE 

British  government  during  the  year,  but  they  were  not  in  a 
situation  to  show  resentment  by  a  declaration  of  war,  and  they 
held  out  to  the  public  the  opinion  that  no  danger  of  French 
hostility  was  to  be  apprehended. 

The  American  Commissioners  at  the  French  court  did  not 
cease  to  press,  with  the  strongest  arguments  and  importu 
nities,  for  a  formal  treaty  of  alliance,  and  an  open  recog 
nition  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States.  After 
alternately  advancing  and  receding  with  the  fluctuations  of 
the  fortune  of  war,  the  events  of  the  autumn  determined  the 
French  to  accede  to  the  requests  of  the  Commissioners,  and 
accordingly  on  the  19th  of  December,  M.  Gerard  signified 
to  them,  on  behalf  of  the  king,  that  "  France  would  not 
only  acknowledge,  but  support  with  all  her  power,  the  Inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States,  and  would  conclude  with 
them  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce."  He  added,  that  no 
advantage  would  be  taken  of  the  distressed  situation  of  the 
United  States,  but  such  terms  would  be  made  as  if  they  were 
established  in  sovereignty  and  power.  The  negotiations 
which  followed  ended  on  the  sixth  of  February,  17T8,  in  the 
formal  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  amity  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  Louis 
XVI. ;  acknowledging  the  Independence  of  the  States,  and 
regulating  the  commercial  intercourse  between  them  ;  and 
shortly  after,  of  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive, 
to  take  effect  as  soon  as  war  should  be  declared  by  England 
against  France.  The  war  was  made  inevitable,  not  only  by 
the  recognition  of  American  Independence,  but  by  the  es 
tablishment  in  the  new  treaties  of  principles  in  respect  to 
neutral  rights  and  blockades,  opposed  to  those  uniformly 
maintained  by  the  British  government.  In  anticipation  of 
hostilities,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  two  powers  should  assist 
each  other  with  their  whole  strength ;  and  would  not  lay 
down  arms  without  mutual  consent,  nor  conclude  peace  un 
til  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  was  acknowledged 
oy  treatv.  It  was  agreed,  that  if  the  provinces  of  Great 
Britain  on  the  Continent,  or  the  Bermuda  Islands,  should 
be  conquered,  they  should  belong  to  the  United  States,  and 
all  the  West  India  Islands  to  France.  France  guaranteed  to 
the  United  States  their  liberty,  sovereignty,  and  indepen 
dence  ;  and  the  United  States  guaranteed  to  France  her  pre 
sent  possessions  in  America,  and  such  as  might  be  obtained 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  245 

by  conquest  during  the  war.  A  secret  article  reserved  to 
Spain  the  right  of  becoming  party  to  these  "  Treaties." 

These  treaties  were  signed  by  M.  Gerard  on  the  part  of 
the  French  king,  and  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and 
Arthur  Lee,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  They  were 
formally  communicated  to  the  British  government  by  the 
French  ambassador,  the  Marquis  de  Noailles,  on  the  13th 
of  March,  and  arrived  in  the  United  States  on  the  2d  of  May. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  narrative  of  events  in  Amer 
ica  after  this  propitious  turn  in  the  affairs  of  the  States, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  review  the  opposite  effects  of  the 
campaign  of  1777  on  Great  Britain,  and  the  consequent 
measures  of  that  government. 

The  first  successes  of  Burgoyne  had  raised  the  spirits  of 
the  ministerial  party  to  the  highest  pitch  of  exultation.  The 
conquest  of  America  was  considered  as  certain,  and  the 
prophecies  and  denunciations  with  which  the  ministerial 
policy  had  been  met  by  the  opposition,  were  held  up  to  ridi 
cule.  The  news  of  the  repulse  at  Bennington  did  not  mate 
rially  affect  their  sanguine  calculations,  and  when  the  Par 
liament  opened  on  the  20th  of  November,  the  king's  speech 
was  composed  of  confident  annunciations  of  success,  and 
promises  of  moderation  towards  "  the  deluded  and  un 
happy  multitude,"  who  were  about  to  be  subdued  by  his 
armies  into  a  renewal  of  their  allegiance.  Addresses  were 
moved  in  reply  to  the  speech,  full  of  panegyric,  and  pro 
fessing  unbounded  confidence  in  the  royal  and  ministerial 
wisdom.  The  minority  s.till  struggled,  but  in  vain,  to  stay 
the  course  of  violent  measures,  and  procure  the  cessation  of 
hostilities,  and  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  disputes  while 
their  armies  were  victorious,  and  concession  would  be  mag 
nanimous.  The  Marquis  of  Granby  and  Lord  John  Caven 
dish  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  Earl  of  Chatham  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  spoke  earnestly  and  ably,  but  vainly,  in 
favor  of  peace.  The  warlike  policy  of  the  ministers  wras  sus 
tained  by  triumphant  votes  in  both  houses.  A  vehement 
attack  was  made  by  Lord  Chatham,  in  the  course  of  the  de 
bate,  on  the  conduct  of  the  Northern  campaign,  in  the  em 
ployment  of  the  Indian  allies.  His  denunciations  of  this 
barbarous  practice  were  clothed  in  language  of  the  most 
sublime  eloquence  and  indignation.  It  was  but  feebly  an 
swered  ;  the  tyrant's  plea  of  convenience,  and  the  coward's 
plea  of  custom,  being  the  only  defences  which  the  ministers 


246  HISTORY    OF    THE 

offered.  The  debate  closed  with  an  overwhelming  majority 
against  all  change  in  the  policy  of  government.  The  next 
day  reversed  the  aspect  of  parties,  and  brought  deep  humi 
liation  and  disappointment  to  those  who  were,  a  few  hours 
before,  insolent  with  triumph  and  flushed  with  victories. 
The  dispatches  from  America  brought  intelligence  of  the 
disasters  of  the  Northern  campaign,  and  the  defeat  and  sur 
render  of  the  army  of  Burgoyne.  Lord  North  is  reported  to 
have  shed  tears  of  shame  and  mortification,  and  the  minis 
terial  advocates  shrunk  before  the  invectives  and  sarcasms 
of  the  opposition.  Lord  Chatham,  holding  up  a  paper  to  the 
House,  told  them  "he  had  the  king's  speech  in  his  hand, 
and  a  deep  sense  of  the  public  calamity  in  his  heart."  That 
speech,  he  said,  "  contained  a  most  unfaithful  picture  of  pub 
lic  affairs;  it  had  a  specious  outside,  was  full  of  hopes,  while 
every  thing  within  was  full  of  danger."  He  went  on  to 
arraign  the  whole  course  of  the  administration,  and  moved 
for  papers  and  orders  relating  to  the  campaign  from  Canada. 
His  motions  failed,  but  the  ministry  were  not  yet  prepared 
to  meet  the  adverse  current  with  firmness,  or  by  any  settled 
system  of  policy.  They  limited  themselves  to  devising  mea 
sures  for  repairing  the  finances  of  the  country,  and  filling  up 
the  losses  in  the  army.  Notwithstanding  the  universal  con 
sternation  with  which  the  intelligence  of  the  defeats  in 
America  were  received,  the  national  spirit  of  the  English 
prompted  them  to  make  liberal  exertions  to  support  public 
credit.  Large  voluntary  contributions  of  men  and  money 
were  made  to  the  government ;  and  after  the  recess  of  the 
holidays,  Lord  North  came  forward  with  a  new  and  unex 
pected  proposition  for  conciliation.  On  the  17th 
of  February  he  introduced  it  in  a  speech,  the 
tenor  of  which  surprised  a  large  portion  of  his  own  sup 
porters,  while  it  manifested  to  the  opposition  a  total  aban 
donment  of  the  principles  upon  which  the  war  had  been 
commenced.  All  the  pretensions  to  parliamentary  supre 
macy  in  taxation,  the  appointment  of  officers,  and  the  inter 
nal  government  of  the  Colonies,  against  which  they  had 
taken  up  arms,  were  waived,  and  greater  actual  indepen 
dence  offered  them  than  the  boldest  among  them  had  claim 
ed  in  their  Colonial  condition.  After  confessing  the  disap 
pointment  of  all  his  expectations  in  the  various  measures  he 
had  proposed  for  raising  revenue  in  America,  and  executing 
the  laws  there,  he  offered  his  scheme  of  reconciliation.  Had 


Feb.  1778. 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  247 

there  been  any  lingering  willingness  among  the  Americans 
to  return  to  a  political  connexion  with  Great  Britain  on  any 
terms,  those  proposed  by  Lord  North  could  not  well  have 
been  rejected.  The  relation  established  by  them  between 
the  countries  would  have  been  rather  a  federal  union  of 
States,  under  a  common  executive,  than  the  dependence  of 
Colonies  on  a  parent  State. 

The  first  act  was  entitled  "  An  act  for  removing  all  doubts 
and  apprehensions  concerning  taxation  in  any  of  the  Colo 
nies,  provinces,  and  plantations  in  North  America  and  the 
West  Indies,"  and  for  repealing  the  tea  act.  The  second  act 
restored  the  charter  of  Massachusetts;  and  the  third,  author 
ized  the  king  "  to  appoint  Commissioners,  with  sufficient 
power  to  treat,  consult,  and  agree  upon  the  means  of  quiet 
ing  the  disorders  now  subsisting  in  certain  of  the  colonies, 
plantations,  and  provinces  in  North  America." 

By  the  first  act  it  was  enacted,  that  "the  king  and  par 
liament  of  Great  Britain  would  not  impose  any  duty,  tax,  or 
assessment  whatever,  payable  in  any  of  his  Majesty's  colo 
nies,  provinces,  and  plantations  in  North  America  or  the 
West  Indies,  except  only  such  duties  as  it  might  be  expe 
dient  to  enforce  for  the  regulation  of  commerce"  the  produce 
of  such  duties  to  be  applied  to  the  use  of  the  colonies,  as 
other  duties  levied  by  the  Colonial  legislatures.  The  act 
appointing  Commissioners  authorized  them  "  to  treat,  con 
sult,  and  agree  with  such  body  or  bodies  politic  and  corpo 
rate,  or  with  such  assembly  or  assemblies  of  men,  or  any 
person  or  persons  whatsoever,"  in  the  Colonies,  in  relation 
to  all  complaints  or  grievances,  and  concerning  "  any  aid 
or  contribution"  to  be  furnished  by  the  Colonies,  or  any  of 
them,  to  the  common  defence. 

To  carry  these  powers  into  effect,  it  was  further  enacted, 
that  the  king  might  authorize  them  to  proclaim  a  cessation 
of  hostilities  for  any  time  and  on  any  terms ;  to  suspend  at 
discretion  all  acts  of  Parliament  passed  since  the  10th  of 
February,  1763;  to  grant  pardons,  and  appoint  governors 
for  such  Colonies  as  might  be  reconciled. 

This  act  was  to  remain  in  force  until  June,  1779.  Thus, 
after  fifteen  years  of  controversy,  three  yea'rs  of  open  war. 
the  expenditure  of  fifteen  millions  sterling,  and  the  loss  of  a 
great  army,  the  ministry  conceded  at  once  all  that  had  been 
in  dispute.  They  humbled  themselves  still  further  by  stipu 
lating  that  the  renunciation  of  American  Independence  should 


248  HISTORY    OF    THE 

be  waived  until  the  conclusion  of  a  satisfactory  arrange 
ment,  to  be  ratified  by  Parliament;  and  that  if  the  Colonies 
refused  all  contribution  in  any  form  to  the  public  service,  it 
should  not  be  insisted  on  as  a  sine  qua  non.  The  haste  of  the 
ministers  to  see  the  effect  of  these  measures  was  such,  that 
the  bills,  before  their  final  passage,  were  despatched  to 
America,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  General  Howe,  for  use 
among  the  Americans,  before  the  arrival  of  the  French 
treaties. 

The  bills  were  pressed  forward  through  Parliament  with 
eagerness,  and,  excepting  the  act  relating  to  the  Massachu 
setts  charter,  supported  by  all  parties.  The  opposition,  with 
Fox  and  Burke  at  their  head,  were  not  sparing  in  sarcasms 
on  the  imbecility  and  versatility  of  the  minister,  who  had 
tried  every  expedient  to  carry  his  point;  and  failing  in  all, 
had  changed  his  positions  so  entirely,  and  yet  claimed  the 
credit  of  firmness  and  consistency.  Fox  charged  the  pacific 
dispositions  of  Lord  North  to  his  knowledge  that  France  had 
already  acknowledged  the  Independence  of  America  by 
treaty  ;  a  fact  which  he  avowed  to  be  true,  though  not  yet 
publicly  known.  The  assertions  of  Fox  were  faintly  con 
troverted  by  the  administration,  and  the  two  important  bills 
were  passed,  and  received  the  royal  sanction  in  the  begin 
ning  of  March.  The  king  appointed  as  Commissioners,  the 
Earl  of  Carlisle,  Mr.  Eden,  and  Governor  Johnston,  with  the 
commanders  of  the  land  and  sea  forces  in  America.  These 
were  Admiral  Lord  Howe,  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who,  on 
the  resignation  and  return  of  Sir  William  Howe,  succeeded 
him  in  the  command  of  the  army,  in  the  spring  of  1778. 
Lord  Carlisle,  and  his  colleagues  in  England,  sailed  on  the 
21st  of  April  for  America,  and  arrived  at  Philadelphia  in  the 
beginning  of  June.  Before  they  sailed  the  prospects  of  their 
mission  were  clouded  by  the  official  intelligence  received  of 
the  aiiiance  between  France  and  America,  concluded  in 
February,  of  which  Mr.  Fox  had  spoken  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  note  of  the  French  ambassador  was  dated 
on  the  eleventh  of  March,  and  six  days  afterwards  was  laid 
I  before  Parliament  by  the  kins:,  with  a  special  mes- 

March  17.  •         n.  ,     •    c  *i  ^    . 

I  sage,  announcing  the  event,  informing  them  that 
he  had  recalled  his  minister  from  the  French  court,  and 
declaring  his  determination  to  use  the  whole  force  and  re 
sources  of  his  kingdom,  if  necessary,  to  repel  every  insult 
and  attack.  Both  houses  responded  with  spirit,  roused  into 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  249 

new  indignation  by  this  formidable  combination.  The  re 
sponses  were  not  however  unanimous.  A  strong  effort  was 
made  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond  in  the  House  of  I 
Lords  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  by  withdrawing  the  | 
troops  from  North  America,  contending  that  the  immediate 
recognition  of  American  Independence  was  to  be  preferred  to 
the  prosecution  of  the  war,  under  such  adverse  circumstances. 
The  motion  failed.  It  is  chiefly  memorable  in  history  as  the 
last  public  appearance  of  the  venerable  and  illustrious  Chat 
ham,  in  the  House  of  Peers,  and  for  the  melancholy  interest 
wThich  belongs  to  his  dying  effort  there.  Though  long  a  prey 
to  incurable  infirmities,  by  which  he  had  been  confined  to  his 
own  house,  he  resolved  to  attend  at  his  place  in  Parliament, 
to  oppose  with  his  last  strength,  if  needed,  the  dismember 
ment  of  the  British  empire,  by  the  recognition  of  American 
Independence.  Supported  into  the  house  by  his  friends,  he 
listened  with  eager  impatience  to  the  speech  of  the  Duke  ot 
Richmond,  and  tasked  his  whole  bodily  powers  for  a  vehe 
ment  and  impassioned  reply.  His  concluding  words,  im 
pressive  in  themselves,  are  more  affecting  as  the  last  words 
of  a  great  genius  and  an  undoubted  patriot;  one  who  ex 
pired  in  giving  utterance  to  fervent  sentiments  in  behalf  of 
the  honor  and  glory  of  his  own  country.  "  My  lords,"  said 
he,  "  I  rejoice  that  the  grave  has  not  yet  closed  upon  me — 
that  I  am  still  alive  to  lift  up  my  voice  against  an  acknow 
ledgment  of  the  sovereignty  of  America,  against  the  dismem 
berment  of  this  ancient  and  noble  monarchy.  Pressed  down 
as  I  am  by  the  load  of  infirmity,  I  am  little  able  to  assist  my 
country  in  this  most  perilous  conjuncture  :  but,  my  lords, 
while  I  have  sense  and  memory,  I  never  will  consent  to  tar 
nish  the  lustre  of  this  nation  by  an  ignominious  surrender  of 
its  rights  and  fairest  possessions.  Shall  a  people  so  lately  the 
terror  of  the  world,  now  fall  prostrate  before  the  House  of 
Bourbonl  It  is  impossible.  I  am  not,  I  confess,  well  inform 
ed  of  the  resources  of  this  kingdom,  but  I  trust  it  has  still 
sufficient  to  maintain  its  just  rights,  though  I  know  them 
not. — Any  state,  my  lords,  is  better  than  despair.  Let  us  at 
least  make  an  effort — and,  if  we  must  fall,  let  us  fall  like 
men." 

The  Duke  of  Richmond  replied  with  profound  respect  to 
the  appeal  made  by  Lord  Chatham,  and  asked  him  to  point 
out  the  means  by  which  America  could  be  made  to  re 
nounce  her  Independence.  When  he  concluded,  Lord 


&50  HISTORY   OF    THE 

Chatham  eagerly  attempted  to  rise,  as  though  struggling  to 
give  utterance  to  some  powerful  emotion,  but  nature  sank 
in  the  effort.  He  fell  back  in  convulsions.  The  House 
adjourned  immediately.  The  Earl  lingered  for  a  few  weeks, 
and  finally  expired,  on  the  llth  of  May,  in  the  seventieth 
year  of  his  age. 

On  the  failure  of  the  motion  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  the 
only  hope  of  an  immediate  termination  of  the  war  was  in  the 
success  of  the  Commissioners,  who  were  forthwith  despatched 
to  America.  The  manner  in  which  the  bills  had  been  received 
in  America  before  their  final  passage,  augured  ill  of  the  dis 
position  of  Congress  to  listen  to  any  terms.  Governor  Tryon, 
who  had  received  them  about  the  middle  of  April,  instantly 
transmitted  them  to  General  Washington,  and  to  the  governors 
of  several  States.  At  the  same  time  copies  were  industriously 
circulated  to  try  their  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  people. 
Washington  immediately  forwarded  those  he  had  received  to 
Congress,  who  were  then  in  session,  at  Yorktown.  He  accom 
panied  them  with  letters,  pointing  out  the  mischiefs  to  the 
cause  of  Independence,  which  he  apprehended  from  them. 
The  course  adopted  in  that  body  on  the  occasion,  is  one  of 
the  most  admirable  incidents  in  the  political  history  of  the 
Revolution.  It  displays  a  serene  dignity  of  deportment  in  the 
most  trying  circumstances,  and  a  resolute  determination 
which  nothing  could  affect,  to  maintain  to  the  last  the 
sovereignty  of  the  States.  They  were  yet  unapprized  of  the 
French  alliance,  and  without  ground  for  anticipating  any 
speedy  aid  from  that  quarter.  No  despatches  had  been  re 
ceived  from  their  envoys  for  more  than  a  year,  and  at  home 
their  distresses  were  still  unmitigated.  They  had  little  ex 
cept  hope  to  encourage  them,  and  here  was  a  prospect  of 
obtaining  by  the  concession  of  their  Independence,  all  they 
had  desired  as  Colonies,  and  more  than  they  had  ever  asked. 
But  without  wavering,  they  rejected  the  proposal,  and  with 
a  frankness  which  showed  their  confidence  in  the  virtue 
and  energy  of  the  people,  ordered  the  documents  to  be  pub 
lished  and  spread  before  the  world,  accompanied  by  the 
report  of  a  committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Morris,  Drayton, 

ii  22d    I  anc^  Dana.     After  animadverting  with  severity  on 
I  the  bills,  the  report  stigmatizes  them  as  "  the  se 
quel  of  that  insidious  plan,  which,  from  the  days  of  the  Stamp 
Act  down  to  the  present  time,  hath  involved  the  country  in 
contention  and  bloodshed."    They  distrusted  the  faith  of  the 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  251 

British  government,  and  maintained,  "  as  in  other  cases  so 
in  this," — "  although  circumstances  may  force  them  to  re 
cede  from  their  unjustifiable  claims,"  there  could  be  no  doubt 
but  they  would,  "  as  heretofore,  upon  the  first  favorable  op 
portunity,  again  display  that  lust  of  domination  which  hath 
rent  in  twain  the  mighty  empire  of  Britain."  The  Commit 
tee  reported  and  Congress  declared,  that  the  United  States 
could  not  with  propriety  hold  any  conference  or  treaty  with 
any  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain ;  unless  they 
should,  as  a  preliminary,  either  withdraw  their  fleets  and 
armies,  or  in  positive  and  express  terms  acknowledge  the 
Independence  of  the  States. 

In  about  two  weeks  after  this  peremptory  rejection  of  the 
British  proposition,  the  French  treaties  negotiated  I 
in  February,  arrived  in  America,  and  were  ratified  | 
on  tht  fourth  of  May,  with  joyful  and  grateful  feelings.  Con 
gratulations  and  exultations  resounded  throughout  America. 
Great  and  immediate  results  were  anticipated  from  the  co 
operation  of  the  French  fleets  and  armies,  and  Independence 
was  considered  to  be  established  beyond  danger.  Congress 
issued  on  the  occasion  a  circular  address,  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Chase,  of  Maryland,  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and 
directed  it  to  be  read  from  the  pulpit  by  the  ministers  of  all 
denominations,  congratulating  them  that  "the  God  of  bat 
tles,  in  whom  was  their  trust,  had  conducted  them  through 
the  paths  of  danger  and  distress  to  the  threshold  of  se 
curity."  It  called  upon  them  to  persevere  with  strenu 
ous,  unremitted  exertions,  with  the  confidence  that  by  the 
favour  of  Heaven,  "  the  peace  and  the  happiness  of  these 
sovereign,  free,  and  independent  States,  founded  on  the 
virtue  of  their  citizens,  shall  increase,  extend  and  endure, 
until  the  Almighty  shall  blot  out  all  the  empires  of  the 
earth." 

Soon  after,  Congress  received  M.  Gerard,  the  French 
Ambassador,  with  great  public  ceremony  and  distinction. 
The  American  Envoys  had  been  received  with  like  public 
honors  by  the  French  court,  in  March,  and  in  the  course 
of  another  month,  Dr.  Franklin  was  appointed  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States  to  France. 

It  was  under  such  unpropitious  circumstances  that  the 
British  Commissioners  undertook  to  negotiate  with  Con 
gress,  on  the  basis  of  Lord  North's  conciliatory  propositions. 
They  were  charged  with  the  task  of  obtaining  from  the 


252  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Americans,  strengthened  by  French  alliance,  terms  which  had 
been  peremptorily  rejected  when  they  were  alone  and  unaid 
ed.  In  these  altered  relations  a  very  difficult  task  was  before 
the  Commissioners,  and  they  accordingly  manifested  an  eager 
desire  to  extend  the  powers  of  their  commission,  and  con 
cede  as  largely  as  possible  to  all  the  claims  of  the  Americans 
short  of  an  acknowledgment  of  their  Independence.  Imme 
diately  on  their  arrival,  they  applied  to  Washington  for  a 
passport  to  their  secretary,  Dr.  Ferguson,  to  be  permitted  to 
make* communications  personally  to  Congress.  This  was  re- 
I  fused.  They  then  forwarded  letters,  by  the  ordinary 

June  4th.  •         .1     •  •  j.r  ,         r    T      *j 

j  post,  covering  their  commissions,  the  acts  oi  Lord 
North,  and  a  series  of  propositions  for  conciliation.  These  were 
of  the  most  comprehensive  description,  offering  to  proclaim 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  by  sea  and  land  ;  to  agree  to  a  free 
dom  of  trade  to  any  extent  required  by  the  joint  interests  of 
the  two  countries;  to  renounce  the  right  of  keeping  military 
forces  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress  or  particular  as 
semblies  ;  to  establish  a  union,  by  a  reciprocal  right  of  re 
presentation;  to  provide  means  for  raising  the  credit  of 
American  paper,  and  paying  their  debts ;  in  short,  to  use 
the  words  of  the  Commissioners,  "to  establish  the  power  of 
the  respective  legislatures  for  each  particular  State  to  settle 
its  ow7n  revenue,  its  civil  arid  military  establishment,  and  to 
exercise  a  perfect  freedom  of  legislation  and  internal  gov 
ernment;  so  that  the  British  States  throughout  North  America, 
acting  with  us  in  peace  and  war  under  one  common  sover 
eign,  may  have  the  irrevocable  enjoyment  of  every  privi 
lege  that  is  short  of  a  total  separation  of  interests,  or  consist 
ent  with  that  union  of  force,  on  which  the  safety  of  our 
common  religion  and  liberty  depends." 

These  offers  came  too  late.  A  war  of  three  }^ears  dura 
tion  had  totally  extinguished  the  affection  which  prevailed 
with  such  unanimity,  at  the  commencement  of  the  quarrel. 
Nothing  but  an  unconditional  acknowledgment  of  the  sover 
eignty  of  the  States  would  be  listened  to  ;  and  so  the  Presi 
dent  of  Congress  was  instructed  to  reply.  Some  insinuations 
against  the  good  faith  of  the  French  in  their  interference  in 
the  quarrel,  which  the  Commissioners  had  introduced  into 
their  letter,  excited  so  much  indignation  among  some  of  the 
members,  that  a  motion  was  made  to  suspend  the  reading  of 
the  papers,  and  refuse  to  notice  them  further.  That  motion 
was  finally  postponed,  and  a  Committee,  consisting  of  R.  H. 


AMEHICAN   REVOLUTION.  253 

Lee,  Samuel  Adams,  W.  H.  Drayton,  Governeur  Morris,  and 
Mr.  Witherspoon,  reported  an  answer,  to  be  transmitted  by 
President  Laurens.  It  treated  their  assumption,  that  "  the 
people  of  the  States  are  still  subjects  of  Great  Britain,"  as 
"  wholly  inadmissible,"  but  informed  the  Commissioners  that 
they  were  willing  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  and  com 
merce,  whenever  the  king  of  Great  Britain  should  manifest 
a  sincere  disposition  for  that  purpose.  It  adds  :  "  The  only 
solid  proof  of  that  disposition  will  be,  an  explicit  acknow 
ledgment  of  the  Independence  of  the  States,  or  the  with 
drawing  of  his  fleets  and  armies." 

To  this  firm  annunciation  the  Commissioners  made  a  re 
ply,  insisting  that  they  had  conceded  a  degree  of  indepen 
dence  sufficient  to  justify  Congress  in  treating  with  them. 
They  went  on  to  question  Congress  as  to  the  extent  of  its 
own  powers,  and  how  these  were  derived  from  the  States. 
Of  this  no  other  notice  was  taken  by  Congress  except  to  de 
clare,  that  as  neither  branch  of  their  proposition,  the  acknow 
ledgment  of  Independence  nor  the  withdrawal  of  the  Brit 
ish  forces,  had  been  assented  to,  the  negotiation  was  closed. 

Foiled  in  their  open  efforts,  the  Commissioners,  or  one  of 
them  at  least,  endeavoured  to  compass  the  same  ends  by 
private  influence,  and  the  use  of  liberal  promises  to  indi 
viduals  supposed  to  have  influence  in  the  American  coun 
cils.  Governor  Johnston,  whose  personal  acquaintance  with 
Americans  was  large,  made  himself  notorious  in  these  in 
trigues  and  attempts  at  bribery.  He  wrote  private  letters  to 
Mr.  Laurens,  to  Robert  Morris,  Mr.  Dana,  and  Mr.  Reed,  in 
all  of  which  intimations  were  given  of  the  great  gain  which 
would  accrue,  by  the  favor  of  the  British  government,  to 
those  who  should  be  instrumental  in  reconciling  the  two 
countries.  To  General  Reed  a  direct  offer  was  made  through 
a  lady,  a  mutual  friend,  that  for  his  influence  he  might  have 
10,000/.,  and  the  best  office  in  the  Colonies  in  the  gift  of 
the  Crown.  "I  am  not  worth  purchasing,"  was  the  prompt 
reply  of  the  incorruptible  patriot,  "but  such  as  I  am,  the 
king  of  England  is  not  rich  enough  to  do  it." 

These  letters  and  offers  being  laid  before  Congress,  were 
considered  by  them  as  attempts  to  bribe  their  members,  and 
pronounced  to  be  such  an  indignity  as  to  prevent  them  from 
holding  any  intercourse  with  Governor  Johnston.  Their 
declaration  produced  an  angry  rejoinder  from  him,  and  dis- 


254  HISTORY   OP   THE 

claimers  of  all  participation  in  his  plans  from  the  other  Com 
missioners. 

Finding  Congress  inflexiblej  the  Commissioners  addressed 
themselves  to  the  people  directly,  by  publishing  a  manifesto 
and  proclamation.  They  denounced  the  obstinacy  of  Con 
gress,  and  the  ambitious  designs  of  France,  in  unmeasured 
terms,  and,  losing  the  tone  of  conciliation,  threatened  the 
extremities  of  war  against  the  allies  of  France,  the  natural 
enemy  of  Britain.  It  was  declared,  that  if  the  British  Colonies 
were  to  become  the  dependencies  of  France,  self-preserva 
tion  would  dictate  that  they  should  be  made  of  "as  little 
avail  as  possible."  These  papers  they  circulated  under  cover 
of  flags  of  truce. 

Congress  met  these  inflammatory  attempts  by  declaring, 
that  whoever  might  circulate  them  should  forfeit  the  protec 
tion  of  the  flag ;  and  then,  boldly  relying  on  the  integrity  of 
the  people,  published  them  themselves.  They  issued  a 
counter  manifesto,  repelling  with  indignation  the  threats  of 
devastation,  and  declaring,  "  if  our  enemies  persist  in  their 
present  career  of  barbarity,  we  will  take  such  exemplary 
vengeance  as  will  deter  others  from  a  like  conduct." — "  We 
appeal,"  they  said,  "  to  that  God  who  searcheth  the  hearts 
of  men,  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions ;  and  in  his  holy 
presence  declare,  that  as  we  are  not  moved  by  any  light  or 
hasty  suggestions  of  anger  or  revenge,  so,  through  every 
possible  change  of  fortune,  will  adhere  to  this  our  determi 
nation." 

In  the  Commissioners'  proclamation,  dated  in  October, 
forty  days  had  been  limited  for  the  granting  of  pardons  to 
such  as  should  return  to  their  allegiance.  After  the  expira 
tion  of  the  term,  without  any  applications  for  favor,  they 
returned  to  England,  leaving  the  conflict  to  be  determined 
by  the  fortune  of  war. 

The  military  events  of  the  year  were  by  no  means  com 
mensurate  in  importance  with  these  civil  and  political  occur 
rences,  nor  did  they  answer  the  expectations  of  either  party. 
The  sanguine  calculations  of  the  Americans,  on  the  decisive 
co-operation  of  the  French,  ended  in  disappointment;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  British,  with  all  their  increased  ex 
ertions,  made  no  progress  in  reconquering  their  revolted 
Colonies.  Both  sides  were  slow  in  taking  the  field. 
The  American  forces  remained  in  their  encampment  at 
Valley  Forge ;  and  the  British,  first  under  General  Howe, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  255 

/     , 

and  subsequently  under  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  occupied  Phi 
ladelphia.  No  other  enterprises  were  undertaken  than 
some  successful  predatory  excursions  into  the  neighbor 
hood,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  supplies,  or  the  less  de 
fensible  object  of  destroying  property.  Four  store  houses, 
with  a  large  amount  of  goods,  were  burnt  at  Bordentown, 
and  on  the  same  occasion,  they  destroyed  a  large  number  of 
American  vessels,  including  two  frigates,  nine  ships,  six  pri 
vateer  sloops,  twenty-three  brigs,  besides  sloops  and  schoon 
ers.  Great  ravages  were  also  committed  in  Rhode  Island, 
by  the  British  forces  there.  They  burnt  the  church  and 
seven  dwelling  houses  in  Warren ;  the  church,  and  about 
twenty  houses  in  Bristol,  and  destroyed  a  great  number  of 
vessels  and  stores. 

The  regular  operations  of  the  field  were  not  opened,  by 
the  main  army  on  either  side,  until  summer. 


256  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  campaign  of  1778,  arranged  at  Paris  between  the 
French  and  American  Commissioners,  had  for  its  object  the 
blockade  of  the  forces  of  General  Howe  in  Philadelphia. 
Washington,  with  a  recruited  army,  commanding  the  passes 
of  New  Jersey,  was  expected  to  hold  the  land  forces  in 
check,  while  a  powerful  French  fleet,  despatched  before  the 
British  could  reinforce  or  succor  Admiral  Howe,  should 
blockade  him  effectually  in  the  Delaware.  The  British  fleet 
consisted  of  six  sixty-four-gun  ships,  three  of  fifty,  two  of 
forty,  with  some  frigates  and  sloops.  Count  D'Estaing,  with 
a  French  fleet,  comprising  twelve  ships  of  the  line,  one  car 
rying  ninety  guns,  one  eighty,  and  six  seventy-fours,  with 
three  frigates,  sailed  from  Toulon,  on  the  18th  of  April,  and 
arrived  off  the  Delaware  in  the  beginning  of  July.  He  was 
too  late  by  a  few  days  for  the  success  of  the  meditated 
blow.  The  British  ministry  had  already  anticipated  such  a 
scheme,  and  directed  a  concentration  of  the  whole  force  in 
America,  at  the  city  and  harbour  of  New  York.  The  Com 
missioners  for  conciliation  carried  out  the  order  to  the 
brothers  Howe,  to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  and  remove  the 
fleet  from  the  Delaware.  Admiral  Howe  had  left  the  Capes 
of  the  Delaware,  and  arrived  safely  within  Sandy  Hook, 
only  about  a  week  before  Count  D'Estaing,  who  had  been 
detained  by  contrary  winds,  reached  the  coast.  A  reinforce 
ment  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line  was  ordered  to  join  the 
British  fleet  at  New  York,  under  the  command  of  Admiral 
Byron,  appointed  to  take  the  place  of  Admiral  Howe,  who 
had  asked  leave  to  return. 

The  army  also  executed  the  same  orders,  but  not  without 
obstruction.  It  was  for  some  time  uncertain  whether  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  would  retreat  through  New  Jersey,  or  em 
bark  on  board  of  the  fleet  with  his  army.  The  difficulty  of 
embarkation,  and  the  danger  of  meeting  with  the  French 
fleet,  determined  him  to  take  the  land  route,  and  accord 
ingly  on  the  eighteenth  of  June,  he  put  his  whole 

•  if  i     -i  -ni-'i    j    i    £•  j  June  18th. 

army  in  motion,  evacuated  Philadelphia,  and  com 
menced  hiis  retreat  to  New  York.  His  force  was  rather  over 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  257 

ten  thousand  men.  The  quantity  of  baggage  and  provi 
sions,  which  he  carried  with  him,  was  enormous.  The  line 
of  march  is  stated  to  have  extended  over  ten  miles,  and  its 
advance  was  very  slow.  In  seven  days  they  marched  only 
forty  miles. 

Washington,  whose  numbers  exceeded  those  of  Clinton, 
had  narrowly  watched  his  movements.  He  detached 
General  Maxwell's  brigade,  to  take  post  at  Mount  Holly, 
and  co-operate  with  the  Jersey  militia,  in  harassing  and  re 
tarding  the  march  of  Clinton.  On  the  day  Clinton  abandon 
ed  the  city,  Washington  put  his  own  army  in  motion,  and 
followed  cautiously,  keeping  on  the  high  lands,  and  thus  re 
taining  the  power  to  engage  the  enemy  or  not  at  pleasure. 
The  Commander-in-chief  was  anxious  to  try  a  general  en 
gagement,  but  of  the  council  of  war,  consisting  of  seven 
teen  generals,  only  two,  Wayne  and  Cadwalader,  concurred 
in  the  opinion  fully.  Morgan  and  Cadwalader  were  des 
patched  to  harass  the  enemy  in  flank  and  rear. 

On  halting  at  Princeton,  the  American  general  learned 
that  Clinton  had  turned  oif  from  the  direct  road  to  New 
York,  across  the  Raritan,  and  had  taken  a  lower  route  by 
Monmouth,  to  Sandy  Hook.  He  again  summoned  a  coun 
cil  of  war,  who  decided  a  second  time  against  risking  a  bat 
tle.  Notwithstanding  this  decision,  the  movements  of  Clin 
ton  on  the  next  day  determined  Washington  not  to  permit 
him  to  reach  the  secure  heights  of  Middleton  without  a 
battle. 

On  the  27th  he  threw  forward  a  body  of  troops,  under 
the  command  of  La  Fayette,  to  attack  the  rear  of  the  British, 
while  he  should  advance  with  the  main  body.  Clinton  sent 
forward  his  baggage,  under  a  sufficient  escort,  and  with  the 
bulk  of  his  army  remained  to  check  the  attack  of  La  Fayette. 
Lee,  with  two  brigades,  was  despatched  to  reinforce  La  Fay 
ette,  and,  being  the  senior  officer,  took  the  command.  Clin 
ton  encamped  that  night  in  a  strong  position,  at  Monmouth 
Court  House.  Lee  rested  at  Englishtown,  seven  miles  dis 
tant.  On  the  next  morning,  as  soon  as  the  British  I  T  28|h 
army  was  in  motion,  Lee  was  ordered  to  attack  | 
their  rear,  "  unless  there  should  be  powerful  reasons  to  the 
contrary."  He  was  advised  that'  the  main  body  would 
march  up  in  time  to  support  him.  He  made  his  disposi 
tions  accordingly,  and  advanced  slowly  towards  Monmouth, 
when  he  ascertained  that  the  British  were  marching  to 
Y  2 


258  HISTORY  OF   THE 

meet  him.  Clinton  had  sent  forward  his  baggage,  and  or 
dered  Cornwallis  to  meet  the  meditated  attack.  The  move 
ments  of  the  Americans  induced  the  enemy  to  think  that 
their  design  was  to  intercept  the  baggage,  and  Cornwallis 
was  directed  to  charge  them,  which  he  did  with  a  superior 
force.  The  corps  of  La  Fayette,  which  was  on  the  advance, 
was  driven  back,  and  Lee,  uncertain  of  the  extent  of  the 
force  brought  against  him,  and  thinking  the  ground  unfavora 
ble,  repassed  a  morass  which  was  in  his  rear,  with  a  view  of 
gaining  a  more  favorable  position.  Part  of  his  troops,  under 
General  Scott,  mistook  the  order,  and  continued  to  retreat, 
and  Lee  was  compelled  to  follow,  the  enemy  pursuing  him 
briskly.  Washington,  who  was  pushing  forward  rapidly  to 
support  him,  unapprised  of  these  movements,  met  the  ad 
vance  in  this  disorder,  and,  both  surprised  and  vexed,  ad 
dressed  General  Lee  with  warmth,  disapproving  of  ther retreat 
in  sharp  terms.  He  formed  the  troops  in  order,  restoring 
the  command  to  Lee,  who,  notwithstanding  the  altercation> 
consented  to  act,  and  returned  to  the  main  body.  Lee  sus 
tained  the  attack  of  Cornwallis  with  bravery  and  resolution, 
and,  when  forced  off  the  ground,  retreated  in  good  order, 
and  formed  again  at  Englishtown.  Washington,  having 
gained  time  by  this  check  to  the  British  advance,  renewed 
the  attack,  and  a  general  battle  ensued,  which  lasted  till 
night,  in  one  of  the  hottest  days  of  summer.  Darkness  put 
an  end  to  the  combat,  without  advantage  to  either  party. 
The  Americans  rested  on  their  arms,  intending  to  resume 
the  battle  on  the  morning,  but  Clinton,  at  midnight,  silently 
decamped  with  his  whole  force,  and  by  morning  was  be 
yond  pursuit. 

Washington  desisted  from  any  attempts  to  interrupt  them, 
and  marched  his  army  leisurely  to  cover  the  passes  of  the 
Hudson.  Clinton  reached  Sandy  Hook  on  the  5th  of  July, 
and  embarked  immediately  for  New  York. 

In  the  battle  of  Monmouth  the  British  loss  was  about  three 
hundred,  found  upon  the  field.  The  Americans  lost  eight 
officers  and  sixty-one  privates,  killed  ;  and  one  hundred  and 
sixty,  wounded.  Many  of  both  armies  died  without  a 
wound,  from  excessive  heat  and  fatigue.  The  Americans 
made  about  one  hundred  prisoners,  and  it  is  estimated  that  a 
thousand  privates,  chiefly  Germans,  deserted  from  the 
enemy  during  the  march  through  New  Jersey. 

Washington,  though  in  the  excitement  of  the  occasion  he 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  259 

had  used  strong  language  to  General  Lee,  on  the  day  of  ac 
tion,  disapproving  of  his  retreat,  had  nevertheless  continued 
him  in  command,  and  showed  no  disposition  to  proceed  fur 
ther.  But  Lee  was  too  deeply  irritated  to  submit  quietly  to 
the  reprimand,  and  on  the  next  day  addressed  two  haughty 
and  offensive  letters  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  The  issue 
of  the  correspondence  was  the  arrest  of  Lee,  and  his  trial  by 
court-martial  upon  three  charges :  1.  For  disobedience  of 
orders,  in  not  attacking  the  enemy  on  the  28th  of  June, 
agreeably  to  repeated  instructions.  2.  For  misbehaviour  be 
fore  the  enemy,  on  the  same  day,  by  making  an  unneces 
sary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat.  3.  For  disrespect  to 
the  Commander-in-chief  in  two  letters. 

The  high  colouring  of  the  second  charge  was  made  on  the 
representations  of  Generals  Wayne  and  Scott,  but  on  the 
trial  it-was  shown  that  they  had  misapprehended  him.  Lord 
Sterling  presided  at  the  court-martial.  They  found  Lee  guilty 
of  all  the  charges,  but  softened  down  the  language  of  the 
second,  and  found  him  only  guilty  of  making  an  unnecessary 
and  in  some  instances  a  disorderly  retreat.  They  sentenced 
him  to  be  suspended  from  command  for  one  year.  Congress 
finally  approved  the  sentence.  It  is  impossible  to  deny, 
on  a  review  of  the  case  of  Lee,  at  this  day,  that  he  was 
harshly  dealt  with  by  the  court,  and  that  it  is  difficult  to  find 
just  cause  for  their  judgment.  The  excitement  against  him 
in  the  army,  and  the  inconvenience  to  the  service,  which 
might  have  been  produced  by  his  unpopularity,  probably 
swayed  their  minds,  and  deprived  the  country  of  the  services 
of  an  able  and  gallant,  if  a  rash  and  irritable,  officer. 

Soon  after  Sir  Henry  Clinton  reached  New  York,  the 
French  fleet  appeared  off  the  harbor.  Disappointed  in  the 
escape  of  Admiral  Howe  with  the  British  fleet  from  the  Dela 
ware,  Count  D'Estaing  had  followed  them  along  the  coast, 
and,  on  the  llth  of  July,  made  a  display  before  Sandy  Hook, 
as  though  about  to  force  his  way  into  the  bay  of  New  York, 
to  attack  the  fleet.  He  found  it  impracticable  to  work  his 
large  ships  over  the  bar,  and  in  consequence  remained  be 
fore  the  port,  blockading  the  British  fleet,  till  the"22d  of 
July.  A  great  number  of  English  vessels  fell  into  his 
hands.  On  the  22d  he  sailed  with  his  whole  fleet  I 
for  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  to  co-operate  with  a  j 
land  expedition  sent  against  the  British  at  that  place.  Again 
the  British  had  a  fortunate  escape  in  his  movements.  The 


260  HISTORY   OF   THE 

fleet  of  Byron,  sent  out  to  reinforce  Howe,  met  with  storms 
and  adverse  winds,  and  had  been  separated.  Within  eight 
days  after  D'Estaing's  departure,  five  or  six  of  this  squad 
ron  arrived  in  a  damaged  condition,  separately,  at  Sandy 
Hook,  and  must  have  fallen  into  his  power  had  he  re 
mained  on  that  station.  He  arrived  off  Newport  on  the 
29th  of  July. 

Rhode  Island  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  British 
since  1776,  and  it  was  now  planned  by  the  American  gen 
eral  to  make  a  concerted  attack  by  sea  and  land,  with  the 
hope  of  capturing  the  whole  army  in  garrison  there.  The 
British  general  was  Sir  Robert  Pigot,  and  the  force  under 
his  command,  by  reinforcements  from  New  York,  had  been 
augmented  to  six  thousand. 

The  American  land  forces  were  put  under  the  command 
of  General  Sullivan,  and  amounted  to  ten  thousand  men. 
Generals  Greene  and  La  Fayette  subsequently  joined  him, 
and  the  army  took  post  at  Tiverton,  relying  upon  the  co 
operation  of  D'Estaing  in  the  capture  of  Newport.  The 
AU  9th  I  nm*n  of  August  was  fixed  for  the  action,  and  Sul- 
I  livan  made  the  necessary  dispositions  of  his  force. 
On  the  day  previous,  signals  were  made  that  the  British 
fleet  from  New  York,  reinforced  by  a  part  of  Byron's  squad 
ron,  had  arrived  off  the  harbor.  The  position  of  the  French 
fleet  was  unassailable,  and  they  might  have  persevered, 
with  little  prospect  of  failure,  in  the  attack  upon  the  town. 
The  admiral,  however,  eager  to  engage  the  enemy  by  sea, 
abandoned  the  harbor  on  the  eleventh,  and  stood  out  with 
his  whole  force  in  search  of  Howe.  The  two  fleets  ma 
noeuvred  for  two  days,  in  order  to  get  the  advantage  in  po 
sition,  and  on  the  15th  met  and  drew  up  in  order  of  battle. 
At  the  moment  they  were  about  to  engage,  a  severe  storm 
separated  them.  The  gale  continued  to  increase  in  vio 
lence  for  two  days ;  the  ships  of  both  sides  were  dispersed, 
some  of  them  damaged  and  disabled,  and  forced  to  put 
back  into  port  to  refit — the  British  to  New  York,  and  the 
French  to  Newport,  where  they  arrived  on  the  20th.  Sulli 
van,  in  the  mean  time,  had  crossed  over  to  the  island,  and 
made  his  approaches  towards  Newport,  relying  on  the  as 
sistance  of  D'Estaing.  He  had  already  made  considerable 
progress  in  the  siege,  when  he  was  disappointed,  and  all  his 
views  frustrated,  by  the  determination  of  the  French  admi 
ral  to  abandon  the  enterprise  and  repair  to  Boston  to  repair 


Aug.28lh. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  201 

damages.     Notwithstanding  the  remonstrance  of  the  Amer 
ican  officers,  this  design  was  carried  immediately  I 
into  effect,  and  on    the  22d,  the    whole  French  | 
fleet  departed,  leaving  the  harbor  open  to  the  British.     Ex 
posed  to  an  attack  from  New  York,  and  deserted  by  his  al 
lies   in  the  most  critical  moment,  Sullivan  soon  found  it 
impossible  to  continue  the  siege.    His  militia,  dis 
heartened  at  the  change  of  prospect,  left  him  in 
large  numbers,  and  after  delaying  about  a  week,  he  was 
compelled  to  order  a  retreat.     This  was  effected  with  skill. 
The  Americans  succeeded  in  getting  some  hours  start  of 
the  enemy,  and  had  reached  a  strong  position  on  the  north 
part  of  the  island,  when  they  were  attacked  by  a  pursuing 
party,  and  a  sharp  engagement  ensued,  in  which  the  Amer 
icans  succeeded  in  repulsing  the  enemy.     The  American 
loss  was  211,  and  the  British  260.     Aware  of  the  near  ap 
proach  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  with  a  strong  reinforcement, 
Sullivan  saw  the  necessity  of  retreating  with  rapidity,  which 
he  effected  on  the  30th,  with  a  skill  and  prudence  which 
have  been  much  applauded.     On  the  next  day,      gg  t 
Clinton,  with  four  thousand  men,  arrived  at  New 
port  from  New  York,  but  Sullivan  was  beyond  pursuit. 

Howe,  after  refitting  his  fleet  in  New  York,  sailed  to  in 
tercept  D'Estaing  on  his  way  to  Boston,  but  failed.  He  ac 
cordingly  returned  to  New  York,  where  his  fleet  was  further 
strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  several  more  ships  belonging 
to  Admiral  Byron's  squadron.  He  resigned  the  command, 
ad  interim,  to  Admiral  Gambier,  and  returned  to  England. 
On  the  sixteenth,  Admiral  Byron  arrived,  and  assumed  the 
command. 

The  French  fleet  was  received  at  Boston  with  great  cool 
ness  by  the  Americans.  The  irritations  that  had  already 
been  produced  between  the  French  and  American  offi 
cers  at  Newport,  were  renewed  and  aggravated.  Among 
the  populace  the  disappointment  caused  by  the  failures 
of  the  French  in  the  Delaware,  at  New  York,  and  at  Rhode 
Island,  broke  out  into  insult,  and  ended,  in  some  instances, 
in  outrage.  Much  was  done  by  General  Washington  and 
La  Fayette  to  soothe  their  angry  feelings  and  restore  equa 
nimity  and  confidence,  and  their  efforts  were  partially  suc 
cessful.  The  manly  and  forbearing  conduct  of  Count  D'Es 
taing,  aided  materially  in  restoring  harmony.  He  addressed 
some  spirited  letters  to  Congress,  and  offered  to  march  his 


262  HISTORY  OF  THE 

troops  by  land  to  the  aid  of  Sullivan.  The  faults  complained 
of  in  the  management  of  the  fleet  are  attributed  less  to  any 
want  of  zeal  and  capacity  in  Count  D'Estaing,  than  to  his 
inexperience,  and  his  dependence  on  the  judgment  of  his 
officers,  who  sometimes  overruled  his  own  opinion. 

The  remaining  operations  of  tfye  year,  on  both  sides,  can 
be  summed. up  briefly.  Admiral  Byron,  having  got  his 
whole  force  in  order,  sailed  for  Boston  to  watch  the  motions 
of  the  French,  but  encountering  another  violent  storm,  was 
driven  off  the  coast,  and  his  ships  sustained  so  much  dam 
age  as  to  be  forced  to  take  shelter  in  Rhode  Island.  '  Count 
D'Estaing  embraced  the  opportunity,  and  sailed  for  the  West 
Indies,  on  the  3d  of  November.  On  the  same  day,  Admiral 
Hotham,  with  part  of  the  English  fleet,  sailed  in  the  same 
direction  from,  Sandy  Hook,  and  was  followed  in  December 
by  the  whole  British  fleet.  The  scene  of  the  conflict  be 
tween  the  fleets  of  the  two  European  parties  to  the  war, 
'was  thus  transferred  to  the  South,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
contest  on  land  took  the  same  direction. 

A  few  days  after  the  departure  of  the  French  fleet,  Gen 
eral  Gates  arrived  at  Boston,  and  took  command  of  the 
Northern  army. 

Active  operations  in  the  North  closed  with  the  retreat  of 
Sullivan  from  Rhode  Island.  In  the  Middle  States  no  im 
portant  movement  was  made  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth. 
A  few  detached  enterprises  on  both  sides  were  undertaken, 
some  of  which  require  notice. 

On  the  return  of  Clinton  to  New  York,  in  the  beginning 
of  September,  he  despatched  General  Grey  to  Buzzard's 
Bay,  in  New  England,  to  destroy  the  American  privateers 
that  resorted  there.  He  accomplished  that  object,  burning 
about  seventy  sail  of  shipping,  with  magazines,  warehouses, 
ropewalks,  and  the  wharves  on  both  sides  of  the  river  at 
Bedford  and  Fairhaven.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  Martha's 
Vineyard,  and  captured  and  carried  off  a  large  quantity  of 
live  stock. 

A  stronger  expedition  was  next  organized  against  Egg 
Harbor,  on  the  Jersey  coast.  This  was  a  general  resort  for 
American  privateers  and  their  prizes.  Lord  Cornwallis  and 
General  Kniphausen  took  up  a  position  in  New  Jersey  and 
on  the  Hudson,  to  interpose  between  the  camp  of  Washing 
ton  in  the  Highlands  and  the  coast,  while  their  frigates  and 
some  light  vessels,  with  a  British  regiment,  sailed  directly 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  263 

for  the  harbor.'  The  Americans,  apprized  of  the  expedition, 
had  sent  most  of  their  vessels  to  sea,  and  removed  others  up 
the  river.  The  British,  disappointed  in  their  principal  ob 
ject,  marched  in  pursuit,  burnt  several  vessels,  chiefly  British 
prizes,  and  proceeded  to  destroy  and  ravage  all  the  property 
within  their  reach.  On  their  return  they  surprised  the  light- 
infantry  belonging  to  Pulaski's  corps,  in  their  sleep,  and 
killed  about  fifty  of  them,  including  some  distinguished  offi 
cers.  Another  savage  massacre  was  committed  on  another 
American  regiment,  by  a  part  of  Cornwallis's  division,  on 
the  same  service.  They  were  a  party  of  light-dragoons, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant-colonel  Baylor;  who  had  taken 
up  their  lodgings  hi  a  barn,  near  Tappaun,  on  the  Hudson. 
The  outpost  of  the  militia,  having  abandoned  their  ground 
without  giving  information  to  Colonel  Baylor,  a  British  de 
tachment,  under  General  Grey,  was  enabled  to  advance 
silently  and  surprise  the  patrol,  whom  they  cut  off,  without 
alarming  the  Americans.  They  then  rushed  in  upon  the 
sleeping  dragoons,  and  without  mercy,  or  regard  for  re 
peated  cries  for  quarter,  bayonetted  more  than  half  of 
them  upon  the  spot.  Sixty-seven  out  of  one  hundred  and 
four  wrere  killed  or  wounded,  and  those  wrho  were  spared 
saved  their  lives  by  the  humanity  of  one  of  the  captains,  in 
disobedience  of  the  commands  of  his  superior.  The  massacre 
was  the  topic  of  general  indignation,  and  depositions  estab 
lishing  the  facts,  collected  by  Governor  Livingston  of  New 
Jersey,  were  spread  before  the  world  as  proofs  of  the  bar 
barous  practices  of  the  British.  * 

Bloody  and  cruel  as  were  these  slaughters,  and  justly  a 
stain  on  the  character  of  the  English  general,  they  fall  into 
insignificance  compared  with  the  atrocities  committed  in 
the  same  year  by  the  Indians  and  tories  in  the  British  ser 
vice.  The  massacre  at  Wyoming  was  marked  with  an  ac 
cumulation  of  horrors  that  make  the  blood  freeze  in  recall 
ing  them.  This  settlement  consisted  of  eight  townships, 
forty  miles  square,  on  the  Susquehanna  river,  cultivated  by 
emigrants  from  Connecticut,  who  had  made  it  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  and  flourishing  places  in  America.  A  rich 
and  fertile  garden  embosomed  in  the  forest,  with  a  peaceful 
and  industrious  people,  in  a  secluded  part  of  the  country,  it 
might  have  been  hoped  that  devastation  would  not  reach  so 
far,  and  that  war,  if  not  party  discord,  would  spare  so  delightful 
and  romantic  a  scene.  On  the  declaration  of  Independence 


264  HISTORY   OF   THE 

the  mass  of  the  inhabitants  united  with  their  countrymen  in 
supporting  that  measure,  and  furnished  a  thousand  men  to 
the  American  army.  The  loyalists  and  tories,  however, 
were  numerous,  and  no  where  did  they  exhibit  a  more 
ferocious  spirit.  Several  of  them  having  been  arrested  for 
trial,  their  party  formed  a  secret  league  with  the  Indians, 
commanded  by  a  tory  refugee,  named  John  Butler,  and  a 
half-blood,  named  Brandt,  to  obtain  vengeance  on  the  de 
voted  settlement.  Deceitful  professions  and  artful  manoeu 
vres  were  practised  to  lull  the  victims  into  security,  until  all 
was  prepared,  and  in  the  month  of  July,  a  force  of  about 
seventeen  hundred  Indians  and  tories  invaded  the  unsus 
pecting  community.  Four  forts  constituted  its  defences, 
and  about  500  men  were  all  the  force  that  had  remained. 
The  rest  were  with  the  American  army.  Two  of  the  forts 
fell  into  their  hands,  one  by  the  treachery  of  the  tories,  and 
the  other  by  storm.  Here  they  spared  the  women  and 
children,  but  butchered  the  male  prisoners  without  excep 
tion.  The  third  fort,  called  Kingston,  was  next  surrounded. 
Here  the  old  men,  the  sick,  the  children,  and  the  females, 
all  who  were  incapable  of  bearing  arms,  were  collected.  A 
great  part  of  the  defenders,  four  hundred  in  number,  with 
unaccountable  credulity,  were  lured  out  of  the  fort  to  parley 
with  the  enemy,  and  betrayed  into  an  ambush,  where  all 
but  sixty  were  massacred  on  the  spot  by  the  Indians,  or  tor 
tured  to  death  as  prisoners.  The  feeble  remnants  of  the  gar 
rison  were  appalled  on  the  return  of  the  exulting  savages, 
by  having  two  hundred  reeking  scalps  of  their  murdered 
kinsmen  thrown  among  them.  To  the  flag  of  truce,  begging 
for  terms  of  surrender,  the  besiegers  gave  but  one  inhuman 
word  in  reply,  the  hatchet!  When  they  were  forced  at  last 
to  give  up  at  discretion,  the  barbarians  enclosed  men, 
women,  and  children  in  the  barracks,  and  setting  fire  to 
them,  mocked  at  the  agonies  of  their  victims,  expiring  in 
the  flames.  The  last  fort  offered  no  resistance,  and  shared 
the  same  fate.  The  whole  settlement  was  then  ravaged 
and  desolated  by  fire  and  sword  by  the  furious  victors, 
sparing  neither  house  nor  field,  nor  brute  beast,  that  belong 
ed  to  a  republican.  The  enormities  they  perpetrated,  chiefly 
under  the  guidance  with  fire  and  encouragement  of  renegade 
Americans,  exceed  the  imagination  and  defy  description. 
A  blacker  record  of  human  depravity,  a  more  revolting  pic 
ture  of  human  suffering,  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  annals  of 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  265 

civilized  nations.  The  wars  of  the  most  savage  and  igno 
rant  tribes  never  presented  more  cold-blooded  and  remorse 
less  barbarity,  than  the  massacre  of  Wyoming  stamped  upon 
the  conduct  of  the  tories  of  the  Revolution. 

A  retaliatory  expedition  was  undertaken  in  October,  by 
Colonel  William  Butler,  of  Schoharie,  New  York,  into  the 
district  occupied  by  these  Indians  and  the  tories.  They 
ravaged  the  country  on  both  sides  of  the  Susquehanna,  and 
between  that  river  and  the  Delaware,  and  punished  severely 
such  of  the  barbarians  and  renegade  whites  as  fell  into  their 

Eower.     The  tory  Butler,  in  revenge,  invaded  Cherry  Val- 
jy,  in  the  month  of  November,  and  re-enacted  the  barbari 
ties  of  Wyoming. 

These  excursions  for  plunder  and  devastation  were  the 
only  military  events  requiring  notice,  which  took  place  in 
the  Middle  States  during  the  remainder  of  the  year  1778. 
Washington  withdrew  his  forces  to  a  commanding  station  at 
White  Plains,  and  early  in  the  season  led  them  to  winter- 
quarters,  at  Middlebrook  in  New  Jersey.  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
was  in  safe  quarters  in  the  city  of  New  York.  It  is  not  a 
little  remarkable,  that  the  relative  position  of  the  two  armies 
did  not  vary  much  from  that  at  the  close  of  1776.  The  fact 
is  noted  by  Washington,  in  one  of  his  letters,  in  the  follow 
ing  impressive  terms:  "It  is  not  a  little  pleasing,  nor  less 
wonderful  to  contemplate,  that  after  two  years  manoeuvring, 
and  undergoing  the  strangest  vicissitudes,  both  armies  are 
brought  back  to  the  very  point  they  set  out  from,  and  the 
offending  party  in  the  beginning  is  now  reduced  to  the  use 
of  the  pickaxe  and  the  spade  for  defence.  The  hand  of  Pro 
vidence  has  been  so  conspicuous  in  all  this,  that  he  must  be 
worse  than  an  infidel  that  lacks  faith,  and  more  than  wicked 
that  has  not  gratitude  to  acknowledge  his  obligations."  The 
British  general,  knowing  his  superiority  of  force,  and  avail 
ing  himself  of  his  command  of  the  coast  by  means  of  the 
fleet,  towards  the  close  of  the  year  despatched  an  expedi 
tion  to  Georgia.  The  South  was  made  the  theatre  of  a  win 
ter  campaign.  On  the  27th  of  November,  Colonel  Camp 
bell,  with  two  thousand  men,  including  the  New  York 
tory  companies,  convoyed  by  ships  of  war,  commanded 
by  Commodore  Hyde  Parker,  sailed  from  New  York  for 
Savannah,  and  at  the  same  time  orders  were  dispatched  to 
General  Prevost,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  British  forces 
in  East  Florida,  to  advance  into  Georgia  to  co-operate  with 

Z 


266  HISTORY   OF    THE 

Campbell,  and  take  the  command  of  the  joint  expedition. 
The  squadron  was  detained  about  three  weeks  at  sea,  and 
finally  entered  the  Tybee  river  late  in  the  ensuing  month. 
De  29th  I  On  *ne  ^tn  °f  December,  the  troops  effected  a 
I  landing,  about  twelve  miles  up  the  river  Savan 
nah,  and  three  miles  below  the  city. 

The  American  force  for  the  defence  of  the  place  was  un 
der  the  command  of  General  Robert  Howe,  and  consisted  of 
about  six  hundred  continentals,  and  a  few  hundred  militia. 
His  numbers  were  much  reduced  by  an  unsuccessful  expe 
dition  into  Florida,  from  which  he  had  just  returned.  The 
position  which  he  chose  for  the  repulse  of  the  British,  was 
naturally  strong,  and  could  have  been  defended  but  for  the 
accidental  discovery  of  a  path  which  led  through  a  morass 
to  the  American  rear.  By  this,  which  was  unknown  to  the 
Americans,  a  detachment  of  British  infantry,  with  the  New 
York  volunteers,  gained,  unobserved,  the  rear  of  General 
Howe's  little  army,  and  by  a  simultaneous  attack  broke  them 
up  instantly,  and  drove  them  into  and  through  the  city  of 
Savannah,  with  the  loss  of  all  their  artillery,  one  hundred 
killed,  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners.  The  defeated 
and  scattered  troops  made  the  best  of  their  way  into  South 
Carolina,  and  the  capital  of  Georgia  was  quietly  occupied 
by  the  enemy.  General  Prevost,  following  his  instructions, 
marched  his  troops  from  East  Florida,  and  after  many  days 
of  difficult  and  painful  travelling  through  the  wilderness, 
entered  the  State  of  Georgia,  captured  the  fort  of  Sunbury, 
and  marched  into  Savannah  to  take  the  command.  The 
whole  State  submitted  without  further  effort,  and  the  royal 
government  was  in  a  short  time  established  completely. 
Colonel  Campbell  acted  with  much  policy,  forbearance  and 
dignity,  and  did  more  for  the  British  interest,  during  the 
time  in  which  he  held  command,  than  any  British  officer 
who  served  in  America  during  the  war.  Georgia  is  the  only 
State  in  the  Union  in  which,  after  the  declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  the  legislature  was  peaceably  convened  under  the 
authority  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain. 

Congress  appointed  Lincoln  to  the  command  of  the  South 
ern  department,  and  on  the  4th  of  December  he  arrived  at 
Charleston.  There  were  no  troops  ready  for  him,  and  it  was 
not  till  the  beginning  of  January  that  he  was  able,  with  the 
remnant  of  Howe's  force,  to  muster  1,400  men,  with  which 
he  established  himself  at  Perrysburgh,  on  the  Savannah 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  267 

river,  about  fifteen  miles  from  General  Prevost.  He  had 
neither  field  pieces,  arms,  tents,  nor  ammunition.  Towards 
the  end  of  that  month,  the  North  Carolina  militia,  under 
General  Ashe,  increased  his  numbers  to  about  3,000. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1778,  the  British  had  made  no 
progress  in  subduing  America.  They  had  ravaged  and  laid 
waste  a  wide  extent  of  territory,  inflicting  much  distress  upon 
individuals,  but  beyond  the  possession  of  New  York,  New 
port,  and  Savannah,  they  had  no  foothold  in  the  country.  The 
subjugation  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  mentioned  above,  in  or 
der  not  to  break  unnecessarily  the  current  of  the  narrative, 
was  not  made  until  the  beginning  of  1779.  After  three  years 
of  warfare,  Great  Britain  was  no  stronger  than  at  first,  and 
had  expended  thousands  of  lives  and  millions  of  money,  and 
brought  upon  herself  open  war  with  one  of  the  most  potent 
nations  in  Europe,  and  the  ill-concealed  hostility  of  another. 
A  long,  bloody,  and  expensive  struggle  was  yet  before  her, 
with  but  faint  prospect  of  recovering  her  revolted  Colonies. 

These  considerations,  on  the  other  hand,  afforded  substan 
tial  reasons  for  hope  and  confidence  to  the  Americans.  But 
the  issue  of  the  campaign  was  a  grievous  disappointment  to 
the  sanguine  hopes  to  which  its  commencement  had  given 
rise,  and  the  internal  condition  in  which  it  left  them  was 
real  cause  for  gloom  and  alarm.  The  alliance  with  France 
had  been  hailed  with  exultation  as  decisive  of  the  success  of 
Independence,  and  from  the  strong  force  which  it  brought  to 
the  succor  of  the  States  great  results  had  been  predicted. 
The  first  unhappy  effect  of  these  calculations  was  an  abate 
ment  of  the  zeal  for  action  on  their  own  behalf,  which  had 
marked  their  unassisted  exertions,  and  an  over  confident 
reliance  upon  the  arms  of  the  French.  A  feeling,  if  not  of 
reluctance,  of  indifference  to  the  public  service,  was  indulged 
in  by  the  mass  of  those  from  whom  the  armies  were  to  be 
recruited,  and  by  whom  the  means  of  restoring  the  finances 
and  consolidating  the  institutions  of  the  country  were  to  be 
furnished.  The  immediate  pressure  being  as  they  thought 
removed,  their  minds  turned  more  to  the  repairing  of  their 
own  means  than  to  a  vigorous  and  united  effort  for  expelling 
the  British  fleets  and  armies.  This  languor  continued  to  af 
fect  the  operations  of  the  States  for  the  whole  of  the  next 
year,  and  produced  deplorable  consequences.  These  de 
lusive  expectations  were  only  suspended,  not  destroyed,  by 
the  unfortunate  issue  of  the  several  French  expeditions 


HISTORY   OF   THE 

undertaken  during  the  year.  Irritation  was  felt  and  strongly 
expressed  against  the  manner  in  which  the  French  fleet  had 
been  employed,  its  inefficiency  before  Sandy  Hook  and  at 
Newport,  and  its  departure  from  the  coast  to  prosecute  the 
French  interests  in  the  West  Indies.  Such  severe  disappoint 
ments,  together  with  the  abatement  of  the  popular  ardor, 
produced  serious  alarms  in  the  minds  of  the  leading  patriots, 
and  required  their  most  energetic  efforts  to  counteract  the 
injurious  consequences.  The  consequences  were  carried 
into  all  the  relations  of  civil  government,  and  all  the  politi 
cal  concerns  of  the  country,  no  less  than  into  the  condition 
and  efficiency  of  the  army.  The  currency  continued  to  de 
preciate  without  the  possibility  of  a  remedy.  The  finances 
of  Congress  were  in  a  state  of  confusion  and  embarrassment 
that  threatened  an  early  dissolution  of  that  body,  for  the 
want  of  the  means  to  keep  them  together ;  their  credit  was 
totally  exhausted,  and  party  spirit,  state  jealousies,  and  per 
sonal  rivalries  distracted  their  councils.  In  all  the  moral 
characteristics  of  the  contest,  in  union,  self-reliance,  and 
energy,  the  cause  of  Independence  had  rather  retrograded 
than  been  advanced  by  the  French  alliance. 

It  was  about  this  epoch  that,  stimulated  by  the  French 
minister  and  admiral,  a  project  was  meditated  for  the  con 
quest  of  Canada.  The  object  was  very  desirable  to  the 
French,  and  was  urged  earnestly  upon  Congress.  They  were 
inclined  to  the  expedition,  and  without  communicating  fully 
with  Washington,  they  had  conceived  a  general  plan  for  the 
conquest  of  all  the  British  posts,  by  the  simultaneous  attacks 
of  the  different  American  detachments  on  the  Northern  fron 
tier,  aided  by  a  French  fleet  and  army,  operating  in  the 
St.  Lawrence.  The  extravagance  of  the  plan  was  zealously 
exposed  by  Washington,  and  with  final  success,  although  it 
was  reluctantly  given  up.  He  showed  it  to  be  impossible 
to  provide  the  proper  force,  and  dangerous  to  the  safety  of 
the  States,  from  which  their  defence  must  be  withdrawn  in 
order  to  gather  even  a  respectable  army  in  the  North.  Pri 
vately  he  urged  political  considerations  of  weight,  dissuad 
ing  Congress  from  engaging  all  their  available  strength  in  an 
expedition  which  promised  so  little  comparative  benefit  to 
themselves,  but  which  was  of  such  great  prospective  value 
to  France.  The  expedition  was  laid  aside  on  the  report  of 
a  committee  of  Congress,  based  upon  the  views  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  269 

Late  in  the  autumn  of  1778,  General  Lafayette  obtained 
leave  to  return  to  France,  on  a  visit,  principally  with  the 
design  of  procuring  by  his  personal  influence  additional  aid 
from  the  French  court  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Laurens  resigned  the  Presidency  of  Congress,  and 
was  succeeded  by  John  Jay. 

In  England  Parliament  met  on  the  26th  of  November. 
The  king's  speech,  without  speaking  directly  of  the  Ameri 
can  affairs,  complained  in  strong  language  of  the  conduct  of 
France  as  an  "  unprovoked  aggression."  The  popular  hos 
tility  towards  the  French  nation  appeared  to  give  a  new 
spirit  to  the  war,  and  ministers  were  more  warmly  support 
ed  in  their  line  of  policy.  The  opposition  confined  them 
selves  to  attacks  upon  the  manner  of  conducting  the  late 
campaigns,  and  the  tardy  and  inefficient  preparations  that 
had  been  made.  The  conduct  of  Commissioner  Johnstone 
was  arraigned  severely.  The  employment  of  Indians  in  the 
British  army  was  strongly  reprobated,  and  motions  made  for 
a  public  censure  upon  the  threatening  manifesto  with  which 
the  Commissioners  had  closed  their  labors  in  America.  Mr. 
Johnstone  defended  the  proclamation,  owned  and  justified 
it  as  avowing  a  war  of  desolation  to  be  right  and  expe 
dient  against  such  a  refractory  and  rebellious  people. 
Ministers  defended  it  on  other  grounds,  rejecting  the  ex 
treme  interpretation  of  Johnstone,  and  the  vote  of  censure 
was  refused.  The  conduct  of  ministers  was  brought 
under  review  by  an  inquiry  instituted  at  the  re 
quest  of  General  Howe,  who,  in  his  place  in  Parliament, 
accused  the  secretary  of  maladministration  in  relation  to 
America.  Lord  Cornwallis,  General  Grey,  and  other  offi 
cers,  were  examined  at  the  bar.  Burgoyne,  who  had  been 
in  vain  demanding  an  inquiry  into  his  own  conduct,  took 
the  opportunity  of  renewing  it,  and  that  was  also  granted. 
Numerous  witnesses  were  examined  on  his  behalf,  and  most 
of  the  session  consumed  in  the  investigation.  The  Com 
mittee  came  to  no  decision  in  either  case,  but  the  testimony 
clearly  convicted  the  ministry  of  great  ignorance  of  the 
geography  and  condition  of  America,  as  well  as  of  the  mili 
tary  means  proper  for  prosecuting  the  war.  The  session  was 
protracted  to  late  in  the  summer  of  1779.  Before  they  ad 
journed,  another  enemy  had  been  joined  to  the  confederacy 
against  Great  Britain,  by  the  manifesto  of  the  king  of  Spain, 
Z2 


1779. 


270  HISTORY  OF   THE 

which  was  considered  a  declaration  of  war,  and  as  sucfe 
communicated  by  message  on  the  17th  of  June. 

In  the  French  treaties  with  the  United  States  a  secret 
article  had  reserved  to  the  king  of  Spain,  a  right  to  be 
come  a  party.  That  monarch  had  interests  of  his  own  on 
the  American  continent,  which  made  him  reluctant  to  aid 
the  Americans,  however  much  he  might  desire  to  cripple 
the  power  of  England.  As  a  security  for  his  own  possessions, 
and  as  a  remuneration  for  his  co-operation,  he  required  a 
preliminary  relinquishment  by  the  United  States  of  all 
claims  to  the  territory  west  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains, 
and  the  recognition  of  his  exclusive  right  to  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi.  He  was  displeased  with  the  French 
treaties  for  not  making  stipulations  of  this  kind,  and  declined 
becoming  a  party  to  them.  He  however  offered  his  media 
tion  between  France  and  Great  Britain,  with  the  under 
standing  that  the  United  States  were  to  be  included  in  the 
terms  agreed  upon.  The  mediation  was  listened  to  un 
doubtedly  with  a  view  to  procrastination  by  Great  Britain, 
to  prevent  the  junction  of  Spain  with  France  in  the  war 
against  her.  A  correspondence  was  instituted,  which  was 
kept  up  for  eight  months,  and  was  finally  concluded  by  the 
offer  of  an  ultimatum  by  the  Spanish  court,  in  which  was  in 
cluded  a  stipulation  that  the  American  provinces  should  be 
treated  with  as  "  independent  in  fact."  The  court  of  London 
rejected  the  proposition  on  the  4th  of  May,  1779.  This  re 
sult  was  expected  by  the  court  of  Spain.  In  anticipation  of 
the  refusal,  they  had,  in  April  preceding,  formed  a  secret 
treaty  with  France,  engaging  to  declare  war.  A  manifesto 
to  that  effect,  setting  forth  various  causes  of  complaint  against 
England,  was  delivered  to  the  British  secretary  by  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  on  the  16th  of  June,  and  responded  to 
immediately  by  the  king  and  parliament.  A  new  militia 
bill  was  introduced;  increased  supplies  voted,  with  little  op 
position  ;  and  the  army  and  navy  largely  augmented.  Sev 
enty  thousand  seamen  were  voted  for  the  home  service,  and 
about  thirty  thousand  soldiers  in  addition  to  those  already  in 
America,  computed  to  amount,  foreigners  included,  to  forty 
thousand  more.  The  sums  of  money  voted  for  the  services 
of  the  year  amounted  to  15,072,654/. 

The  British  court,  during  the  pendency  of  the  negotiations 
which  added  Spain  to  the  number  of  her  open  enemies,  was 
not  inactive  in  endeavoring  to  detach  the  Americans  from 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  271 

their  new  alliances  by  separate  proposals,  offering  liberal 
terms  of  reconciliation.  In  the  winter  of  1778-79,  David 
Hartley,  an  eminent  whig  member  of  Parliament,  went  to 
Paris,  with  the  privity  of  Lord  North,  to  confer  with  Dr. 
Franklin.  The  great  point  to  which  his  labors  were  directed, 
was  to  obtain  the  consent  of  America  to  treat  separately  for 
peace.  His  own  preliminary  propositions  made  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  in  April,  contained  a  postulatum,  that  America 
should  be  "  released,  free,  and  unengaged  from  any  treaties 
with  foreign  powers,  which  may  tend  to  embarrass  or  defeat 
the  proposed  negotiation."  The  "  great  stumbling-block  in 
the  way  of  reconciliation,"  as  Hartley  expressly  told  Frank 
lin,  was  the  connexion  with  France.  If,  as  was  probably  de 
signed,  the  British  ministry  expected  any  admission  which 
might  be  employed  to  create  distrust  in  the  court  of  France 
against  the  good  faith  of  America,  the  sequel  deceived  them. 
France  had  more  than  once  shown  an  apprehension  that  the 
States  might  consider  themselves  at  liberty  to  make  a  sepa 
rate  peace.  On  the  1st  of  January  they  made  such  a  repre 
sentation  to  Congress  through  their  ambassador,  as  to  draw 
forth  a  solemn  declaration,  unanimously  adopted,  that  "as 
neither  France  nor  the  United  States  might  of  right,  so  these 
United  States  will  not  conclude  either  truce  or  peace  with 
the  -common  enemy  without  the  formal  consent  of  their 
ally  first  obtained."  Dr.  Franklin  wisely  and  firmly  ad 
hered  to  the  same  line  of  policy,  in  his  reply  to  Hartley 
"  America,"  he  said,  "has  no  desire  of  being  free  from  her 
engagements  to  France.  The  chief  is,  that  of  continuing 
the  war  in  conjunction  with  her,  and  not  making  a  separate 
peace  ;  and  this  is  an  obligation  not  in  the  power  of  America 
to  dissolve,  being  an  obligation  of  gratitude  and  justice  to 
wards  a  nation  which  is  engaged  in  a  war  on  her  account 
and  for  her  protection,  and  would  be  for  ever  binding, 
whether  such  an  article  existed  or  not  in  the  treaty ;  and 
though  it  did  not  exist,  an  honest  American  would  cut  his 
right  hand  off  sooner  than  sign  an  agreement  with  England 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  it."  Of  course  the  negotiation  pro 
ceeded  no  further. 

The  time  employed  in  these  official  negotiations  relative 
to  the  Spanish  mediation,  was  further  employed  in  discus 
sions  between  the  French  court  and  Congress,  in  which 
some  of  the  secret  motives  of  France  and  Spain,  in  aiding 
America,  were  developed.  In  the  debates  of  Congress, 


272  HISTORY   OF   THE 

springing  out  of  the  important  questions  of  interest  and  ter 
ritory  presented  to  them,  are  to  be  seen  the  first  strongly 
marked  party  divisions  respecting  the  navigation  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  and  the  Eastern  fisheries,  which  afterwards  pro 
duced  so  much  discord  and  jealousy.  These  points  attracted 
the  early  attention  of  France  and  Spain,  and  there  is  little 
question  that,  besides  their  general  hostility  to  Great  Britain, 
those  powers  had  their  own  separate  views  of  gain.  France 
was  especially  eager  for  a  participation,  if  not  an  exclusive 
right,  in  the  Newfoundland  fisheries,  to  be  conquered  from 
Britain  and  secured  by  the  gratitude  of  the  States.  Her 
•views  upon  Canada  have  been  already  alluded  to.  She  was 
also  anxious  to  further  the  plans  of  the  other  branch  of  the 
Bourbon  family  upon  Florida  and  the  Mississippi.  Spain 
looked  upon  the  possession  of  the  Floridas,  and  the  control 
of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  as  her  prize  in  the  war 
against  Britain.  The  French  court  entered  into  the  alliance 
with  the  new  States  without  having  obtained  any  stipulation 
for  these  concessions.  The  time  was  critical,  and  her  assent 
was  given  with  the  design  of  urging  the  same  claims  as  an 
ally,  generous  and  able  to  help  them  in  their  adversity,  and 
entitled  to  liberal  concessions  of  territory  and  privileges. 
The  mediation  offered  by  Spain,  and  the  negotiations  for  her 
co-operation  in  the  war,  afforded  an  occasion  for  pressing 
these  views,  and  making  as  profitable  a  bargain  as  possible 
with  the  Americans.  The  announcement  by  M.  Gerard  of 
the  offered  mediation,  was  accompanied  by  some  suggestions 
to  Congress  of  the  necessity  of  moderation  in  the  terms, 
upon  which  they  would  be  willing  to  conclude  peace,  in  case 
the  mediation  should  be  successful.  He  intimated  the  pro 
priety  of  not  insisting  upon  a  formal  and  explicit  acknow 
ledgment  of  Independence  ;  advising  them  to  be  content 
with  a  tacit  recognition.  He  laid  much  stress  upon  the 
value  of  Spanish  aid,  enlarged  upon  the  extent  of  the  con 
cessions  which  ought  to  be  made  to  secure  it,  and  finally  re 
commended  terms  of  peace  to  be  offered  embracing  these 
several  points,  limiting  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
east  of  the  Alleghany,  abandoning  the  fisheries,  and  adopting 
such  an  implied  sovereignty  as  the  Swiss  Cantons  enjoy. 
Congress  were  willing  to  grant  much  for  the  value  of  the 
expected  alliance,  but  they  were  too  sagacious  not  to  see, 
that  Spain  would  not  be  governed  in  her  course  by  any  re 
gard  for  American  liberty,  or  sympathy  for  republicanism, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  273 

but  by  political  calculations  and  the  hereditary  hostility  of 
the  Bourbons  against  England.  In  settling  the  conditions 
to  be  insisted  upon,  under  the  proposed  mediation,  and  to 
secure  the  Spanish  alliance,  warm  and  long  continued  de 
bates  took  place,  in  which  the  States  were  differently  sway 
ed,  according  to  their  geographical  position.  The  East  were 
zealous  for  never  yielding  the  fisheries,  and  the  West  insist 
ed,  as  a  sine  qua  non,  on  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 
These  discussions  were  protracted  until  the  mediation  was 
finally  rejected  by  the  court  of  Great  Britain ;  but  the  same 
arguments  continued  to  be  pressed  upon  Congress  by  M. 
Gerard,  to  induce  them  to  offer  to  His  Catholic  Majesty 
"  proper  terms"  to  "  reconcile  him  perfectly  to  the  Ameri 
can  interests."  These  "  proper  terms,"  were  the  same  pre 
viously  advocated.  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  in  reciting 
these  intrigues,  that  when  the  French  minister  was,  in  July, 
recommending  the  United  States  to  make  large  concessions 
to  induce  Spain  to  go  to  war  with  England,  a  treaty  was 
actually  in  existence  between  France  and  Spain,  concluded 
in  the  preceding  April,  for  making  the  war,  independent  of 
any  American  interests.  Congress  became  strengthened  in 
the  belief  that  Spain  would,  at  all  events,  for  her  own. 
quarrels,  join  with  France,  and  still  held  off,  declining  to 
accede  to  the  French  proposals.  In  a  short  time  the  war 
actually  broke  out  in  Europe  and  America.  The  object  of 
all  these  intrigues  was,  however,  not  abandoned.  Spain,  by 
joining  in  the  war,  did  not  accede  to  the  treaties  between 
the  United  States  and  France.  The  same  arguments  were 
used  to  persuade  Congress  to  pay  highly  for  a  treaty  with 
Spain  directly,  of  alliance,  amity,  and  commerce.  The  ut 
most  concession  which  Congress  would  make,  was  to  offer 
the  Floridas  with  a  guarantee — the  fisheries  and  the  Missis 
sippi  they  would  not  yield.  Spain  resented  this  obstinacy, 
and,  though  engaged  in  the  war  against  the  common  enemy, 
did  not  acknowledge  the  Independence  of  the  United  States, 
nor  receive  nor  send  ambassadors. 

To  prevail  upon  her  to  do  so,  and  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce,  John  Jay,  at  the  time  of  his  election 
President  of  Congress,  was  appointed  a  minister  to  Spain. 
At  the  same  time  John  Adams  was  chosen  minister  for  the 
same  object,  to  negotiate  a  like  treaty  with  Great  Britain. 
The  increase  of  the  hostile  combination  against  Great  Britain, 
led  to  the  impression  that  the  war  would  soon  end.  Samuel 


274  HISTORY   OF    THE 

Huntingdon,  of  Connecticut,  succeeded  Mr.  Jay  as  Presi 
dent  of  Congress. 

M.  Gerard  returned  to  France,  and  in  the  month  of  No 
vember,  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  was  received  by  Con 
gress  as  the  French  Minister  Plenipotentiary. 

Immediately  after  the  Spanish  declaration* of  war,  the  joint 
fleets  of  France  and  Spain,  under  the  command  of  Count 
D'Orvilliers,  consisting  of  sixty-five  ships  of  the  line,  and 
numerous  frigates,  entered  the  British  channel,  and  spread 
consternation  along  the  coasts.  They  retired,  however,  with 
out  undertaking  any  enterprise  of  moment. 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  275 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE    military  operations   during  the  year  1779,  were 
carried  on  in  three  separate  quarters.     The  fleets       J779 
of    France   and    England   contended   for    supe 
riority  in  the  West  Indies ; — Sir  Henry  Clinton,  at  New 
York,  employed  the  troops  under  his  command  in  harassing 
the  country,  to  prevent  Washington  from    detaching  any 
aid  to  the  South ;   and  General  Prevost,  in  Georgia,  prose 
cuted  the  duty  assigned  to  him  of  reducing  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina. 

The  course  of  events  in  the  West  Indies  does  not  bear 
materially  upon  the  affairs  of  the  American  Revolution.  It 
was  a  struggle  by  France  chiefly  for  her  own  benefit,  and 
served  to  retard  that  direct  co-operation  with  the  republican 
forces  which  had  been  expected  from  her.  It  had  one  great 
advantage  of  occupying  a  large  part  of  the  British  fleet  at  a 
distance  from  the  coast  of  the  States.  The  French  force  in 
the  West  India  Islands,  in  December,  1778,  was  under  the 
command  of  the  Marquis  of  Bouille.  By  a  sudden  attack,  he 
made  himself  master  of  Dominica.  The  British  fleet  was 
commanded  by  Admiral  Barrington.  It  was  reinforced  by 
Commodore  Hotham,  with  a  division,  having  a  land  force  of 
5,000  men  on  board,  under  the  command  of  General  Grant, 
with  which  an  attack  was  made  upon  St.  Lucie.  D'Estaing 
arrived  with  the  French  fleet  from  Boston  to  strengthen 
Bouille.  He  made  an  attempt  to  relieve  St.  Lucie,  which 
failed,  and  that  island  surrendered  to  the  British.  Admiral 
Byron,  with  the  rest  of  the  squadron,  soon  arrived,  giving 
the  British  a  preponderance  of  force,  with  which  they  kept 
D'Estaing  blocked  for  several  months  at  Fort  Royal.  Both 
sides  received  further  reinforcements ;  the  English  by  a 
squadron  under  Commodore  Rowley,  and  the  French  by  one 
under  the  Count  de  Grasse. 

In  the  month  of  June,  Admiral  Byron  having  sailed  to 
convoy  a  fleet  of  merchant  ships,  the  French  commenced 
offensive  measures,  and  captured  St.  Vincents  and  Grenada, 
which,  with  Dominica,  also  in  the  power  of  the  French, 
left  the  British  only  Tobago  of  all  their  acquisitions  in  the 


276  HISTORY   OF    THE 

West  Indies  by  the  treaty  of  1763.  An  indecisive  action 
between  the  fleets  of  the  two  nations,  in  the  month  of  July, 
terminated  the  operations  of  D'Estaing  in  that  quarter.  The 
season  of  hurricanes  was  approaching,  and  the  remonstrances 
and  applications  which  he  received  from  the  United  States, 
induced  him  to  sail  northwardly  again ;  and  on  the  1st  of 
September,  he  appeared  on  the  coast  of  Georgia  with  twenty 
ships  of  the  line.  His  subsequent  operations  there  are  con 
nected  with  the  Southern  campaign  in  the  States,  to  be 
hereafter  narrated. 

In  the  North  the  war  on  both  sides  had  been  carried  on 
languidly.  The  dissensions  in  Congress,  the  spirit  of  specu 
lation  which  pervaded  all  classes,  in  consequence  of  the 
depreciation  of  paper  arid  the  indisposition  to  make  any 
efforts  or  sacrifices  for  the  common  cause,  and  the  delusive 
reliance  upon  the  arms  of  France  for  securing  Independence, 
produced  such  an  apathy  in  making  the  necessary  prepara 
tions  for  action  in  the  field,  that,  notwithstanding  the  earn 
est,  repeated  entreaties  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  no 
recruits  were  voted  until  late  in  January,  and  the  requisi 
tions  upon  the  States  for  their  several  quotas,  were  not  made 
until  March.  When  the  army  was  about  to  take  the  field, 
alarming  difficulties  sprung  up  among  the  officers,  running 
into  acts  of  violence,  which  threatened  the  total  dissolution  of 
the  army.  The  depreciation  of  the  continental  money  had 
become  so  great,  that  the  pay  of  the  officers  would  not  af 
ford  them  even  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  in  May,  the  offi 
cers  of  the  Jersey  brigade  formally  threatened  to  throw  up 
their  commissions,  unless  better  provision  were  made  for 
their  support.  It  required  all  the  patient  sagacity,  firmness, 
and  personal  popularity  of  Washington  to  prevent  this  catas 
trophe,  and  prevail  upon  the  dissatisfied  officers  to  delay 
their  resolutions,  and  bear  still  longer  with  the  hardships 
and  injustice  of  which  they  complained  with  so  much  rea 
son.  They  marched  according  to  orders.  The  representa 
tions  of  Washington  brought  the  subject  strongly  before  the 
State  legislature,  and  measures  of  relief  were  proposed, 
which  had  the  effect  of  keeping  them  in  the  service.  The 
disposable  American  force  at  this  time  was  about 


sixteen  thousand  men,  that  of  Sir  Henry*  Clinton 


May,  1779. 

was  nearly  seventeen  thousand.  By  means  of  the  naval 
force  under  his  control,  he  could  transport  them  with  little 
obstruction  to  any  part  of  the  coast,  and  make  incursions  at 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  277 

pleasure  in  any  direction  without  being  effectually  opposed. 
The  station  at  West  Point,  and  the  passes  of  the  Highlands, 
in  which  the  American  stores  were  deposited,  were  of  such 
primary  importance  that  Washington  dared  not  risk  their 
safety  by  detaching  any  considerable  part  of  his  army  for 
the  defence  of  other  places.  His  only  enterprise  of  the  kind 
distant  from  the  Highlands,  was  one  under  General  Sullivan, 
sent  against  the  Indians  on  the  Northern  frontier,  which  suc 
ceeded  in  destroying  a  number  of  their  towns.  Clinton 
availed  himself  of  his  superiority,  and  spent  the  season  in 
committing  ravages  upon  the  coast  and  sending  out  expedi 
tions  to  distress  and  plunder  the  country,  as  though  it  was 
his  object  to  accomplish  the  threats  of  the  Commissioners  to 
make  the  Colonies  worth  as  little  as  possible  to  their  new 
allies.  The  first,  under  Commodore  Sir  George  Collier  and 
General  Matthews,  was  directed  to  the  Chesapeake.  It 
reached  Hampton  Roads  on  the  10th  of  May.  Hav 
ing  taken  possession  of  Norfolk,  they  sent  parties 
in  various  directions,  and  destroyed  public  and  private  pro 
perty  to  an  enormous  amount,  at  Portsmouth,  Norfolk,  Suf 
folk,  Gosport,  and  the  neighboring  towns  and  villages.  One 
hundred  and  thirty  vessels,  and  a  prodigious  quantity  of 
naval  stores  and  provisions  were  destroyed,  and  three  thou 
sand  hogsheads  of  tobacco  burnt  in  Elizabethtown.  Private 
houses  were  not  spared,  and  in  Suffolk  hardly  a  dwelling 
escaped  the  flames.  In  about  two  weeks  the  marauders 
re-embarked  and  returned  to  New  York. 

A  second  expedition  was  planned  against  the  American 
fortresses  in  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson.  General  Clinton, 
convoyed  by  Collier,  embarked  on  this  service,  in  the  latter 
part  of  May,  with  a  large  force.  King's  Ferry  is  the  great 
highway  between  the  Eastern  and  Southern  States.  The 
possession  of  it  by  the  British  would  compel  the  Americans 
to  make  a  wide  and  difficult  circuit,  and  would  be  an  im 
portant  step  towards  the  conquest  of  West  Point.  Stoney 
Point  overlooks  and  commands  the  ferry  on  the  west  side, 
and  Verplank's  Point  on  the  east.  Both  were  fortified.  The 
former  was  evacuated  on  the  approach  of  Clinton,  but  his 
movements  were  so  rapid  that  the  garrison  on  Verplank's 
Point  were  obliged  to  surrender  themselves  prison-  I 
ers  of  war,  after  a  short  and  spirited  resistance.  | 
After  fortifying  and  garrisoning  these  forts,  Sir  Henry  re 
turned  to  the  city. 

•    •*  2  A 


278  HISTORY    OF    THE 

The  British  commerce  on  Long  Island  Sound  was  sorely 
harassed  by  numerous  privateers,  fitted  out  in  the  convenient 
harbors  and  bays  of  Connecticut.  The  supplies  intended  for 
the  New  York  market  were  intercepted  and  captured.  These 
enterprises  were  made  the  ostensible  motive  for  a  predatory 
expedition  upon  the  coasts  of  Connecticut,  which  was  carried 
on  with  a  spirit  of  barbarity  and  rapine  disgraceful  to  the  arms 
of  any  civilized  people.  Governor  Tryon  and  General  Garth, 

I  with  2,600  men,  were  employed  in  this  service. 

j  Garth  landed  at  New  Haven  on  the  5th  of  July.  This 
town  was  plundered,  and  an  immense  amount  of  property 
destroyed.  After  perpetrating  every  species  of  violence  and 
enormity,  except  firing  the  town,  in  which  they  were  frus 
trated  by  their  apprehensions  of  a  body  of  militia  collected 
to  oppose  them,  they  suddenly  re-embarked.  Tryon  enacted 
the  same  horrible  scenes  at  East  Haven,  which  he  burnt, 
and  being  pursued  by  the  exasperated  militia,  retreated  to 
Jui  7th  kig  ships.  Two  days  afterwards,  he  landed  at 
Fairfield,  a  flourishing  town,  in  the  county  of  the 
same  name,  on  the  coast,  between  fifty  and  sixty  miles  from 
New  York.  Here,  after  plundering  every  house,  and  de 
stroying  all  the  property  within  the  town  he  ended  by 
burning  the  town,  and  laying  waste  every  thing  he  could 
reach  for  two  miles  round.  Again  embarking,  pursued  by 
the  militia,  he  relanded  at  Norwalk,  about  ten  miles  be 
low,  where  he  burned  and  plundered  the  town,  and  destroyed 
a  quantity  of  shipping,  including  whaleboats  and  cruisers. 
He  was  proceeding  thus  from  place  to  place,  desolating  the 
coast,  when  he  was  recalled  by  Clinton.  Particular  accounts 
were  furnished  Congress  of  the  devastations  committed  at 
Norwalk  and  Fairfield.  Besides  the  vessels  destroyed,  there 
were  burnt  at  the  former  place  two  houses  of  public  worship, 
eighty  dwelling  houses,  sixty-seven  barns,  twenty-two  stores, 
seventeen  shops,  and  four  mills  :  at  Fairfield,  two  houses  of 
public  worship,  eighty-two  dwelling  houses,  fifty-five  barns, 
and  thirty  stores.  So  far  was  Governor  Tryon  from  feeling 
compunction  at  these  barbarities,  that  he  boasted  of  his 
clemency,  and  maintained  that  the  existence  of  a  single 
house  on  the  coast  was  a  monument  of  the  king's  mercy. 

The  recall  of  Tryon  was  hastened  by  a  bold  and  success 
ful  movement  made  in  the  Highlands  by  the  Americans 
against  Stoney  Point.  It  had  been  impossible  for  Washing 
ton  to  divide  his  army  for  the  succor  of  the  defenceless 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  279 

coast  invaded  by  the  British.  The  safety  of  West  Point 
required  all  his  energy  and  activity.  He  pushed  forward 
his  lines  nearly  to  the  British,  and  determined  by  a  brilliant 
enterprise  to  alarm  the  enemy  and  force  him  to  recall  his 
troops.  Stoney  Point  and  Verplank's  Point  had  been  strongly 
fortified  and  manned  by  the  British.  General  Wayne,  with 
a  strong  detachment  of  American  infantry,  set  out  on  an  ex 
pedition  against  Stoney  Point  on  the  15th  of  July.  At  the  same 
time,  a  force  under  General  Howe  proceeded  against  Ver 
plank's  Point.  Wayne  arrived  before  Stoney  Point  in  the  even 
ing,  and  after  reconnoitering  the  works,  divided  his  men  into 
two  columns,  with  directions  to  assault  the  fort  at  opposite 
points,  and  without  firing,  to  depend  entirely  upon  the  bayo 
net.  The  charge  was  made  with  irresistible  ardor.  The 
assailants  forced  their  way  across  a  morass,  overflowed  by 
the  tide,  in  the  face  of  a  tremendous  fire  of  musketry  and 
grapeshot,  until  both  columns  met  in  the  middle  of  the  fort. 
Wayne  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  head  in  leading  on 
his  column.  The  victors  took  543  prisoners,  fifteen  pieces 
of  cannon,  flags,  arms,  and  a  large  amount  of  military  stores. 
The  Americans  lost  ninety-eight,  killed  and  wounded.  The 
enterprise  against  the  opposite  point  failed.  Clinton,  hearing 
of  the  fall  of  the  fortress,  moved  up  the  river  with  a  large 
force,  and  Washington,  unable  to  spare  a  sufficient  garrison 
for  the  post,  removed  the  artillery  and  stores,  and  having 
demolished  the  works,  evacuated  them.  Congress  passed 
high  encomiums  on  the  gallantry  of  Wayne  and  his  troops 
in  storming  the  fort,  and  voted  him  a  gold  medal  in  honor 
of  the  victory. 

Clinton  ordered  the  works  to  be  repaired,  and  having  gar 
risoned  them  strongly,  returned  to  New  York  again. 

About  the  same  time,  Major  Lee,  with  a  party  of  Virginia 
and  Maryland  troops,  surprised  the  British  garrison  at  Powles 
Hook,  opposite  New  York,  and  with  the  loss  only  of  six  or 
seven  of  his  own  men,  succeeded  in  capturing  one  hundred 
and  sixty-one  of  the  enemy. 

These  advantages  were  counterbalanced  in  part  by  the 
failure  of  an  attack  made  by  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
against  the  British  post  at  Penobscot,  in  Maine.  A  fort  had 
been  erected  there,  in  June,  by  Colonel  M'Leane,  under  the 
direction  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  garrisoned  with  650  men. 
The  people  of  Massachusetts,  alarmed  at  this  movement,  pre 
pared  an  expedition  of  land  and  naval  force,  under  Captain 


Jan.  1779. 


280  HISTORY   OF    THE 

Salstonstall  and  General  Lovel.  Thirty-seven  vessels,  of 
different  sizes,  appeared  before  the  fort,  on  the  25th  of  July, 
Jui  28th  I  anc^  Proceeded_  to  make  preparations  for  assault. 
I  On  the  28th,  a  British  squadron  from  New  York, 
commanded  by  Commodore  Collier,  consisting  of  a  sixty- 
four-gun  ship  and  live  frigates,  arrived  to  the  relief  of  trie- 
garrison.  The  American  flotilla  was  attacked  and  dispersed, 
seventeen  or  eighteen  of  the  armed  vessels  taken  or  destroy 
ed.  Most  of  the  sailors  and  soldiers  who  escaped,  made  their 
way  back  by  land,  through  the  woods. 

No  other  military  events  worth  narrating  occurred  in  the 
Northern  or  Middle  States  during  the  remainder  of  the  year. 
The  scene  of  active  operations  was  in  the  South,  to  the 
events  in  which  quarter  of  the  Union,  commencing  with 
the  year,  the  narrative  must  recur. 

Early  in  January  the  British  General  Prevost  was  in  pos 
session  of  the  capital  of  Georgia,  and  the  whole 
State  offered  him  no  resistance.  His  next  object 
was  to  form  a  connexion  with  the  interior,  where  great 
numbers  were  represented  to  be  royalists  favorable  to  the 
British  interest,  and  to  invade  South  Carolina,  and  capture 
the  city  of  Charleston.  An  expedition  which  he  planned 
against  Port  Royal,  was  repulsed  by  the  Carolinians,  under 
Moultrie,  the  same  who  distinguished  himself  by  the  de 
fence  of  the  fort  in  Charleston  harbor,  against  the  fleet  of 
Admiral  Parker,  in  1776.  Lincoln,  with  the  American  troops, 
occupied  numerous  posts  along  the  north  bank  of  the  Savan 
nah  river. 

Colonel  Campbell,  in  order  to  support  and  succor  the 
royalists,  moved  up  the  river,  and  occupied  Augusta.  From 
that  place  he  despatched  parties  to  aid  the  king's  friends, 
as  the  tories  styled  themselves.  A  large  number  of  this  class 
rose  in  arms,  and  putting  themselves  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Boyd,  marched  to  join  the  British,  committing  great 
devastations  and  cruelties  on  their  way.  This  roused  the 
resentment  of  their  countrymen,  and  a  party  of  Carolinian 
militia,  commanded  by  Colonel  Pickens,  collected  and  at 
tacked  them,  just  before  they  reached  the  British  posts.  The 
tories  were  totally  routed,  and  many  prisoners  taken.  Sev- 
I  enty-six  of  them  were  condemned  to  death  as  trai- 
|  tors,  under  the  State  law,  but  five  only  were 
executed.  The  British  forces  soon  after  evacuated  Augusta, 
and  retreated  down  the  river  to  Hudson's  Ferry.  Lincoln 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  281 

had  stationed  General  Ashe,  with  1,500  Carolina  militia  and 
a  few  regulars,  opposite  to  Augusta,  on  the  Carolina  side  of 
the  river,  and  on  the  retreat  of  Campbell  from  Augusta, 
directed  Ashe  to  cross  the  river,  foUow  the  enemy,  and  take 
post  at  Briar's  Creek.  He  did  so,  but  kept  such  careless  watch 
as  to  allow  himself  to  be  surprised  and  totally  routed  by  an 
inferior  force .  Colonel  Perkins  marched  against  him,  and  hav 
ing  succeeded  in  deceiving  Lincoln  as  to  his  designs,  by  a  cir 
cuitous  march  reached  the  rear  of  Ashe's  position,  and  killed, 
captured,  or  dispersed  his  whole  force.  The  regulars,  under 
General  Elbert,  made  a  gallant  but  fruitless  resistance,  but 
the  militia  were  panic-struck,  and  fled  without  attempting  to 
make  a  stand.  Not  more  than  four  hundred  of  these  re 
turned  to  the  camp  of  Lincoln.  The  loss  in  arms  and  am 
munition  was  also  great.  The  disaster  cost  the  American 
army  one-fourth  of  their  strength  at  once,  and  reduced  them 
to  inaction.  The  subjugation  of  Georgia  was  complete,  and 
General  Prevost  was  left  uninterrupted  in  his  plans  for  re 
establishing  the  British  authority,  and  collecting  the  means 
for  invading  Charleston. 

The  continued  successes  of  the  British  since  their  landing- 
in  Georgia,  and  the  entire  subjugation  of  that  State,  alarmed 
and  roused  the  people  of  South  Carolina.  Active  exertions 
were  made  to  prepare  the  means  of  defence.  John  Rutledge, 
a  distinguished  patriot,  was  chosen  governor  by  almost  a 
unanimous  vote,  and  invested  with  extraordinary  powers^ 
which  he  used  promptly  and  vigorously.  The  militia  were 
called  out  with  such  success,  that  by  the  middle  of  April 
General  Lincoln  found  himself  at  the  head  of  5,000  men. 
The  British  having  withdrawn  from  the  upper  posts  on  the 
south  side  of  the  river  Savannah,  Lincoln  left  General 
Moultrie  with  a  part  of  the  army  to  preserve  the 
lines  of  defence,  and  marching  up  the  north  side 
of  the  river,  crossed  at  Augusta  into  Georgia. 

Prevost,  who  was  in  large  force  in  Savannah,  availed  him 
self  of  this  division  of  the  American  forces,  and,  while  Lin 
coln  was  distant  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  crossed  the  river, 
near  the  mouth,  into  Carolina,  and  moved  against  Moultrie. 
The  Americans,  unable  to  maintain  their  position,  retired, 
and  were  followed  by  the  enemy.  A  skirmish  took  place  at 
Coosawatchie  bridge,  in  which  Colonel  Laurens  was  wound 
ed,  his  troops  suffered  considerably,  and  were  finally  re 
pulsed.  Moultrie  conducted  his  retreat  with  ability,  but 
2A2 


April  23d. 


282  HISTORY   OF    THE 

under  disadvantages  from  the  want  of  cavalry  and  the 
numerous  desertions  which  occurred  among  his  troops. 
Anxious  for  the  fate  of  their  private  property,  instead  of 
rallying  for  the  public  cause,  they  went  off  home,  in  alarm 
and  consternation.  Prevost  delayed  several  days  on  his 
march,  receiving  encouragement  from  the  tories,  and  as 
surances  of  the  defenceless  state  of  Charleston.  Following 
the  retreating  Americans  in  this  dilatory  manner, 
he  appeared  before  Charleston  on  the  llth  of 
May. 

Lincoln,  in  the  interim,  continued  his  route  down  the 
south  side  of  the  river,  towards  Savannah,  believing  Pre 
vost' s  march  to  be  a  feint  to  divert  him  from  that  city.  He 
contented  himself  with  despatching  three  hundred  conti 
nentals  to  Charleston,  who,  by  a  rapid  march  of  fifty  miles  a 
day  for  four  days,  reached  that  place  as  soon  as  Moultrie, 
and  before  the  British  crossed  the  Ashley  river.  A  further 
reinforcement  of  five  hundred  men  was  sent  by  Governor 
Rutledge,  and  the  Pulaski  legion  was  soon  after  added. 
Lincoln  himself,  as  soon  as  he  was  convinced  that  the  Brit 
ish  intended  seriously  to  attack  Charleston,  turned  to  the 
left,  recrossed  the  river,  and  marched  to  the  relief  of  the 
city. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  Prevost  summoned  the  gar 
rison  to  surrender.  Their  numbers  were  about  3,300,  and 
their  chief  hope  was  to  hold  out  until  the  arrival  of  Lincoln. 
To  gain  time  therefore  wras  essential,  and  the  whole  of  that 
day  and  the  next  was  consumed  in  the  exchange  of  flags 
and  negotiating  for  terms.  The  garrison  offered  to  consent 
to  a  neutrality,  leaving  the  question  of  the  Independence 
of  South  Carolina  to  be  determined  by  final  treaty  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  an  offer  which  was  re 
fused  by  General  Prevost.  The  garrison  expected  an  imme 
diate  assault,  instead  of  which,  on  the  14th,  the  British 
abandoned  their  design,  recrossed  the  Ashley 

May  14th.        .  i  j     "    .,       .  ,       n  J 

river,  and  encamped  on  the  islands  near  the  sea, 
to  avoid  being  intercepted  by  Lincoln,  who  was  rapidly 
approaching.  The  same  day  Lincoln  reached  Dorchester. 
The  two  armies  remained  in  their  encampments,  watching 
each  other's  movements,  until  the  middle  of  June.  On  the 
20th,  a  sharp  action  was  fought  at  Stono  Ferry.  This  pass 
had  been  fortified,  defended  with  artillery,  and  garrisoned 
by  a  force  of  six  hundred  men,  under  Colonel  Maitland. 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  283 

Lincoln  arranged  a  plan  of  attack,  which  failed  in  part  by 
the  mismanagement  of  one  of  the  divisions  and  the  neglect 
of  orders  in  another.  The  attacking  force  was  about  1,200, 
which  was  beaten  off,  after  an  obstinate  battle,  with  the  loss 
of  about  three  hundred  killed.  After  this  action,  Prevost 
retired  to  Savannah,  leaving  Colonel  Maitland,  with  part  of 
the  army,  at  Beaufort,  on  the  Island  of  Port  Royal.  Lincoln 
and  the  continental  forces  retired  to  Sheldon,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Beaufort.  The  intense  heat  of  the  season  prevented  any  fur 
ther  active  operations  by  either  army  for  several  months,  and 
in  the  interval  earnest  applications  were  made  to  D'Estaing 
in  the  West  Indies  to  join  his  forces  with  the  American  for 
the  recovery  of  the  ground  lost  in  the  South. 

This  incursion  of  the  British  into  Carolina  was  marked 
by  more  than  customary  wrantonness  of  desolation ;  planta 
tions  and  private  dwellings  were  ravaged  and  burnt,  with  no 
other  object  than  mischief  and  revenge.  An  immense 
amount  of  property  was  plundered  and  carried  away,  and  not 
less  than  three  thousand  slaves  were  lost  to  the  planters.  A 
great  proportion  of  these  outrages  were  committed  by  the 
tories  or  American  loyalists. 

The  arrival  of  the  French  fleet  with  6,000  troops,  on  the 
1st  of  September,  renewed  the  war,  under  pro-  I  a 

.   L  rpn  »  •  I    bept.  JSt. 

pitious  circumstances.  1  he  Americans  were  san-  | 
guine  of  immediate  success.  The  first  events  encouraged 
those  anticipations.  A  British  fifty  gun  ship,  three  frigates, 
and  several  transports,  laden  with  provisions,  were  captured. 
Savannah  was  the  immediate  object  of  the  joint  armaments, 
and  the  land  and  sea  forces  were  directed  to  concentrate  at 
that  point,  to  capture  the  army  of  Prevost.  Lincoln  broke 
up  his  camp  and  marched  down  to  the  south  bank  of  the 
river,  and  crossed  on  the  9th.  The  militia  were  called  out, 
and  obeyed  with  unusual  alacrity.  D'Estaing  landed  three 
thousand  of  his  men  at  Beaulieu,  on  the  13th,  and  three  days 
afterwards  the  united  army  appeared  before  the  q 
city.  D'Estaing  had  arrived  by  sea  before  the  land 
troops,  and  summoned  the  city  to  surrender.  Prevost  endea 
vored  successfully  to  procure  delay  by  protracting  negotia 
tions.  A  truce  was  inconsiderately  granted,  at  the  termina 
tion  of  which  he  announced  his  determination  to  defend 
himself  to  the  last  extremity.  The  interval  had  been  indus 
triously  employed  in  strengthening  his  defences.  On 
the  first  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  the  French,  he 


284  HISTORY  OF   THE 

had  recalled  his  detachments,  and  ordered  all  the  British 
troops  in  Georgia  to  concentrate  in  Savannah.  During  the 
time  allowed  for  the  truce,  Colonel  Maitland  brought  safely 
into  the  city  the  division  of  veteran  corps  that  had  been  sta 
tioned  under  his  charge  at  Beaufort.  The  combined  forces 
then  undertook  a  regular  siege  of  the  city,  the  prepara 
tions  for  which  occupied  several  days.  The  garrison,  on 
their  side,  laboured  constantly  to  strengthen  their  works. 
On  the  4th  of  October  the  fire  of  the  besiegers  was  opened, 
from  batteries  mounting  nearly  a  hundred  pieces,  and  kept 
up  for  five  days,  without  producing  any  sensible  effects  upon 
the  works  of  the  city.  During  the  bombardment  the  houses 
of  the  city  suffered  much,  and  Prevost  applied  to  the  Ameri 
can  and  French  generals,  for  permission  to  remove  the 
women  and  children  to  a  safe  place  on  the  river,  to  abide 
the  event  of  the  siege.  This  was  refused,  on  the  alleged 
ground  that  the  British  intended  by  the  proposal  only  a 
finesse  to  withdraw  the  booty  they  had  gained  in  Carolina. 
The  besiegers  insisted  upon  the  necessity  of  immediate  sur 
render.  The  refusal  is  only  defensible  as  an  act  of  mistaken 
policy, — as  a  breach  of  courtesy  and  humanity  it  cannot  be 
sustained. 

The  unexpected  delay  placed  the  Count  D'Estaing  in  an 
embarrassing  predicament.  His  officers  represented  the 
season  as  unfavorable  for  the  continuance  of  so  valuable  a 
fleet  on  the  coast,  and  he  had  good  reason,  to  apprehend  an 
attack  from  the  British  fleets,  which  had  had  time  to  unite,  was 
superior  to  his  own,  and  would  have  the  advantage  of  posi 
tion.  Precious  time  had  been  lost,  and  he  became  convinced 
of  the  necessity  of  immediately  deciding  the  siege  by  a  gen 
eral  assault,  or  by  raising  it  altogether.  The  alternative  was 
proposed  to  Lincoln,  who  preferred  making  the  assault, 
which  was  accordingly  attempted  on  the  9th  of  October  by 
the  combined  forces.  The  attacking  columns  were  led  by 
D'Estaing  and  Lincoln  in  person  against  the  right  of  the 
enemy.  They  were  to  be  sustained  by  a  division  under 
Count  Dillon,  which  lost  the  way,  and  failed  to  co-operate 
in  the  attack.  The  defence  was  conducted  with  gallantry, 
and  the  battle  was  nearly  an  hour  obstinate  and  bloody. 
The  American  army  was  at  last  driven  offwrith  considerable 
loss.  The  French  killed  and  wounded  \vas  637,  the  con 
tinentals,  about  240.  D'Estaing  was  wounded  slightly  and 
Count  Pulaski  mortally.  The  British  loss  was  not  over  170. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  285 

Great  credit  was  given  to  General  Prevost,  Colonel  Maitland, 
and  the  engineer,  Major  Moncrief,  for  their  gallant  and  suc 
cessful  defence  of  Savannah. 

The  repulse  from  Savannah  was  immediately  followed  by 
the  separation  of  the  French  and  American  forces,  and  the 
abandonment  of  the  enterprise.    Lincoln  retreated 
into  South  Carolina,  and  D'Estaing  re-embarked 
his  troops  and  sailed  for  the  West  Indies.   The  fleet  had  the 
misfortune  to  meet  with  a  storm,  which  dispersed  them. 
Part  of  them,  with  the  Count  D'Estaing  himself,  soon  after 
arrived  in  Europe. 

With  this  retreat  ended  the  Southern  campaign  of  1779. 
The  results  were  unfavorable  to  the  American  cause.  The 
failure  before  Savannah,  and  the  departure  of  their  French 
allies,  without  having  afforded  any  decisive  aid  to  the  States, 
produced  great  disappointment  and  mortification.  The 
enemy,  however,  had  been  forced  to  confine  himself  to  the 
coast,  and  the  upper  parts  of  the  State  were  less  subject  to 
his  control  than  at  the  commencement  of  the  campaign. 

Sir    Henry    Clinton,   apprehending  an   attack  from  the 
French  on  his  position  in  New  York,  recalled  the  troops  that 
had  been  so  long  inactive  in  Rhode  Island.     The  I 
evacuation  was  made  with  such  precipitation,  that  j 
a  quantity  of  munitions  of  war,  artillery,  &c.  were  left  to  the 
Americans.    By  keeping  the  British  flag  flying,  the  republi 
cans  succeeded  in  decoying  several  vessels  belonging  to  the 
enemy  into  the  port,  and  captured  them. 

The  naval  enterprises  of  the  Americans,  though  not  on  a 
scale  of  magnitude,  were  numerous  and  successful,  in  making 
prizes  of  British  merchantmen,  and  harassing  the  commerce 
of  Britain,  even  on  her  own  coasts.  Paul  Jones,  an  adven 
turous  sailor,  in  a  privateer  under  the  orders  of  Congress, 
swept  the  Irish  Channel,  made  several  landings,  and  spread 
alarm  among  the  inhabitants  along  the  Scotch  and  Irish 
coasts.  In  September  he  appeared  with  a  small  fleet,  fitted 
out  from  French  ports,  before  the  town  of  Leith.  He  was 
prevented  from  burning  the  shipping  in  that  place,  as  had 
been  his  purpose,  by  adverse  winds,  until  the  defences 
were  made  too  strong.  Sailing  thence,  he  fell  in  with  a 
British  force,  when  a  most  daring,  obstinate,  and  bloody 
naval  combat  ensued.  Jones's  ship,  the  Bon  Homme  Richard, 
of  40  guns,  engaged  the  British  ship  Serapis,  Captain  Pear 
son,  of  44  guns,  and  a  hot  firing  commenced  at  half  past 


286  HISTORY  OF  THE 

seven,  and  continued  for  an  hour,  within  musket  shot.  The 
ships  then  becoming  entangled,  Jones  ordered  them  to  be 
lashed  together,  in  which  situation,  with  the  muzzles  of  the 
guns  touching  each  other's  sides,  the  fight  was  maintained 
with  incredible  fury  for  two  hours.  The  carnage  was  horri 
ble,  yet  neither  thought  of  yielding ;  the  Serapis  was  on  fire 
not  fewer  than  ten  times,  and  on  one  occasion  both  frigates 
were  on  fire  at  once,  raking  each  other  at  the  same  time 
with  terrible  effect.  The  quarter-deck  of  the  Serapis  Avas 
left  without  a  man  by  the  blowing  up  of  a  hand-grenade, 
which  communicated  itself  to  a  quantity  of  cartridges.  One 
of  Jones's  squadron  approached  to  aid  him,  and  continued  for 
a  while  to  fire  broadsides,  which  injured,  indiscriminately, 
friends  and  foes.  At  half  past  ten,  the  Serapis  struck  her 
colors,  and  was  taken  possession  of  by  Jones.  His  own  ship 
was  so  shattered  that  the  crew  were  compelled  to  leave  her 
and  take  refuge  on  board  the  Serapis.  Shortly  afterwards 
she  went  down.  The  Pallas,  another  of  Jones's  squadron, 
had  engaged  and  captured  the  Countess  of  Scarborough. 
Paul  Jones,  with  his  prizes,  arrived  safely  in  Holland. 
The  British  ambassador,  Sir  Joseph  Yorke,  presented  a  me 
morial  to  the  States  General,  demanding  the  surrender  of 
Jones  as  a  pirate.  This  was  refused  by  them  on  the  ground 
that  they  desired  not  to  interfere  with  the  question  of  Ameri 
can  Independence,  but  they  could  not  refuse  the  shelter  of 
their  ports  to  vessels  arriving  in  distress,  as  was  the  case 
with  the  squadron  of  Jones.  The  answrer  was  highly  dis 
pleasing  to  the  British  court,  and  stimulated  their  enmity 
against  the  Dutch. 

In  the  West  and  Southwest  of  the  States,  the  British  arms 
were  unfortunate  in  1779.  Colonel  Clarke  of  Virginia,  early 
in  the  season,  with  a  small  force,  penetrated  the  wilderness 
across  the  Western  frontier,  into  the  heart  of  the  Indian 
country,  and  captured  the  British  post  on  the  Wabash.  He 
thus  disconcerted  an  expedition  which  had  been  planned 
against  Virginia,  and  broke  up  the  alliance  between  the  Brit 
ish  and  several  tribes  of  Indians.  Spain,  in  the  mean  time, 
carried  on  a  TJ  ar  on  her  own  account,  captured  West  Florida, 
and  expelled  the  British  entirely  from  the  Mississippi.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  lost  Omoa,  in  which  the  British  found 
plunder  to  the  amount  of  640.000  pounds  sterling. 

A  French  squadron,  under  M.  de  Lauzun,  captured  the 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  287 

British  posts  and  factories  on  the  Senegal  and  Gambia,  and 
their  other  settlements  on  the  coast  of  Africa. 

Against  such  a  formidable  combination  of  enemies,  in  all 
quarters,  the  British  nation  made  prodigious  exertions,  and 
displayed  astonishing  resources.  Her  fleets  were  manned 
and  supplied  at  a  vast  expense  ;  the  spirit  of  her  people  fur 
nished  means  to  an  unexpected  magnitude,  and  bore  up 
against  depressions  and  increased  difficulties  with  a  courage 
that  demands  high  admiration.  Ministers,  though  the  public 
confidence  in  their  system  of  policy  had  declined,  gathered 
temporary  strength  from  the  public  necessities,  and  com 
manded  that  support  as  the  head  of  a  nation  assailed  by 
powerful  and  inveterate  enemies,  which  would  not  have 
been  given  to  the  line  of  policy  by  which  they  had  pro 
duced  so  much  of  the  mischief.  On  the  opening  of  Parlia 
ment,  in  November,  the  result  of  every  effort  made  by  the 
minority,  opposed  to  the  war  and  the  administration,  indi 
cated  the  growth  of  this  disinclination  to  the  wars,  and  dis 
trust  of  the  capacity  of  the  ministers,  and  at  the  same  time 
showed  the  resolution  to  supply  abundantly,  even  lavishly, 
all  the  means  for  upholding  the  naval  and  military  forces  in 
every  quarter.  To  the  customary  addresses  in  reply  to  the 
king's  speech,  Lord  John  Cavendish  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  and  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  moved  amendments,  proposing  no  new  line  of  policy, 
but  censuring  ministers,  and  asking  for  their  removal  from 
office.  Both  were  lost  by  large  majorities.  This  was  followed 
up  throughout  the  country  by  associations  and  petitions 
against  the  war ;  and  the  feeling  growing  stronger,  a  simul 
taneous  movement  was  made  in  behalf  of  economical  re 
form,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  alarm  the  government  and  king, 
and  nearly  succeeded  by  the  powerful  efforts  of  Fox,  Burke, 
and  Dunning,  in  Parliament,  in  procuring  a  change  of  min 
istry.  As  the  session  advanced,  and  the  public  burdens  be 
came  more  evident,  the  national  enthusiasm  against  the 
French  and  Spanish  coalition,  was  made  less  available  for 
upholding  Lord  North.  On  one  occasion,  on  the  celebrated 
motion  of  Dunning  that  "  the  influence  of  the  crown  had 
increased,  is  increasing,  and  ought  to  be  diminished,"  the 
ministry  were  left  in  a  minority.  But  they  rallied,  and  be 
ing  aided  by  the  occurrence  of  the  "  No  Popery"  riots  under 
Lord  George  Gordon,  which  alarmed  the  wavering,  and 
brought  over  many  to  the  side  of  the  government,  were  by 


288  «  HISTORY    OF   THE 

the  end' of  the  session  completely  re-established  in  power* 
Parliament  did  not  adjourn  till  the  middle  of  1780.  Before 
adjournment  they  voted  for  the  service  of  the  year  1780, 
eighty-jive  thousand  seamen,  including  marines,  and  thirty- 
jive  thousand  troops,  exclusive  of  those  already  abroad.  For 
the  service  of  the  year,  the  House  of  Commons  granted 
21,196,496/. 

In  America  the  public  exertions  presented  a  striking  and 
melancholy  contrast  to  the  energy  and  resources  of  Britain. 
The  several  causes  of  distress  and  embarrassment,  so  fre 
quently  alluded  to,  were  at  a  fearful  height  towards  the 
close  of  1779  and  the  beginning  of  1780.  No  effectual  mea 
sures  were  taken  to  establish  a  permanent  army.  The  officers 
generally  remained,  but  the  privates  were  to  be  annually 
recruited.  The  inefficiency  of  Congress,  and  the  delays  of 
the  States,  invariably  left  the  Commander-in-chief  without 
a  respectable  force  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  and  then 
sent  him,  at  different  periods,  raw  and  undisciplined  troops. 
The  commissariat  department  fell  into  total  discredit  from 
the  injudicious  regulations  of  Congress,  the  annihilation  of 
the  public  credit,  and  the  manifold  evils  of  the  currency. 
-No  magazines  of  supplies  could  be  provided  for  winter,  and 
scarcely  current  provisions  for  the  active  season.  The  ab 
surd  measures  for  regulating  prices  by  law  were  continued, 
and  urged  by  Congress  on  the  States  with  renewed  perti 
nacity,  after  their  bad  effects  were  demonstrated  by  expe 
rience  ;  and,  it  is  painful  to  add,  that  large  numbers  of  men 
of  influence,  including  members  of  Congress,  disgraced 
themselves  by  employing  these  for  purposes  of  speculation 
and  private  gain.  The  national  treasury  was  empty.  The 
requisitions  for  money  upon  the  States  were  complied  with 
so  slowty  and  scantily,  as  to  be  of  little  avail.  Two  hundred 
millions  of  paper  money  were  in  circulation,  and  no  means 
provided  for  redemption,  and  no  prospect  for  the  future. 
Congress,  in  the  middle  of  the  year,  had  pledged  the  faith 
of  the  nation,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  not  to  exceed  this 
sum.  A  stratagem  of  the  British  government  enhanced  the 
confusion  of  this  currency.  Vast  quantities  of  forged  paper, 
closely  imitating  the  genuine,  were  sent  from  England,  and 
scattered  throughout  the  country.  This  mean  device  aggra 
vated  the  popular  distrust,  in  the  States,  of  the  paper  bills, 
and  reduced  their  value  still  further.  The  aggregate  of  bills 
issued  was,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1780,  a  little  more  than 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  289 

203,000,000  of  dollars.  This  prodigious  amount  had  been 
thrown  into  circulation  in  about  four  years  and  a  half,  the 
date  of  the  first  emission  being  May,  •  1775.  The  amount 
issued  in  these  years  were  thus:  in  1776,  $20,064,464; 
in  1777,  $26,426>33;  in  1778,  $66,965,269;  and  in  1779, 
$149,703,856.  These  estimates  are  furnished  by  the  register 
of  the  treasury  in  1790.  The  bills  passed  at  their  nominal  value 
until  the  issues  exceeded  nine  millions.  The  depreciation 
was  afterwards  very  great,  and  increased  with  the  quantity 
put  forth.  In  January,  1777,  they  were  at  a  discount  in 
Philadelphia  of  about  twenty  per  cent. ;  before  the  close  of 
the  year,  they  were  down  to  seventy-five  per  cent,  discount. 
In  December,  1778,  they  were  worth  about  one-sixth  of 
their  nominal  value.  The  fall  throughout  the  year  1779, 
induced  by  the  desperate  state  of  the  public  finances,  the 
immense  issues,  and  the  rage  for  speculation,  was  rapid  and 
enormous.  Paper  dollars  in  January  were  to  specie  as  about 
eight  to  one;  in  the  summer,  they  fluctuated  between 
eighteen  and  twenty-four  for  one ;  and  in  December,  they 
had  fallen  to  more  than  forty  for  one.  These  rates  are  the 
Philadelphia  prices ;  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  the  value 
was  different,  and  in  general  lower. 

A  detailed  history  of  continental  money  in  all  its  vascilla- 
tions  and  mischievous  influences  upon  the  morals,  character, 
and  fate  of  the  revolution,  would  be  a  work  fit  for  the  study 
of  the  philosopher,  and  abounding  with  lessons  of  wisdom  to 
nations.  The  mere  money  cost  of  the  revolution  was  en 
hanced  prodigiously  by  the  wastefulness  and  expensive- 
ness  of  those  financial  trickeries ;  and  the  whole  was  ex 
torted,  not  from  the  nation,  but  by  a  sort  of  forced  loans 
from  individuals,  and  those,  too,  the  patriots,  for  the  tories 
shunned  it  from  the  beginning,  except  as  an  object  of 
speculation.  Every  man  in  whose  hands  these  bills  depre 
ciated,  was  in  effect  taxed  so  much  for  the  war  expenses, 
against  his  will  and  without  law.  The  acts  of  compulsion, 
passed  by  Congress  and  the  States,  made  this  injustice  more 
flagrant,  and  did  not  diminish,  but  the  rather  aggravated, 
the  mischief.  The  ruin  of  credit,  the  suspension  of  all  faith 
in  business  contracts,  the  discouragement  to  industry,  the 
impoverishment  of  the  innocent,  and  the  robbing  of  labor 
of  its  earnings,  did  more  to  exhaust  the  available  resources 
of  the  country  than  even  the  ravages  of  the  enemy.  The 
feverish  excitements,  the  aversion  to  business,  the  spirit  of 
2B 


290  HISTORY   OF    THE 

gambling  and  speculation,  with  all  their  train  of  demoral 
izing  consequences,  which  sprung  out  of  such  an  unnatural 
condition,  were  even  more  fatal  in  their  effects.  At  this 
period  of  the  war  the  States  and  the  people,  Congress  and 
the  army,  every  branch  of  public  service,  and  the  condition 
of  the  mass  of  the  people,  show  how  terribly  they  suffered  un 
der  the  distresses  of  the  public  finances  and  ruinous  state  of 
the  currency,  and  the  miserable  legislation  of  Congress. 
The  soldiers  were  paid  in  this  worthless  money,  which 
would  not  produce  them  the  necessaries  of  life,  except  at 
exorbitant  rates.  Three  months  pay  would  not  purchase  a 
pair  of  shoes.  Their  wants  were,  in  consequence,  extreme 
during  the  whole  of  this  winter.  Before  the  month  of 
January  expired,  the  soldiers,  which  had  been  encamped  at 
Morristown  and  at  West  Point,  were  totally  destitute  of 
food.  The  stores  were  exhausted,  and  neither  meat  nor 
flour  could  be  distributed  for  some  days.  They  were  driven 
by  hunger  to  plunder  the  neighboring  inhabitants,  and 
the  Commander-in-chief  was  compelled  to  make  a  military 
requisition  upon  New  Jersey,  apportioning  to  each  county  a 
certain  quantity  of  provisions,  to  be  furnished  within  six 
days.  To  the  honor  of  the  patriotic  people  of  New  Jersey, 
it  is  to  be  recorded,  that  the  full  quantity  was  promptly  and 
seasonably  furnished. 

Notwithstanding  the  solemn  pledge  of  Congress  not  to 
extend  their  issues  of  paper  beyond  two  hundred  millions  of 
dollars,  the  increased  wants  of  the  army,  and  the  failures  of 
the  States  to  comply  with  the  requisitions  made  upon  them, 
increased  the  amount,  by  the  1st  of  March,  1780,  to  more 
than  three  hundred  millions.  The  expectation  previously 
held  out  that  the  bills  would  be  redeemed  at  their  nominal 
amount  was  formally  abandoned,  and  the  States  were  re 
quired  to  bring  them  in  for  redemption  at  forty  for  one. 
Before  this  expedient  was  resorted  to,  Congress  called  upon 
the  States  to  supply  specific  articles  of  provision  and  forage, 
but  that  scheme  was  found  impracticable.  The  commutation 
experiment  was  then  tried,  and  the  old  emission  of  bills  was 
made  receivable  for  taxes,  at  forty  for  one ;  and  to  be  re 
issued,  to  the  extent  of  one-twentieth  of  their  previous 
amount,  under  the  guarantee  of  the  individual  States.  Four- 
tenths  of  these  were  made  subject  to  the  orders  of  Congress, 
and  six-tenths  to  that  of  the  States.  This  financial  experi 
ment  failed.  The  States  did  not  comply  with  the  conditions, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  291 

and  but  a  small  amount  of  paper  was  brought  in.     The  new 
issues  altogether  amounted  to  little  more  than  two  millions. 

The  next  resort  was  to  press  for  loans  from  their  European 
allies,  and  in  some  cases,  late  in  the  year,  so  urgent  were 
their  necessities,  they  drew  bills  upon  their  ministers  in 
Europe  with  no  assurance  of  payment. 

The  history  of  continental  money  after  this  period  is  short, 
and  may  be  summarily  despatched  here.  The  issues  con 
tinued  through  1780,  though  in  diminished  quantities,  be 
cause  worthless,  until  they  amounted  finally,  in  the  beginning 
of  1781,  to  $357,476,545  of  the  old  emission,  and  $2,070,485 
of  the  new.  The  depreciation  went  on,  until  in  May,  1781, 
they  were  sold  at  two  hundred  to  five  hundred  for  one.  On 
the  31st  of  May,  they  ceased  to  circulate  as  money,  and 
were  bought  up  on  speculation  from  five  hundred  for  one, 
up  to  one  thousand  to  fifteen  hundred  for  one.  So  died  the 
continental  paper,  quietly  in  the  hands  of  the  possessors. 

Under  such  unfavorable  internal  auspices  opened  I 
the  year  1780.  The  hardships  of  the  Northern  j 
army  in  their  quarters  at  Morristown  and  West  Point,  were 
hardly  less  severe  than  those  of  the  season  at  Valley  Forge. 
The  winter  was  one  of  extraordinary  rigor.  The  frosts  were 
so  excessive,  that  New  York  bay  and  the  rivers  were  frozen 
so  hard  that  large  armies,  with  the  heaviest  artillery,  might 
have  passed  over  safely.  The  city  was,  in  consequence, 
assailable ;  but  the  deficiency  of  the  American  army  in  the 
requisite  numbers,  as  well  as  in  all  things  necessary  for  suc 
cess,  rendered  it  impossible  for  Washington  to  profit  by  the 
opportunity.  The  military  establishment  voted  by  Congress 
was  35,211  men,  but  few  of  them  were  in  the  field. 
Through  the  spring  the  efforts  of  the  Commander-in-chief, 
his  continued  representations  and  pressing  entreaties  to 
Congress,  and  his  appeals  to  the  executives  of  the  several 
states  to  act  with  energy,  and  prepare  a  proper  force  for  ac 
tive  service,  produced  but  tardy  effects.  In  the  beginning 
of  April,  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  army  assumed  a  more 
alarming  aspect,  and  threatened  a  mutiny.  On  one  occa 
sion  the  officers  of  some  of  the  state  lines,  in  a  body,  joined 
in  giving  notice,  that  on  a  certain  day,  they  would  resign 
their  commissions,  unless  proper  provision  was  made  for 
them.  They  were  by  the  personal  exertions,  prudence,  and 
firmness  of  Washington,  induced  to  forego  their  determina 
tion  and  continue  in  the  service.  In  May  two  Connecticut 


292  HISTORY   OP   THE 

regiments  paraded  under  arms,  announcing  their  determina 
tion  to  obtain  subsistence  by  force.  The  mutiny  was  quelled 
by  the  activity  of  the  officers,  and  the  ringleaders  secured. 
All  that  Congress  could  do  for  relief,  was  to  renew  their 
resolutions,  promising  compensation  for  all  past  services, 
and  engaging  to  make  good  the  losses  caused  by  the  depre 
ciation  of  continental  money. 

Operations  in  the  field  were  suspended  in  the  North 
during  this  season,  in  consequence  of  the  transfer  of  the 
scene  of  action  to  the  Carolinas.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had 
sailed  with  the  bulk  of  his  army  to  the  South,  and  left  Gen 
eral  Knyphausen,  with  a  strong  garrison,  to  maintain  the 
posts  in  New  York.  The  rumours  of  disaffection  among 
the  Americans  induced  General  Knyphausen  to  believe 
I  them  ripe  for  a  revolt,  and  he  accordingly  moved 

June 6th.  .    /    AT         T  -,v    ^         ,1  b, 

I  over  into  New  Jersey,  with  rive  thousand  men,  on 
the  6th  of  June.  After  advancing  to  Springfield,  he  found 
himself  disappointed  in  his  expectations ;  and  if,  as  is 
thought,  he  designed  attacking  the  camp  of  Washington,  he 
nevertheless  gave  up  the  enterprise  precipitately.  The  mili 
tia  turned  out  in  considerable  numbers,  and  contested  the 
way  with  the  royal  forces  with  obstinacy  and  courage.  Af 
ter  committing  characteristic  enormities,  burning  houses, 
ravaging  private  property,  and  slaughtering  the  defenceless, 
the  army  retired  to  Elizabethtown,  in  New  Jersey,  opposite 
to  Staten  Island,  where  they  remained  until  the  return  of 
Clinton  from  his  successful  Southern  campaign.  On  his  arrival 
no  expedition  of  importance  followed.  Another  incursion  was 
made  into  New  Jersey,  in  which  Springfield  was  burnt. 

In  May  the  Marquis  La  Fayette  returned  from  France, 
the  bearer  of  the  welcome  tidings  that  a  French  fleet  and 
army  was  about  to  follow  him.  His  presence,  and  the 
cheering  intelligence  he  brought,  reanimated  the  feelings 
of  the  people,  and  stimulated  Congress  and  the  American 
general  to  fresh  exertions,  to  be  prepared  to  co-operate 
vigorously  with  their  allies.  Congress  had  pledged  them 
selves  to  the  French  minister  to  bring  a  large  force  into  the 
field,  and  the  animating  prospect  of  efficient  succor,  seconded 
by  the  reviving  zeal  of  the  people,  encouraged  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  to  believe  that  the  pledge  might  be  fulfilled. 
The  disasters  of  the  Southern  campaign  seemed  not  to  have 
depressed  the  hopes  of  the  Americans  ;  and  notwithstanding 
the  fall  of  Charleston,  and  the  subjugation  of  the  Carolinas 


July  10th. 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  293 

they  took  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet  as  a  certain  omen 
of  victory.  Contributions  and  subscriptions  for  the  common 
cause  were  freely  made,  and  the  ladies  of  Philadelphia, 
associated  themselves  for  the  purpose  of  ministering  to  the 
necessities  of  the  army,  and,  after  subscribing  with  gen 
erous  profusion  from  their  own  means,  personally  solicited 
the  aid  of  others  with  much  success. 

On  the  tenth  of  July  the  French  succors  arrived 
at  Newport,  Rhode  Island.  The  fleet,  under  the 
command  of  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay,  consisted  of  two  ships 
of  eighty  guns,  one  of  seventy-four,  four  of  sixty-four,  two 
frigates  of  forty,  and  a  cutter  of  twenty,  with  bombs,  and  a 
large  number  of  transports.  The  land  forces  wrere  com 
manded  by  the  Count  de  Rochambeau,  and  amounted  to 
6,000  men.  The  public  congratulations  to  the  foreign  offi 
cers  were  warm ;  the  town  was  illuminated  on  the  occasion, 
and  every  demonstration  of  joy  and  welcome  paid  them  by 
the  American  functionaries,  civil  and  military.  Washington 
took  immediate  measures  for  forming  a  joint  plan  of  opera 
tions,  the  object  of  which  was  New  York. 

But  before  recounting  the  further  events  in  the  North,  it 
will  be  proper  to  vevert  to  the  more  active  scene  of  military 
operations  in  the  South.  The  order  of  time  has  not  been 
strictly  observed,  in  order  to  enable  us  to  throw  together  in 
a  connected  series  the  history  of  the  campaign  in  the  South 
ern  States. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  7,000  troops,  convoyed  I 
by  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  who  had  been  sent  out  | 
with  a  considerable  fleet  to  America,  in  the  summer  of 
1779,  sailed  from  New  York  in  December,  and  arrived, 
after  a  tedious  and  tempestuous  passage,  in  the  Tybee 
river,  about  the  middle  of  January.  The  success  of  Gen 
eral  Prevost  in  Georgia,  and  the  general  opinion  enter 
tained  of  the  loyalty  of  a  large  portion  of  the  Carolinians, 
induced  him  to  believe  the  re-establishment  of  the  royal 
authority  would  be  less  difficult  in  these  provinces  than  it 
had  been  proved  to  be  in  the  Northern  and  Middle  States. 
Collecting  his  forces  at  Savannah,  Clinton  sailed  on  the 
10th  of  February  for  Charleston,  the  flrst  object  of  his  expe 
dition.  He  ordered  twelve  hundred  of  the  troops  of  General 
Prevost,  at  Savannah,  to  follow  him  by  land,  arid  despatched 
orders  to  Knyphausen,  at  New  York,  to  forward  him  sup 
plies  and  reinforcements. 

2B  2 


294  HISTORY   OP   THE 

He  took  possession  of  John  and  James  Islands  and  Stono 
Ferry,  and  in  a  short  time  was  within  a  few  miles  of  Charles 
ton,  with  only  the  waters  of  the  Ashley  river  between  him 
and  the  city.  Having  received  his  reinforcements,  his  army 
amounted  to  9,000  men,  and  on  the  1st  of  April  he  com 
menced  the  siege  in  regular  form. 

Lincoln,  with  the  remnants  of  the  American  army  of 
1779,  had  wintered  at  Sheldon.  On  the  approach  of  Clin 
ton's  army,  he  retired  into  the  city,  and  undertook  its  de 
fence.  The  legislature  was  in  session,  and  again,  as  in  a 
previous  emergency,  invested  Governor  Rutledge  with  dic 
tatorial  powers ;  authorizing  him  "  to  do  every  thing  neces 
sary  for  the  public  good,"  except  taking  away  the  life  of  a 
citizen  without  legal  trial.  Armed  with  this  authority,  he 
made  energetic  calls  upon  the  militia,  but  with  little  success. 
Notwithstanding  the  capital  was  in  such  imminent  danger, 
scarcely  two  hundred  obeyed  the  call.  He  next  issued  a 
proclamation,  requiring  every  enrolled  inhabitant  of  the 
town  to  repair  to  the  garrison  to  do  military  duty,  under  a 
penalty  of  having  his  property  confiscated.  This  had  no 
better  effect  than  solicitation.  With  all  the  exertions  of 
Lincoln  and  Rutledge,  the  whole  strength  of  the  town,  when 
Clinton  crossed  the  Ashley,  was  less  than  three  thousand , 
of  whom,  a  thousand  wrere  North  Carolina  militia,  and  the 
rest  continental  regulars.  Lincoln  was  indefatigable  in 
strengthening  the  works.  Several  armed  vessels  that  had 
been  sent  by  Congress  to  aid  them,  under  the  command  of 
Commodore  Whipple,  finding  the  passage  of  the  bar  inde 
fensible,  took  their  position  at  Fort  Moultrie,  but  finally 
retired  up  the  river,  and  the  sailors  were  landed  to  aid  in 
working  the  land  batteries.  The  ships  were  sunk  to  obstruct 
the  navigation.  The  lines  were  extended,  and  every  possi 
ble  preparation  made  for  a  vigorous  and  determined,  though 
not  a  hopeful,  resistance.  The  British  Admiral,  taking  ad 
vantage  of  a  favorable  wind  and  tide,  passed  Fort  Moultrie 
without  receiving  much  damage  from  the  fire,  and  anchored 
within  the  harbor,  in  the  month  of  April.  The  next  day, 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  having  completed  the  first  parallel,  in 
his  regular  approaches  to  the  city,  summoned  the  garrison 
to  surrender.  Lee,  who  yet  anticipated  relief,  answered 
resolutely,  that  it  was  his  intention  to  defend  himself  to  the 
last.  The  British  batteries  were  accordingly  opened  upon 
the  city,  and  a  continued  bombardment  was  kept  up,  under 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  295 

cover  of  which  the  works  were  pushed  forward.  The  com 
munication  with  the  country,  by  which  troops  and  succor 
might  reach  them,  or  as  would  perhaps  have  been  the  safer 
policy,  through  which  a  retreat  could  have  been  made,  was 
still  practicable  by  the  Cooper  river.  At  a  place  called 
Monk's  Corner,  a  small  corps  of  Americans,  under  General 
Huger,  had  collected,  and  promised  to  form  a  rallying  point 
for  the  militia,  to  keep  the  British  in  check,  and  possibly 
succor  the  city.  Clinton  despatched  a  detachment  of  four 
teen  hundred  men,  commanded  by  Webster,  Tarleton,  and 
Fergusson,  the  last  two  celebrated  partizan  officers,  against 
the  position.  Their  superiority  in  number,  aided  by  the  neg 
ligence  of  the  Americans,  enabled  them  to  put  the  whole 
party  to  flight,  and  capture  a  large  store  of  arms,  clothing, 
and  ammunition.  Fort  Moultrie  surrendered  on  the  7th  of 
May;  and  thus  the  city  was  beleagured  on  every  side,  and 
no  avenue  of  escape  left  open.  The  British  on  the  8th  of 
May  completed  the  third  parallel,  which  brought  them  to 
the  very  edge  of  the  city,  and  made  an  immediate  assault  by 
storm  inevitable.  He  again  summoned  the  garrison  to  sur 
render  ;  Lincoln  accepted  the  conditions  offered  his  troops, 
but,  at  the  entreaty  of  the  citizens,  desired  to  make  better 
terms  for  non-combatants  and  the  militia.  These  were  re 
fused  by  Clinton,  and  hostilities  were  carried  on  with  such 
an  incessant  firing  from  the  British  batteries,  that,  on  the 
eleventh,  the  citizens  themselves  petitioned  Lincoln  to  ac 
cept  of  the  terms  offered  on  the  eighth,  and  the  British  gen 
eral  acquiescing,  the  capitulation  was  immediately  signed. 
The  next  day  the  enemy  took  possession.  The  Ma  mh 
terms  granted  were  favorable.  The  British  com 
manders  had  strong  expectations  of  reconciling  the  province 
to  their  royal  master,  and  did  not  exercise  their  strength 
harshly.  The  American  loss  during  the  siege  wras  102  killed 
and  157  wounded;  that  of  the  enemy,  70  killed  and  189 
wounded.  The  number  of  prisoners,  including  adult  citizens 
and  militia,  was  about  5,000,  but  the  regular  force  did  not 
exceed  2,500.  The  proportion  of  officers  was  unusually 
large — men  who  came  to  the  defence  of  the  city,  without 
being  able  to  bring  their  troops  with  them.  There  were 
included  in  the  capitulation,  one  major-general,  six  briga 
diers,  twentv -three  colonels  and  lieutenant-colonels,  and  one 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  captains  and  lieutenants,  besides 
ensigns.  No  less  than  four  hundred  pieces  of  artillery,  of 


296  HISTORY    OF   THE 

which  three  hundred  and  eleven  were  in  the  city,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  British. 

Clinton  followed  up  the  reduction  of  the  capital  by  send 
ing  out  expeditions  against  the  American  posts  in  the  interior, 
to  secure  the  submission  of  the  whole  State.  Ninety-Six  and 
Augusta  were  the  objects  of  two  of  them  ;  the  third,  a  large 
force,  under  Cornwallis,  was  destined  to  scour  the  country, 
between  the  Cooper  and  the  Santee  rivers,  rouse  the  loyal 
ists,  and  intercept  the  retreat  of  the  American  militia,  who 
had  marched  from  North  Carolina  towards  Charleston,  but 
failed  to  reach  there  before  the  surrender.  These  were 
commanded  by  Colonel  Buford.  On  the  intelligence  of  the 
fall  of  Charleston,  they  retreated  by  forced  marches  towards 
North  Carolina,  with  a  rapidity  which  made  it  apparently 
impossible  to  overtake  them.  Colonel  Tarleton  was  detached 
by  Cornwallis,  with  a  strong  corps  of  cavalry  and  mounted 
infantry  in  pursuit.  By  pushing  on  with  unexampled 
celerity,  Tarleton  overtook  the  Americans  at  Waxsaw,  and 
I  after  a  short  encounter,  routed  the  party,  and  cap- 
I  tured  their  artillery,  baggage,  colors,  indeed  every 
thing.  The  carnage  was  terrible.  The  Americans,  inferior 
in  number,  made  but  a  feeble  and  brief  resistance,  and  cried 
for  quarter.  This  was  refused,  and  the  infuriated  enemy 
continued  to  cut  down  and  massacre  without  mercy,  until 
tired  with  slaughter.  One  hundred  and  eight  were  killed, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  wounded,  and  fifty-three  prisoners ; 
the  loss  of  the  victors  were  only  seven  killed  and  twelve 
wounded.  •'' Tarleton's  quarter"  became  afterwards  a  by 
word,  to  express  deliberate  cruelty.  The  other  detachment, 
on  hearing  of  the  slaughter  at  Waxsaw,  retired  into  North 
Carolina,  and  Tarleton  rejoined  Cornwallis,  who  had  ad 
vanced  to  Camden. 

South  Carolina  was  now  fully  in  the  power  of  the  British 
The  capital  and  principal  posts -were  garrisoned  with  British 
soldiers,  and  no  American  force  remained  within  her  bor 
ders.  Clinton,  thinking  the  subjugation  complete,  and  trust 
ing  to  the  promises  of  the  loyalists,  who  were  really  numer 
ous,  and  the  professions  of  the  greater  multitudes,  who, 
through  dissimulation  or  fear,  professed  acquiescence  in  the 
king's  government  and  a  return  to  allegiance,  wrote  home 
that  South  Carolina  was  English  again,  and  that  there  were 
few  of  the  inhabitants  who  were  not  prisoners  to,  or  in  arm 
with,  the  British  forces.  He  prepared  to  return  to  New 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  297 

York  as  a  victor;  but  before  his  departure  proceeded  to  re 
organize  the  civil  government  on  the  basis  of  a  recovered 
British  colony.  Shortly  after  the  surrender  of  Charleston, 
he  issued  a  proclamation,  threatening  severe  penal-  I  Ma  wd 
ties  and  the  confiscation  of  their  estates,  against  all  | 
who  should  obstruct  the  re-establishment  of  the  king's 
authority,  or  "  hinder  the  king's  faithful  subjects  from  join 
ing  his  forces,  or  performing  those  duties  their  allegiance 
required."  Another  proclamation,  by  Clinton  and  I 
Arbuthnot,  as  Commissioners  of  Peace,  extended  | 
to  the  inhabitants,  with  few  exceptions,  "pardon  for  their 
past  treasonable  offences,"  and  a  restoration  to  their  rights 
and  immunities  as  British  subjects,  "  exempt  from  taxation, 
except  by  their  own  legislatures."  The  silent  acquiescence 
of  the  mass  of  the  people  in  these  proceedings,  an  acquies 
cence  which  flowed  from  a  dread  of  the  further  calamities 
of  war,  and  the  hopelessness  of  making  any  effectual  resist 
ance  against  so  powerful  an  enemy,  was  assumed  by  the 
British  general  as  conclusive  proof  of  the  extinction  of  the 
revolutionary  feeling,  and  the  willingness  of  the  people  to 
resume  the  character  of  British  subjects.  Acting  under  this 
impression  as  to  the  majority,  and  with  a  wanton  disregard 
of  the  feelings  of  the  few  who  were  yet  openly  faithful  to 
Congress,  he  proceeded  to  demand  of  the  people  the  services 
of  British  subjects.  He  issued  a  proclamation,  declaring  it 
to  be  "  proper  for  all  persons  to  take  an  active  part  in  set 
tling  and  securing  his  majesty's  government;"  discharging 
all  those  citizens  who  had  given  their  parole  as  prisoners,  re 
quiring  of  them  all  the  "duties"  of  citizens,  and  affirming 
that  such  of  them  as  refused  to  return  to  their  allegiance, 
should  be  considered  and  treated  as  "  enemies  and  rebels." 
That  no  further  doubt  of  his  course  might  remain,  he  re 
quired  all  persons  to  be  in  readiness  to  bear  arms  for  the 
king — those  who  had  families  for  a  home  militia,  those  who 
had  none  to  serve  with  the  royal  militia,  for  six  months  out 
of  twelve.  It  was  granted  as  a  favor  that  they  should  not  be 
called  on  to  serve  out  of  the  two  Carolinas  and  Georgia. 
These  arbitrary  proclamations  left  the  inhabitants  no  re 
source,  but  to  arm  in  behalf  of  Great  Britain,  or  flee  from 
the  State.  To  obstruct  even  this  choice  of  evils,  it  was  soon 
after  forbidden  to  make  any  transfer  of  property,  but  with 
the  license  of  the  Commander-in-chief. 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  Clinton  left  the  command  of 


298  HISTORY  OF    THE 

the  Southern  forces  to  Earl  Cornwallis,  then  at  Camden,  and 
returned  with  a  large  body  of  troops  to  New  York,  where  he 
joined  General  Knyphausen,  as  already  mentioned.  But  his 
harsh  policy  had  left  a  very  different  state  of  feeling  from 
that  upon  which  he  had  calculated  so  strongly.  The  multi 
tude  were  exasperated,  and  ready  to  fly  to  arms  at  the  first 
prospect  of  relief.  In  a  little  while  it  became  evident  that 
the  forced  quiet  of  the  Carolinians  was  full  of  danger  to  the 
British  troops.  Feigned  submission  was  hardly  less  fatal, 
because  it  disarmed  vigilance,  than  open  opposition.  The 
more  determined  whigs  gathered  together,  in  corps,  carry 
ing  on  an  indefatigable  warfare  against  tories  and  enemies. 
Generals  Sumpter  and  Marion  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  enterprise  and  gallantry  in  carrying  on  these  partizan 
expeditions.  The  tories  retaliated  where  they  could;  and, 
especially  in  North  Carolina,  exhibited  impatient  zeal  to 
join  tbe  enemy.  Collisions  between  republicans  and  loyal 
ists — one  party  struggling  to  aid  the  British  in  keeping  the 
country  under  subjection,  and  the  other  struggling  to  harass 
the  traitors  and  retard  the  operations  of  the  enemy — made 
the  frontiers  a  scene  of  perpetual  alarm,  and  kept  the  country 
in  a  state  of  restless  and  feverish  excitement. 

In  July,  Sumpter,  who  was  in  North  Carolina,  at  the  head 
of  a  small  corps  of  exiled  South  Carolinians,  made  a  dashing 
attack  upon  a  detachment  of  the  royal  forces,  near  the  fron 
tier,  and  routed  them,  with  heavy  loss.  His  numbers  were 
rapidly  increased  by  volunteers  ;  and,  a  few  days  afterwards, 
he  made  another  attack  upon  the  British,  entrenched  at 
Rocky  Mount,  but,  for  the  want  of  ammunition,  was  unable 
to  make  any  impression.  Foiled  here,  he  turned  rapidly 
against  a  detachment  composed  of  the  Prince  of  Wales 
regiment,  and  a  large  body  of  tories  from  North  Carolina, 
and  scattered  them  with  prodigious  loss.  Nine  only,  out  of 
two  hundred  and  seventy-eight  of  the  regulars,  survived, 
and  the  tories  were  dispersed.  These  gallant  and  successful 
enterprises  raised  the  spirits  of  the  whigs,  and  like  parties, 
under  independent  leaders,  started  up  in  other  parts  of  the 
State,  keeping  the  field  to  harass  the  royal  militia  and  regu 
lars  wherever  they  could,  and  when  retreating  before  supe 
rior  force  they  easily  eluded  pursuit.  These  actions  served 
to  reanimate  the  spirits  of  the  native  Carolinians,  while,  in 
the  mean  time,  a  continental  force  was  advancing  to  relieve 
them,  through  the  Middle  States. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  299 

With  much  difficulty  Congress  had  been  enabled  to  fur 
nish,  late  in  the  season,  a  body  of  regular  force  to  operate  in 
the  South.  They  consisted  of  the  Maryland  and  Delaware 
lines,  about  two  thousand  in  number.  They  landed  in  Pe- 
tersburgh  in  April,  and  marched  to  Hillsborough,  North 
Carolina,  under  the  command  of  Major-general  the  Baron 
de  Kalb.  The  militia  of  North  Carolina,  commanded  by 
General  Caswell,  and  those  of  Virginia,  by  General  Stephens, 
prepared  to  join  him.  The  animation  which  the  presence 
of  these  troops  inspired,  augured  well  of  the  success  of  the 
campaign ;  and  the  appointment  of  General  Gates  to  the 
chief  command  strengthened  this  confidence.  Great  results 
were  anticipated  from  the  tried  valor  and  skill  of  the  hero 
of  Saratoga.  The  strength  of  the  army,  when  he  I 
joined  it  at  Deep  Run,  was  more  than  three  thousand  [ 
men.  Advancing  into  South  Carolina,  he  issued  a  procla 
mation,  inviting  the  inhabitants  to  take  up  arms,  and  promis 
ing  pardon  to  all  who  had  been  coerced  into  taking  the 
British  oaths,  except  such  as  had  committed  depredations 
against  the  lives  and  property  of  citizens.  The  proclamation 
brought  multitudes  to  his  standard.  In  more  than  one  in 
stance,  whole  companies  that  had  been  levied  in  the  province 
for  the  king's  service,  went  over  to  Gates,  carrying  their 
arms,  and  sometimes  their  officers  with  them.  Lord  Rawdon, 
who  was  then  in  command  at  Camden,  on  receiving  tidings 
of  the  approach  of  Gates,  drew  in  his  posts,  and  concen 
trated  his  force  at  that  place.  Cornwallis  himself  hastened 
from  Charleston,  and  arrived  at  Camden  on  the  fourteenth 
of  August. 

Gates  had,  however,  committed  a  capital  error,  as  the 
event  showed,  in  his  choice  of  routes  from  Hillsborough  to 
the  vicinity  of  Camden.  The  council  of  war  had  advised 
De  Kalb  to  make  a  detour  through  the  well  cultivated  set 
tlements  of  the  Waxhaws ;  but  Gates,  on  taking  command, 
decided  on  pursuing  the  direct  route,  considering  it  to  be 
his  policy,  while  his  numbers  were  superior,  to  reach  the 
British  position  by  the  shortest  road.  This  unfortunately  led 
through  pine  barrens,  sand  hills,  and  swamps;  and,  during 
the  march,  provisions  failed.  The  troops  were  reduced  to 
feed  on  the  lean  cattle  they  could  pick  up  in  the  woods, 
and  for  some  days  had  no  other  food  than  green  corn  and 
peaches.  From  the  unhealthiness  of  the  season  and  climate, 
added  to  this  meager  and  unwholesome  diet,  violent  disease?. 


300  HISTORY   OF    THE 

broke  out  among  them,  threatening  the  total  destruction 
or  dispersion  of  the  army.  The  symptoms  of  insubordination 
that  at  first  appeared,  were  easily  quelled  by  the  prudence 
of  the  officers ;  -and  the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers  were  borne 
with  great  patience  and  good  humor.  On  the  13th  of  August 
they  reached  Clermont,  about  twelve  miles  from  Camden, 
in  a  state  of  extreme  exhaustion.  The  next  day  they  were 
strengthened  by  General  Stephens's  Virginia  brigade. 

Intelligence  having  been  received  from  Sumpter,  who 
was  encamped  beyond  the  Wateree  river,  that  a  convoy  of 
provisions  was  on  the  way  from  Ninety-Six  to  Camden, 
Gates  sent  Colonel  Woodford,  with  four  hundred  men  of  the 
Maryland  line  to  aid  in  surprising  it.  Thus  weakened,  his 
troops  were  about  3,660 ;  of  whom  970,  infantry  and  cavalry, 
were  continentals,  the  rest  militia.  Cornwallis  had  but 
seventeen  hundred  infantry  and  three  hundred  cavalry.  On 
,_  1  the  night  of  the  15th,  Cornwallis  put  his  army  in 

Aug.  15th.   I          ..     °   ,  ,     ,,  .  •   r.i_    •  i 

I  motion,  to  attack  the  Americans  in  their  camp,  and 
Gates  was  advancing  to  take  up  a  position  nearer  to  Cam 
den.  The  vanguards  of  both  armies  met  in  the  night  and 
engaged.  The  skirmish  dispirited  the  Americans,  who  were 
repulsed,  and  their  line  thrown  into  disorder  for  a  while. 
Some  cross  firing  took  place  during  the  night,  and  in  the 
morning  a  general  engagement  commenced  between  the  two 
armies.  The  fate  of  the  battle  was  in  effect  decided  at  the 
first  onset.  The  Virginia  and  Carolina  militia,  who  formed 
the  left  wing,  on  being  ordered  to  advance  to  support  the 
artillery,  wavered.  The  British,  seeing  their  hesitation, 
charged  them  with  fixed  bayonets,  upon  which,  panic 
struck,  they  threw  down  their  arms  and  fled  from  the  field. 
No  efforts  could  rally  them,  and  the  whole  force  of  the 
enemy  was  turned  against  the  Maryland  and  Delaware 
regiments,  who  formed  the  right.  These  sustained  the  fight 
gallantly.  Colonel  Howard,  with  his  regiment,  who  were 
in  the  van,  several  times  drove  in  the  enemy,  who  were 
then  commanded  by  Lord  Rawdon.  For  some  time  they  had 
clearly  the  best  of  the  action,  and,  had  the  left  behaved  well, 
must  have  gained  a  victory.  They  were  at  last  charged  in 
the  flank  by  Tarleton's  cavalry,  surrounded,  overpowered, 
and  driven  from  the  field  in  complete  route.  They  were 
pursued  for  upwards  of  twenty  miles.  The  loss  was  terrible 
in  every  respect.  All  the  American  artillery,  field  pieces, 
ammunition  wagons,  and  much  of  the  baggage,  was  lost. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  301 

The  killed,  wounded,  and  captured,  were  not  less  than  two 
thousand.  General  De  Kalb  was  mortally  wounded ;  General 
Rutherford  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner;  and  so  total 
was  the  defeat,  that  few  officers  who  escaped  could  find 
their  respective  commands.  The  British  reported  their  loss 
at  three  hundred  and  twenty-four. 

Sumpter,  who  had  succeeded  in  his  expedition  against 
the  convoy,  on  hearing  of  the  defeat  of  Gates,  retreated,  as 
he  thought,  to  a  safe  distance.  On  the  eighteenth,  Au  igth 
he  was  overtaken  by  Tarleton's  cavalry,  at  Fishing 
Creek,  surprised,  and  his  troops  routed  with  great  s  aughter. 
One  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  men  were  killed,  three  hundred 
taken  prisoners,  and  his  baggage  and  artillery  captured.  He, 
with  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  were  fortunate 
enough  to  escape  by  dispersing  themselves. 

Gates,  with  the  shattered  remnants  of  his  army,  arrived  at 
Charlotte,  eighty  miles  from  Camden,  on  the  nineteenth ; 
and  hearing  of  Sumpter's  defeat  retired  further  to  Salisbury ; 
and  again,  after  a  few  days,  to  Hillsborough,  a  hundred  and 
eighty  miles  from  the  field  of  action. 

Cornwallis  did  not  pursue  the  fugitive  Americans,  after 
withdrawing  his  troops  from  the  action  at  Camden.  The 
complete  dispersion  of  the  continental  army,  left  the  country 
totally  in  his  power,  and  he  proceeded  to  use  his  triumph 
rigorously.  His  first  care  was  to  inflict  vengeance  upon  all 
those  who  had  taken  arms  against  the  king,  after  receiving 
protections.  Orders  were  given  to  hang  every  militiaman, 
who,  having  been  enrolled  under  the  king's  proclamation, 
had  joined  the  Americans,  and  a  number  were  actually- 
executed.  He  appointed  commissioners  to  confiscate  their 
estates.  Some  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  were 
confined  in  prison-ships,  or  sent  away  from  their  families  to 
St.  Augustine.  Having  enforced  these  rigorous  measures, 
to  break  the  spirit  of  the  people,  and  received  supplies  and 
reinforcements  from  Charleston,  on  the  16th  of  September, 
he  set  out  towards  North  Carolina.  Marion  kept  the  field 
with  his  corps,  occasionally  making  rapid  excursions  against 
the  tories  or  straggling  parties  of  the  British,  and  suddenly 
retiring  into  the  mountains.  Sumpter.  soon  after,  gathered 
his  forces  together,  and  resumed  the  like  enterprises  in  the 
eastern  part  of  the  State.  They  did  most  valuable  service  to 
the  American  cause,  especially  in  keeping  the  tories  in 
check. 

2C 


302  HISTORY  OF   THE 

Proceeding  with  caution,  for  the  panic  created  by  the  de 
feat  of  Gates  had  now  worn  off,  and  the  people  were  alert  to 
harass  and  obstruct  his  march,  Cornwallis  arrived  at  Charlotte 
about  the  last  of  September,  where  he  prepared  to  establish 
a  post.  Colonels  Tarleton  and  Fergusson,  two  eminent  par 
ti  zan  officers,  were  sent  out  to  scour  the  country  on  each 
side.  Fergusson,  the  first  in  point  of  time,  marked  his  path 
with  traces  of  such  cruelty  and  devastation,  as  to  kindle  a 
furious  resentment,  which  brought  on  his  ruin.  Having 
penetrated  towards  Georgia,  to  co-operate  with  some  royalist 
troops  there,  the  militia  collected  to  intercept  his  return,  and 
arming  themselves  with  such  weapons  as  they  could  find, 
attacked  him  in  the  post  which  he  had  taken  on  King's 
Mountain.  The  fight  wras  bloody  and  obstinate. 
Fergusson  wras  slain,  and  three  hundred  of  his  men 
killed  or  wounded.  His  second  in  command  surrendered 
the  survivors  prisoners.  Eight  hundred  prisoners  were 
taken,  and  amongst  the  spoil  were  fifteen  hundred  stand  of 
arms.  The  American  loss  was  about  twenty.  Cornwallis, 
who  was  leisurely  marching  towards  Salisbury,  on  hearing 
of  Fergusson's  fate,  commenced  a  retreat,  and,  late  in  Octo 
ber,  established  himself  at  Winnsborough.  Tarleton  under 
took  to  cut  off  Sumpter's  troop,  which  was  encamped  at 
Blackstock  Hill,  but  was  repulsed  in  his  attack.  Sumpter 
was,  howrever,  obliged  to  retreat,  not  being  strong  enough  to 
encounter  the  reinforcements  expected  by  Tarleton. 

These  successful  actions  roused  the  hopes  of  the  Ameri 
cans.  The  army  had  been  materially  strengthened  at  Hills- 
borough  by  the  arrival  of  succors  from  Virginia,  by  Morgan's 
celebrated  rifle  corps,  and  the  cavalry  under  Colonels  Wash 
ington  and  White.  On  the  8th  of  September  they  advanced 
to  Salisbury,  where  intelligence  was  received  of  the  removal 
of  General  Gates,  and  the  substitution  of  General  Greene  in 
the  command  of  the  Southern  army.  Gates,  with  admirable 
|  philosophy,  redoubled  his  efforts  to  improve  the 
|  discipline  and  condition  of  the  army,  and  on  the 
arrival  of  Greene,  in  December,  received  him  with  cordiality 
and  friendship. 

The  American  army  established  itself  for  the  remainder 
of  the  year  at  Charlotte  Greene,  unable  to  cope  with  the 
superior  force  of  Cornwallis  in  the  field,  determined  upon 
recruiting  his  army,  and,  avoiding  a  general  action,  to  harass 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  303 

and  reduce  his  enemy  by  partizan  warfare,  with  the  assist 
ance  of  the  volunteer  bands  which  abounded  in  the  States. 

Soon  after  Cornwallis  had  posted  himself  at  Winnsborough 
he  received  a  reinforcement  from  New  York,  under  the 
command  of  General  Leslie,  amounting  to  fifteen  hundred 
men.  Leslie  had  been  sent  with  a  larger  force  to  ravage  the 
Virginia  coasts,  and  had  accordingly  landed  there  for  that 
purpose.  On  the  defeat  of  Fergusson  he  was  summoned  tojoir. 
Cornwallis,  and  immediately  proceeded  to  Charleston.  Leav 
ing  a  portion  of  his  force  there,  he  marched  the  bulk  of  his 
detachment  to  Winnsborough. 

No  further  military  actions  took  place  in  the  South  until  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1781,  that  require  notice.  At  that  time  in 
Virginia,  a  British  force  committed  wide  and  wanton  ravages, 
under  the  command  of  Benedict  Arnold  ;  the  same  who,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  year,  was  a  General  in  the  Amer 
ican  army,  and  of  whom  such  frequent  mention  has  been 
made  as  one  of  the  earliest  to  take  up  arms  for  liberty,  and 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  gallant  soldiers  in  her  cause.  The 
motives  of  this  extraordinary  change,  and  the  circumstances 
of  perfidy  and  ingratitude  under  which  it  was  made,  belong 
to  the  history  of  the  military  events  in  the  North,  contempo 
raneous  with  the  Southern  campaigns  we  have  been  de 
scribing. 

The  leading  object  of  Washington,  in  all  his  plans  of  ac 
tion,  was  the  possession  of  New  York.  In  the  absence  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  with  so  large  a  part  of  the  British  army,  it  was 
his  intention  that  the  expected  French  fleet  should  blockade 
the  harbor,  while  the  land  forces  should  attack  Knyphausen, 
in  the  city.  The  force  which  Clinton  brought  with  him  from 
South  Carolina,  augmented  the  garrison  to  at  least  eleven 
thousand  fine  troops,  and  rendered  that  part  of  the  plan,  in 
the  condition  of  the  American  army,  almost  hopeless.  Admiral 
Arbuthnot  had  returned  with  Sir  Henry,  and,  not  long  after, 
Admiral  Graves  arrived  from  England,  with  six  sail  of  the  line. 
These  gave  the  English  a  decided  superiority  by  sea,  so  that 
the  plans  of  Washington  were  frustrated  in  both  respects. 
The  British  undertook  to  avail  themselves  of  this  superiority, 
and  projected  an  attack  by  land  and  sea  on  the  French  fleet 
and  army  at  Newport.  The  fleet,  under  Admiral  Graves, 
sailed  for  Rhode  Island,  and  six  thousand  of  the  best  troops, 
under  Clinton  in  person,  were  landed  at  Huntington  Bay. 
The  French  were  found  to  be  strongly  entrenched,  and  by 


301  HISTORY   OF    THE 

sea  they  were  unassailable.  The  militia  turned  out  with 
alacrity,  and  in  great  numbers,  to  defend  them ;  and  dissen 
sions  broke  out  between  the  two  hostile  commanders,  Clin 
ton  and  Graves.  The  enterprise  was  accordingly  abandoned, 
and  Sir  Henry  hastened  back  to  New  York,  alarmed  at 
the  intelligence  that  Washington  had  seized  the  opportunity 
of  his  absence,  crossed  the  river,  and  marched  down  to 
wards  King's  Bridge,  making  demonstrations  against  the 
city.  Washington  retired  when  Clinton  returned,  and  re- 
crossing  into  New  Jersey,  took  up  a  position  at  Orange- 
town  and  fortified  Dobbs'  Ferry.  Just  at  this  juncture,  the 
commissary  department  failed  altogether  to  furnish  supplies, 
and  the  commander  was  compelled  to  open  his  magazines 
at  West  Point,  and  order  out  parties  to  forage  on  the  suffer 
ing  inhabitants.  This,  when  the  army  was  on  the  eve  of 
moving  actively  against  the  enemy  and  looking  for  the  co 
operation  of  the  second  French  armament,  was  peculiarly 
trying  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  Tidings  soon  after  ar 
rived  that  the  additional  French  succors  designed  for  America 
were  blockaded  in  the  harbor  of  Brest  by  a  British  squadron, 
and  would  not  arrive  until  the  next  season.  In  the  midst  of 
these  successive  disappointments  and  disasters,  the  discovery 
was  made  that  treason  was  busy  in  the  camp,  and  that  one 
of  the  bravest  and  oldest  officers  in  the  armies  of  Liberty  had 
sold  himself  and  his  country  for  gold  to  the  enemy.  Wash 
ington  was  at  Hartford,  Connecticut,  arranging  a  system  of 
combined  action  with  the  French  commanders, 
when  Arnold  was  detected  in  a  correspondence 
with  the  British,  in  which  he  had  contracted  to  make  his  trea 
son  profitable  by  delivering  West  Point  into  the  hands  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  receiving  in  return  a  British  commis 
sion  and  ten  thousand  pounds  in  money.  West  Point  was 
the  most  important  post  in  the  possession  of  the  Ameri 
cans.  As  a  military  position,  it  commands  the  naviga 
tion  of  the  Hudson  river,  and  is  the  key  to  the  communi 
cation  between  the  Southern  and  Eastern  States.  It  had 
accordingly  been  fortified  with  great  care  and  expense,  and 
was  the  repository  of  the  most  valuable  stores  of  the  army ; 
and,  at  the  time  of  Arnold's  defection,  it  was  the  resting 
point  upon  which  the  fate  of  the  American  army  turned. 
Had  it  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  no  sagacity  nor 
courage  could  have  saved  the  whole  of  the  army  in  the 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  305 

Middle  States  from  being  cut  to  pieces  or  captured  in  de 
tail.  The  possession  of  the  States  of  New  York  and  New 
Jersey,  the  command  of  the  great  channels  of  intercourse 
between  the  States,  a  complete  division  of  the  remnants 
of  the  republican  forces,  and  an  efficient  concentration 
of  those  of  Great  Britain  must  have  been  the  fruits  of  this 
treason  had  it  been  successful.  What  might  have  been  the 
effects  upon  the  progress  of  the  war  it  is  difficult  to  imagine. 
The  blow  would  undoubtedly  have  been  most  severe  and 
disastrous.  The  value  of  the  prize  to  the  British  induced 
them  to  enter  eagerly  into  negotiation  with  the  traitor,  and 
offer  a  munificent  price  for  the  treachery. 

The  motives  which  operated  upon  Arnold  are  easily 
traced.  Cupidity  and  revenge  were  the  passions  that  in 
fluenced  him,  and  they  easily  overcame  all  compunctious 
feelings  in  a  mind  so  ill-regulated  as  his,  and  debased  by 
long  self-indulgence  in  habits  of  dissipation  and  extravagance. 
Daring  in  the  field,  a  hardy  and  venturous  soldier,  and  a 
tried  and  skilful  officer,  he  was  immoral  in  his  private  habits, 
haughty  in  his  deportment,  and  lavish  in  his  expenditures, 
beyond  any  means  within  his  reach.  The  wounds  he  had 
received  at  Quebec  and  Saratoga  induced  him  to  retire  from 
active  service,  and  he  became  commandant  of  Philadelphia 
when  the  British  evacuated  that  place  in  1778.  There  he 
made  himself  unpopular  by  his  manners  and  luxurious  style 
of  living,  and  involved  himself  hopelessly  in  debt.  To  re 
trieve  his  fortunes  he  entered  largely  into  various  specula 
tions  which  failed,  and  openly  trafficked  in  frauds  on  the 
military  departments  till  complaints  were  formally  lodged 
against  him,  and  Congress  brought  him  to  court  martial  for 
the  offences.  His  accounts  were  proved  to  be  fraudulent, 
and  he  was  sentenced,  with  uncommon  lenity,  to  be  only 
reprimanded  by  the  Commander-in-chief.  Debt,  disappoint 
ment,  and  shame  rankled  in  his  breast,  and  to  gratify  his 
passions  and  relieve  himself  from  his  pecuniary  embarrass 
ments,  he  entered  into  a  negotiation  with  General  Clinton. 
Artfully  disguising  his  purpose,  he  applied  for  active  em 
ployment,  and  when  the  command  of  the  left  wing  was 
offered  him,  on  the  march  towards  New  York,  he  declined 
it,  and  asked  for  the  command  of  West  Point,  which  was 
accordingly  bestowed  upon  him.  The  correspondence  al 
ready  opened  with  the  British  through  Major  Andre,  Adju 
tant-general  of  the  British  army,  under  the  fictitious  names 
2C  2 


306  HISTORY    OF   THE 

of  Gustavus  and  Anderson,  now  approached  the  consumma 
tion  of  the  treason.  The  British  sloop  of  war  Vulture  was 
brought  as  near  the  American  works  as  practicable,  in  order 
to  facilitate  the  communication.  A  personal  interview  being 
Se  t  sist  Deemed  necessary,  on  the  night  of  the  21st  of  Sep 
tember,  Andre  was  landed  from  the  Vulture,  and 
had  an  interview  with  Arnold  on  the  beach,  to  arrange 
finally  the  plan  of  operations.  The  disposition  of  the  Ameri 
can  troops,  by  which  they  were  to  fall  into  the  power  of 
Clinton,  was  settled,  and  full  drawings  and  details  furnished 
of  the  works,  defences,  and  every  thing  appertaining  to  the 
post.  Day  dawned  before  the  conference  was  ended,  and 
Andre's  return  was  prevented.  During  the  day  the  Vulture 
was  compelled  by  the  fire  of  some  artillery  to  drop  down  the 
river,  and  he  could  not  be  put  on  board  again.  No  other 
resource  was  left  him  than  to  return  to  New  York  by  land. 
Changing  his  uniform  for  a  •common  dress,  he  was  provided 
with  a  horse  and  a  passport,  under  the  name  of  John  Anderson. 
He  succeeded  in  passing  safely  the  American  outposts,  and 
had  nearly  reached  the  British  lines  when  he  was  stopped 
by  three  American  militiamen.  Seizing  his  bridle  they  de 
manded  his  business.  Surprised  out  of  his  caution,  thinking 
himself  safe  so  near  the  British  posts,  instead  of  showing  his 
pass  he  asked,  hastily,  "Where  do  you  belong?"  "  Below," 
was  the  reply,  meaning  New  York.  "So  do  I,"  wras  the 
rash  and  fatal  rejoinder  of  Andre,  and  he  avowed  himself  a 
British  officer,  on  urgent  business.  They  instantly  arrested 
him,  notwithstanding  his  pressing  intreaties  and  large  bribes, 
on  discovering  his  mistake.  They  rejected  his  purse  and  his 
watch,  as  well  as  the  most  liberal  promises  of  reward,  if 
they  would  accompany  him  to  the  city.  Inflexible  in  their 
fidelity  to  their  country,  they  proceeded  to  search  him,  and 
found  the  treasonable  papers,  in  the  hand  writing  of  Arnold, 
concealed  in  his  boot.  They  carried  him  to  Lieutenant-colonel 
Jameson,  who  commanded  the  outposts  at  West  Point,  where 
Andre  was  permitted  to  address  a  note  to  Arnold,  informing 
him  of  the  arrest  of  Anderson.  The  traitor  took  the  alarm 
and  escaped  on  board  of  the  Vulture,  leaving  the  penalty  of 
his  guilt  to  be  paid  by  the  unfortunate  Andre.  Washington 
had  been  informed  by  express  of  the  discovery,  and  arrived 
at  West  Point  too  late  to  secure  Arnold.  A  board  of  general 
officers  was  detailed,  of  which  General  Greene  was  Presi 
dent,  to  determine  the  character  in  which  the  prisoner  was 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  307 

to  be  considered,  and  the  punishment  to  be  inflicted.  No 
witnesses  were  examined.  The  statements  of  Andre  were 
frankly  and  ingenuously  made,  admitting  all  the  facts  not 
implicating  others,  but  contending  that  it  was  against  his 
will  that  he  had  been  brought  within  the  American  lines. 
The  board  unanimously  reported  "  that  he  ought  to  be  con 
sidered  as  a  spy,  and  that  agreeably  to  the  laws  and  usages 
of  nations,  he  ought  to  suffer  death."  The  report  was  made 
on  the  29th  of  September,  and  communicated  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  by  Washington,  as  a  final  answer  to  the  earnest  re 
monstrances  and  entreaties  of  that  officer  in  behalf  of  his 
friend  and  brother  soldier.  Few  men  were  ever  so  generally 
admired  and  esteemed  as  Andre  appears  to  have  been  by  the 
British  army.  Young,  handsome,  amiable,  gallant,  and 
accomplished,  he  was  popular  among  all  classes  of  the  army, 
and  the  firmness  and  graceful  dignity  of  his  conduct  under 
these  trying  circumstances,  won  for  him  the  sympathy  and 
regard  of  his  enemies.  As  a  last  effort  to  save  him,  Clinton 
proposed  a  conference  between  general  officers,  and  Greene 
was  despatched  by  Washington  to  meet  with  the  British 
general,  Robertson.  The  arguments  were  still  unavailing. 
An  absurd  and  threatening  letter  from  Arnold  had  no  effect. 
Threats  of  retaliation  were  equally  fruitless.  Washington 
was  satisfied  that  the  interests  of  his  country,  and  duty  to  the 
army,  required  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  and  painful 
though  it  was  to  his  generous  feelings,  he  resisted  all  over 
tures  and  entreaties.  The  prayer  of  Andre  to  be  spared  the 
shame  of  dying  on  the  gallows,  and  to  suffer  death  by  being 
shot,  was  referred  to  the  board,  and  by  their  counsel,  against 
the  pleadings  of  their  sensibilities  in  behalf  of  the  unhappy 
sufferer,  it  was  refused.  On  the  2d  of  October  he  I 
was  executed  according  to  his  sentence,  meeting  | 
his  fate  with  a  fortitude  and  composure  which  fitted  well 
with  the  tenor  of  his  life  and  character. 

Arnold  received  the  reward  of  his  apostacy,  and  the 
execrations  of  those  who  paid  him  the  price  for  which  they 
had  contracted.  He  was  created  a  brigadier,  received 
10,000/.,  and  immediately  issued  an  address,  justifying  his 
course  as  the  result  of  patriotism,  and  calling  upon  the 
American  people,  to  look  on  Congress  as  their  worst  ene 
mies,  and  flock  to  the  standard  of  his  majesty,  where  they 
would  receive  the  honors  and  pay  due  to  their  services. 


308  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Washington  took  no  notice  of  this  address,  or  his  letters,  but 
sent  him  his  family  and  baggage. 

Arnold's  invitations,  though  enforced  by  the  most  liberal 
offers  of  pay,  had  no  effect  in  inducing  the  continental  sol 
diers  to  follow  him.  Though  at  no  season  of  the  war  did 
more  distress  exist  among  them,  not  a  man  of  them  accom 
panied  or  sympathized  with  the  traitor.  On  the  contrary,  it 
is  a  fact  deserving  notice,  that  the  ordinary  desertions  ceased 
altogether  at  this  period. 

The  three  patriotic  militiamen,  John  Paulding,  David  Wil 
liams,  and  Isaac  Van  Vert,  the  captors  of  Andre,  received 
the  public  thanks  of  Congress  for  their  "virtuous  and  pa 
triotic  conduct."  A  pension  was  settled  on  each  of  them  for 
life,  and  a  silver  medal  presented  to  them,  on  one  side  of 
which  was  the  motto,  "  Fidelity,"  and  on  the  other,  "  Vincit 
amor  patriae." 

The  approach  of  winter  enabled  Washington  to  carry  his 
few  and  weak  troops  securely  into  winter  quarters.  He  oc 
cupied  the  same  position  as  during  the  preceding  season. 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  embraced  the  opportunity  of  detaching 
succors  to  Cornwallis,  in  the  South,  under  General  Leslie, 
the  arrival  of  which  has  been  already  noticed  in  the  account 
of  the  Southern  campaign. 

To  relate  the  condition  of  the  American  army  in  their  win 
ter  encampment  would  be  to  recapitulate  the  wants,  suffer 
ings,  and  labors  of  every  preceding  winter.  Pay,  clothing, 
fuel,  food,  shelter,  were  at  all  times  deficient;  and  new  causes 
of  discontent  added  insubordination  and  mutiny  to  the 
other  vexations  and  difficulties  of  the  Commander-in-chief. 
The  soldiers  had  good  cause  to  complain.  There  was  abun 
dance  in  the  land  ;  the  harvests  had  been  plenty,  and  ample 
resources  for  maintaining  and  provisioning  the  army  were  in 
the  country,  while  from  the  want  of  system  and  energy  in 
the  government  the  soldiers  were  almost  perishing  for  lack 
of  necessaries.  The  new  system  of  raising  troops  adopted 
by  Congress,  by  which  the  States  supplied  and  paid  their 
own  quotas,  produced  gross  inequalities,  which  bore  heavily 
on  the  old  troops.  Some  of  the  new  recruits  were  paid  in 
gold,  while  those  who  had  been  long  in  the  service  could  get 
neither  gold  nor  the  almost  worthless  paper  payment.  Dis 
putes  rose  about  the  term  of  enlistment.  They  who  had 
enlisted  for  three  years,  "  or  during  the  war,"  insisted  on 
their  right  to  a  release  at  the  end  of  three  years,  while 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  309 

Congress  construed  the  term  to  extend  to  the  whole  war,  at 
the  option  of  the  States.  These  and  other  causes  I  jan.  ist, 
of  dissatisfaction  grew  to  such  violence  that  on  the  J 
first  day  of  the  year  the  Pennsylvania  line,  to  the  number 
of  more  than  thirteen  hundred,  revolted,  and  turned  out 
with  arms  in  their  hands,  declaring  their  determination  to 
march  to  Congress  and  demand  redress.  Every  effort  to 
appease  them  failed.  Some  lives  were  lost  in  the  attempt 
to  bring  them  into  order.  La  Fayette  tried  his  popularity  by 
imploring  them  to  pause  and  return  to  their  duty,  but  they 
would  not  listen.  Wayne,  to  whom  they  were  much  at 
tached,  went  boldly  among  them,  and  menaced  them  with 
punishment.  They  answered  him  firmly;  protested  they 
were  not  going  to  the  enemy ;  and  when  in  the  ardor  of  his 
exhortations  he  cocked  his  pistol,  a  hundred  bayonets  were 
pointed  at  him.  He  was  forced  to  desist,  and  the  mutineers 
marched  to  Princeton. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  informed  of  these  disorders,  thought 
to  entice  the  insurgents  into  the  British  service.  He  sent 
emissaries  among  them,  with  tempting  offers.  Indignant  at 
this  attempt  upon  their  fidelity,  they  seized  the  British 
agents  and  delivered  them  to  General  Wayne.  Two  of  them 
were  afterwards  executed  as  spies.  The  revolters  committed 
no  depredations,  except  seizing  upon  food  ;  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  which,  General  Wayne  forwarded  provisions 
for  their  use.  A  committee  of  Congress,  and  a  deputation 
from  the  Pennsylvania  authorities,  met  them  at  Princeton, 
and  by  liberal  concessions,  overlooking  their  mutinous  con 
duct,  relieving  their  necessities  in  part,  and  promising  com 
plete  indemnity  for  their  losses,  succeeded  in  satisfying 
them.  Part  of  them  were  discharged,  and  the  rest  received 
furloughs  for  forty  days.  They  all  received  an  immediate 
supply  of  clothing  and  necessaries,  and  the  revolt  was  thus 
happily  quelled.  It  deserves  to  be  mentioned  that  these 
mutineers,  while  negotiating  with  Congress  with  arms  in 
their  hands,  absolutely  refused  to  receive  the  reward  which 
President  Reed  offered  them  for  apprehending  the  British 
emissaries.  Their  necessities  forced  them,  they  said,  to  de 
mand  justice  from  their  own  government,  but  they  desired 
no  reward  for  doing  their  duty  to  their  country  against  her 
enemies. 

The  civil  government  had  been  left  to  manage  these  dis 
turbances  ;  but,  in  a  few  days,  another  revolt  broke  out  in 


310  HISTORY   OF   THE 

the  Jersey  brigade,  nearer  to  the  head-quarters  of  Washing 
ton,  which  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  quell  by  vigorous 
measures.  The  mutineers  in  this  case  were  mostly  foreign 
ers,  and  relying  on  the  fidelity  of  the  New  England  troops, 
he  despatched  General  Howe  to  quell  the  revolt.  The  ring 
leaders  were  seized,  and  two  or  three  of  them  executed. 
The  rest  returned  to  their  duty. 

These  mutinies  were  indeed  alarming  symptoms  of  a 
crisis  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs.  The  errors  of 
system,  which  had  unhappily  prevailed  so  long,  had  reached 
a  point  where  it  was  clearly  impossible  that  they  should 
continue  without  total  ruin  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  For 
tunately  some  of  the  most  fatal  of  them  had  exhausted  them 
selves,  and  the  recuperative  energies  of  the  people  had 
gathered  the  means,  under  a  better  system,  of  repairing 
some  of  the  mischiefs  of  others.  Paper  money  had  nearly 
perished  in  its  own  excess,  and  this  resource  failing,  Con  < 
gress  and  the  people  were  compelled  to  choose  between 
providing  some  efficient  mode  to  sustain  the  army,  and  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  government,  and  disbanding  atonce.  The 
emergency  called  forth  the  energies  of  the  leading  patriots, 
and  the  invigorated  spirit  of  the  nation  seconded  them.  Com 
merce  had  begun  to  revive,  especially  with  the  West  Indies  ; 
industry  prospered ;  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  had  been  re 
sumed,  and  money  became  much  more  plenty  among  the 
people.  In  the  latter  part  of  1780,  Congress  issued  circular 
letters  to  the  States,  calling  upon  them  earnestly  for  vigorous 
efforts,  and  in  Congress  the  ablest  men  were  zealous  in  de 
vising  at  last  some  effectual  mode  of  restoring  public  credit, 
and  making  the  improved  condition  of  the  people  available 
for  the  public  wants.  This  was  a  point  of  extreme  difficulty. 
The  pernicious  effects  of  former  errors,  the  miserable  condi 
tion  of  the  finances,  the  breach  of  faith  in  regard  to  the  vast 
amount  of  continental  bills  afloat,  and  the  irresponsibility  of 
Congress  as  a  political  body,  presented  almost  insuperable 
difficulties.  The  patriotism  of  the  people  went  before  the 
authority  of  Congress,  and  spontaneous  exertions  to  aid  the 
common  cause  by  subscriptions  and  individual  enterprise, 
showed  that  the  torpor  which  prevailed  during  the  year 
1779  and  the  beginning  of  1780  had  given  place  to  a  new 
zeal.  The  savage  mode  of  conducting  the  war  in  the  South, 
adopted  by  the  British  after  the  return  of  Clinton  to  New 
York,  contributed  to  stimulate  the  Americans  to  action, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  311 

under  the  influence  of  feelings  of  resentment.  The  arrival  of 
the  French  succors  in  the  summer,  with  the  expectation  ot 
large  additional  aid,  gave  them  hopes  of  speedily  bringing 
the  war  to  a  termination.  The  militia  came  at  the  call  of 
the  States  with  greater  alacrity.  Capitalists  subscribed  to 
replenish  the  treasury.  The  society  of  ladies  of  Philadelphia, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  the  wife  of  Washington,  collected 
large  sums  to  be  applied  for  paying  bounty  to  recruits  and 
augmenting  their  pay.  Their  example  was  followed  in  other 
States,  and  its  influence  on  the  popular  enthusiasm  was 
great.  The  revolt  of  the  Philadelphia  and  New  Jersey  troops 
hastened  these  exertions,  and  awakened  a  strong  sympathy 
for  the  suffering  condition  of  the  army.  The  amount  of  three 
months'  pay  in  specie  was  raised,  and  forwarded  to  them, 
and  received  with  joy  and  gratitude.  The  close  of  the  year, 
which  saw  the  civil  affairs  of  Congress  in  the  worst  possible 
state,  and  the  army  in  a  condition  of  destitution  and  dis 
memberment,  was  marked  by  a  renewal  among  the  people 
of  the  ardor  and  enterprise  of  the  early  stages  of  the  revolu 
tion.  This  happy  improvement  in  the  dispositions  and 
means  of  the  people  was  not  long  in  producing  a  beneficial 
effect  upon  the  action  of  Congress ;  but  the  penalty  of  for 
mer  mismanagement  could  not  be  escaped,  and  it  was  slowly 
that  public  measures,  even  sustained  by  public  sentiment, 
could  be  made  to  reach  and  remove  the  sources  of  the  pub 
lic  embarrassments  in  conducting  the  war.  Energy  and  per 
severance  succeeded  in  triumphing  over  some  of  the 
weightiest  difficulties,  and  preparing  the  means  for  an 
efficient  campaign  for  the  ensuing  year,  in  anticipation  of 
the  French  aid  which  had  promised  to  be  added  to  that 
brought  by  Rochambeau.  Taxation  was  resorted  to,  and 
acquiesced  in  readily.  Urgent  instructions  were  sent  to 
foreign  ministers  to  press  for  loans  and  subsidies  from  their 
allies  in  Europe,  and  a  special  minister,  Colonel  John  Lau- 
rens,  was  sent  to  aid  in  the  negotiation.  At  home,  the  States 
made  unusual  exertions,  and  brought  a  much  larger  number 
of  men  than  had  been  customary  into  the  field  at  an  earlier 
season.  For  the  supplies  a  system  of  State  requisition  was 
adopted,  by  which  regularity  was  established  during  the 
next  campaign.  The  New  England  States  sent  a  Conven 
tion  to  Providence,  by  whose  agency  the  articles  apportioned 
to  them  were  furnished  monthly,  and  in  proper  quantities. 
The  requisitions  for  the  important  article  of  flour  were  made 


HISTORY   OF    THE 

on  the  States  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  and  New  York. 
The  first  only  could  be  depended  upon,  in  consequence  of 
the  exhausted  condition  of  the  others,  from  the  depredations 
of  the  enemy  and  the  necessary  impressments  by  the  Ameri 
can  army.  The  State  authorities  committed  the  collection 
of  this  article  to  Robert  Morris,  to  whom,  under  a  new 
financial  system,  the  treasury  concerns  of  the  United  States 
had  been  entrusted.  He  assumed  the  collection  of  the 
taxes,  and  contracted  to  furnish  the  flour.  His  personal 
credit  and  large  means  were  freely  used  to  sustain  the  gov 
ernment,  and  the  supplies  were  duly  furnished.  In  the 
course  of  the  year  the  Bank  of  North  America,  established 
under  his  care,  is  believed  to  have  had  a  beneficial  influence 
upon  the  currency  and  on  public  credit. 

Foreign  pecuniary  aid  was  at  last  obtained  in  a  substan 
tial  form,  in  time  to  facilitate  the  operations  of  the  eventful 
campaign  of  1781.  Franklin  obtained  from  the  French  king 
a  gift  of  six  millions  of  livres,  and  a  loan  of  ten  millions. 
The  efforts  of  Mr.  Adams  to  obtain  a  loan  in  Holland  were 
ineffectual,  until  the  French  king  engaged  to  guarantee  the 
repayment.  Ten  millions  of  livres  were  raised  there.  These 
sums,  partly  in  specie  and  partly  in  clothing  and  arms, 
served  essentially  to  maintain  the  armies  by  which  the  bril 
liant  and  decisive  campaign  of  1781  was  fought. 

Spain  refused  all  pecuniary  aid,  though  solicited  earnestly 
by  the  American  minister,  Mr.  Jay,  except  upon  such  terms 
as  manifested  a  disposition  to  take  ungenerous  advantage 
of  the  pecuniary  difficulties  of  the  Americans.  The  Spanish 
court  had  not  acceded  to  the  treaties  between  France  and 
the  United  States,  nor  acknowledged  the  Independence  of 
the  latter.  Their  minister  was,  therefore,  not  recognized, 
and  was  subjected  to  numerous  mortifications  and  embarrass 
ments.  The  bills  drawn  upon  him  by  Congress  would  have 
been  dishonoured,  although  the  Spanish  minister  had  un 
dertaken  to  assist  him,  but  for  the  aid  of  Dr.  Franklin  at 
Paris.  The  Spanish  court  would  furnish  the  money  only  in 
return  for  an  acknowledgment  of  the  right  of  Spain  to  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  territory  west  of  the  Alleghanys, — a 
claim  which  Mr.  Jay  firmly  resisted.  No  terms  could  be 
agreed  upon  satisfactory  to  either  party,  and  the  negotiation 
was  not  completed  until  its  final  transfer  to  Paris  at  the  close 
of  the  war. 

Holland   at  the  time  of  the  loan,  was  at  open  war  with 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  313 

England.  The  relations  between  the  States  General  and  the 
United  States  are  intimately  connected  with  the  causes  of 
the  rupture  between  the  former  and  Great  Britain.  Jealousy 
of  the  great  naval  superiority  of  Britain,  and  distaste  of  the 
arrogance  with  which  that  superiority  was  asserted,  were 
permanent  causes  of  coolness  between  the  two  countries. 
The  peculiar  commercial  character  of  the  Dutch  made  them 
regard  with  repugnance  the  vexatious  interruptions  to  trade, 
caused  by  the  system  of  maritime  laws  with  regard  to  neu 
tral  rights,  maintained  by  the  British  government,  and  en 
forced  by  her  powerful  navy.  It  has  been  seen  that  they 
gave  encouragement  to  American  privateers,  and  refused  to 
interfere  when  the  British  minister,  Yorke,  demanded  the 
surrender  of  Paul  Jones,  when  that  officer  carried  the  cap 
tured  Serapis  into  the  Texel.  The  refusal  was  offensive  to 
the  British  ministry,  and  they  evidently  sought  an  opportu 
nity  for  coming  to  an  open  rupture,  which  was  as  carefully 
avoided  by  the  Dutch.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1780, 
a  British  fleet  arrested  a  convoy  of  Dutch  merchantmen, 
laden  with  military  stores,  under  the  protection  of  a  Dutch 
man-of-war,  commanded  by  Admiral  Byland.  On  his  re 
fusal  to  permit  the  search  for  contraband,  the  British  com 
mander  took  possession  of  the  whole,  and  carried  them  into 
Spithead.  Even  this  did  not  drive  the  States  General  into 
the  expected  declaration  of  war.  They  had  too  many  valua 
ble  merchant  vessels  abroad  to  be  risked  against  the  immense 
navy  of  England,  and  they  preferred  remonstrances  and 
negotiation.  The  armed  neutrality  of  that  year,  of  which  the 
empress  of  Russia  put  herself  at  the  head,  showed  the  wary 
Hollanders,  that  that  powerful  European  combination  would 
enforce  the  doctrines  of  neutral  rights  involved  in  their  dis 
putes  with  England,  without  the  hazard  of  a  war  on  their 
own  account.  This  celebrated  alliance  originated  in  a  de 
claration  by  the  court  of  Russia,  made  on  the  26th  of  Febru 
ary,  1780,  and  agreed  to  during  that  summer  by  France, 
Spain,  Holland,  Denmark,  and  Sweden,  affirming  a  code  of 
neutral  rights,  different  from  that  maintained  by  England, 
and  pledging  the  parties  to  make  common  cause  in  support 
ing  it.  The  declaration  asserted,  that  neutral  ships  should 
freely  navigate  even  from  port  to  port  on  the  coasts  of  belli 
gerents,  except  to  places  actually  besieged  or  blockaded,  and 
with  a  proviso,  that  they  do  not  carry  contraband  articles. 
"Contraband"  was  defined  to  mean  only  "warlike  stores 


314  HISTORY   OF    THE 

and  ammunition."  This  was  a  coalition  against  the  British 
interests  and  doctrines  too  formidable  to  be  resisted  at  once. 
An  evasive  answer  was  given  by  the  British  court,  and  they 
persevered  in  their  efforts  to  force  the  Dutch  into  a  war. 
The  opportunity  was  afforded  them  by  ah  authentic  dis 
covery  of  the  negotiations  privately  carried  on  between 
functionaries  of  the  States  General  and  the  American  Com 
missioners.  In  the  summer  of  1778,  William  Lee,  the  En 
voy  of  the  United  States  to  Berlin,  on  his  way  to  that  court, 
had  an  interview  with  one  of  the  principal  merchants  of  Am 
sterdam  in  relation  to  a  commercial  intercourse  between  the 
two  countries.  In  September  the  plan  of  a  treaty  for  that 
purpose  was  agreed  upon  and  approved  by  Van  Berkel,  the 
chief  magistrate,  or  grand  pensionary,  as  was  his  title,  of  the 
city  of  Amsterdam.  Congress,  in  the  summer  of  1780,  sent 
Henry  Laurens  of  South  Carolina,  on  a  diplomatic  commis 
sion  to  Holland,  to  conclude  the  treaty.  The  packet 
Mercury,  in  which  he  sailed,  was  captured  off  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland  by  the  British  frigate  Vestal.  Mr.  Laurens 
threw  his  despatches  overboard,  but  they  were  recovered  by 
the  activity  of  a  sailor,  and  the  papers  transmitted  to  the 
British  ministry.  Mr.  Laurens  was  committed  to  the  towe: 
on  a  charge  of  high  treason,  and  an  instant  demand  made 
upon  the  Dutch  government  for  the  punishment  of  "  Van 
Berkel  and  his  accomplices,  as  disturbers  of  the  public  peace 
and  violators  of  the  rights  of  nations."  No  answer  was 
given  by  the  Dutch,  and  the  demand  was  almost  imme 
diately  followed  by  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  king  of  Great 
Britain  agaifist  the  United  Provinces  of  Holland.  Both 
houses  of  parliament  voted  addresses  to  the  king,  approving 
of  the  declaration. 

To  sustain  themselves  against  such  numerous  enemies,  the 
British  nation  made  amazing  exertions.  No  opposition  was 
offered  in  parliament  to  the  voting  of  immense  sums  for  the 
service  of  the  coming  year,  and  the  raising  of  prodigious 
armaments  by  sea  and  land.  Ninety-one  thousand  seamen, 
and,  including  foreign  troops, "  about  eighty  thousand  land 
troops  were  voted.  The  whole  amount  granted  for  the  pub 
lic  service  was  2C2,458,337/.  Against  these  numeroushostile 
fleets  and  armies,  England  displayed  a  constancy  of  courage 
and  extent  of  resources  which  demand  unqualified  admira 
tion.  In  both  hemispheres  she  kept  hefve,nemies  at  bay; 
foiled  the  French  and  Spanish  fleets,  baldly  challenged  the 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  315 

Dutch,  carried  on  a  contest  with  her  revolted  Colonies,  and 
maintained  with  brilliant  success  expensive  and  momentous 
warfare  against  the  native  princes  in  India.  If  her  conduct 
had  been  haughty  and  tyrannical  in  her  prosperity,  her 
trials  brought  forth  a  heroic  resolution,  and  roused  her  to 
efforts  of  almost  unexampled  strength. 

The  main  object  of  France  and  Spain  during  the  year 
1780,  had  been  to  humble  the  maritime  power  of  Britain. 
The  West  Indies  was  the  theatre  of  their  combined  opera 
tions,  and  vast  armaments  on  both  sides  were  employed 
there  with  alternate  success.  Naval  battles  of  great  magni 
tude  were  fought  in  the  European  seas  without  any  decisive 
issue,  and  with  little  direct  influence  on  the  American  war. 
But  the  occupation  of  the  immense  navies  of  Great  Britain 
against  her  European  enemies,  was  indirectly  the  gain  of 
the  Americans. 

The  memorable  defence  of  Gibraltar  by  the  English  Gen 
eral  Elliot  against  a  long  and  persevering  siege,  a  defence 
which  is  considered  one  of  the  most  gallant  in  the  annals  of 
war,  was  protracted  through  this  year. 

The  French  Admiral  De  Ternay  died  in  December,  at 
Newport,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Count  D'Estouches. 
The  French  troops  and  fleet  remained  inactive  a  long  time 
in  Rhode  Island.  Their  first  active  service  was  in  the  com 
mencement  of  the  next  year.  We  have  already  seen  that 
the  traitor  Arnold  signalized  his  zeal  in  behalf  of  his  new 
service,  by  taking  the  command  of  an  expedition  fitted  out 
from  New  York,  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  coast  of  Vir 
ginia.  This  was  part  of  the  energetic  policy  resolved  upon 
by  the  enemy  for  carrying  on  the  war  in  America.  It  had 
determined  to  act  vigorously  on  several  points  at  once,  and 
to  carry  on  operations  simultaneously  in  New  York,  Virginia, 
North  and  South  Carolina.  Arnold  was  appointed,  at  the 
head  of  sixteen  hundred  men,  aided  by  a  number  of  armed 
vessels,  to  invade  Virginia,  and  prevent  that  State  from  send 
ing  succors  to  the  Southern  army  under  Greene.  He  landed 
in  the  beginning  of  January  below  Richmond,  in  jan.sth, 
James  river,  and  in  two  days  marched  to  that  town,  178L 
burnt  and  plundered  it.  With  all  the  flaming  zeal  of  a  new 
proselyte  to  Great  Britain,  the  apostate  general  outdid  in 
ferocity  the  devastations  of  his  predecessors  in  the  service. 
He  made  numerous  excursions  through  the  country,  and  in 
every  place  marked  his  path  with  the  same  cruelty  and 


March  10. 


316  HISTORY   OF   THE 

wantonness.  Returning  to  the  coast,  he  gave  indications  of 
establishing  a  permanent  post  at  Portsmouth.  Washington, 
to  arrest  this  career  of  havoc,  dispatched  La  Fayette  to  Vir 
ginia,  with  twelve  hundred  American  infantry,  and  proposed 
to  the  French  Admiral  to  send  a  part  of  the  French  fleet  to 
intercept  the  retreat  of  the  British  by  sea,  and  capture  their 
vessels.  The  proposal  was  gladly  embraced,  and  on  the  8th 
of  March  the  fleet  sailed  for  the  Chesapeake,  with  a  large 
addition  of  land  forces  to  co-operate  with  La  Fayette.  A 
detachment  of  the  squadron  had  been  sent  before,  which 
succeeded  in  capturing  a  forty-four  gun  ship  and  some 
smaller  vessels.  The  British  Admiral  Arbuthnot  followed 
the  French,  and  the  fleets,  in  about  a  week,  came  in  contact 
off  the  Capes  of  Virginia.  An  action  took  place, 
which  was  indecisive  as  a  battle,  no  ship  being 
taken  on  either  side,  but  the  fruits  of  the  victory  belonged 
to  the  British.  The  French  were  forced  to  abandon  their 
design,  and  return  to  Newport,  and  Clinton  reinforced  Ar 
nold  strongly.  General  Phillips  landed  at  Portsmouth  on  the 
20th,  and  took  the  command.  The  troops  he  brought  with 
him  augmented  the  British  force  in  Virginia  to  3,500,  and 
they  immediately  renewed  the  predatory  enterprises  by 
which  Arnold  had  made  himself  so  infamous.  On  these 
excursions  he  ravaged  both  sides  of  the  James  river,  cap 
tured  and  plundered  Williamsburgh,  City  Point,  and  Peters- 
burgh,  where  an  ineffectual  opposition  was  attempted  by  the 
militia,  commanded  by  Governor  Nelson  and  Baron  Steu- 
ben.  General  La  Fayette,  who  had  been  recalled  as  far  as 
the  head  of  the  Elk  river,  marched  back  to  the  reinforce 
ment  of  the  militia,  and  checked  the  further  advance  of 
Phillips.  The  approach  of  Cornwallis  from  the  South  re 
called  Phillips  from  his  partizan  warfare,  and  he  marched  to 
join  that  commander  at  Petersburgh.  On  the  13th  of  May 
General  Phillips  died,  and  on  the  20th  the  junction  with 
Cornwallis  took  place.  La  Fayette,  who  had  displayed 
indefatigable  zeal  and  celerity  in  watching  and  harassing  the 
forces  of  Phillips,  fell  back  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and 
encamped  below  Richmond. 

Here  was  the  scene  of  the  final  military  struggle  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  La  Fayette  was  first 
on  the  field,  and  gallantly  maintained  the  fortunes  of  America 
with  inferior  forces  against  Cornwallis.  But,  before  narrating 
the  events  of  the  memorable  conflict  in  Virginia,  it  is  nece-s- 


AMERICAN   RE.VOLUTION.  317 

sary  to  review  the  progress  of  the  war  in  other  quarters, 
which  finally  brought  the  main  strength  of  both  parties  to 
decide  the  question  of  American  Independence  near  the 
Capes  of  Virginia.  The  first  and  most  prominent  in  interest 
is  the  brilliant  career  of  Greene  in  the  Southern  States. 
With  an  inferior  force  of  badly  armed  and  scantily  supplied 
soldiery,  notwithstanding  repeated  defeats  and  repulses,  by 
his  genius,  constancy,  and  courage,  he  triumphed  over  the 
enemies  of  his  country,  and  in  a  series  of  skilful  and  gal 
lant  actions,  recovered  the  Carolinas,  and  established  the 
revolution  in  the  Southern  States. 


318  HISTORY  OF   THE 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  defeat  of  General  Gates  at  the  battle  of  Camden,  dis 
astrous  as  it  truly  was  to  the  American  arms,  elated  the 
British  to  an  extravagant  pitch.  South  Carolina  was  thought 
to  be  totally  subjugated,  and  preparations  were  made  by 
Cornwallis  to  proceed  in  his  career  of  victory  to  the  inva 
sion  of  North  Carolina.  The  reverse  sustained  in  the  battle 
of  King's  Mountain,  and  the  defeat  and  death  of  Fergusson 
there,  had  checked  his  career  for  the  present,  to  be  resumed 
as  soon  as  he  could  repress  and  punish  the  manifestations  of 
patriotic  feeling,  which  had  broken  out  among  the  people 
into  symptoms  of  revolt  on  the  approach  of  Gates,  and  after 
wards  on  the  fall  of  Fergusson.  With  the  tories  of  North 
Carolina  he  held  constant  communication,  and  relied  upon 
liberal  aid  from  them  as  soon  as  he  should  cross  into  that 
State.  Impatient  under  the  suspension  of  his  advance,  he 
prosecuted  the  system  of  administration  he  had  chosen  to 
secure  the  future  submissiveness  of  South  Carolina.  This 
had  been  marked  by  peculiarly  harsh  and  barbarous  mea 
sures,  and  they  were  now  prosecuted  with  greater  severity. 
Carolina  became  for  a  season  a  field  of  wide  proscription 
and  confiscation.  General  orders  were  issued  to  all  the 
British  posts  to  hang,  summarily,  all  those  taken  in  arms  for 
the  Americans,  who  had  been  drafted  into  the  royal  militia 
by  the  arbitrary  proclamations  issued  after  the  surrender  of 
Charleston,  and  to  seize  on  the  property  of  all  who  submit 
ted  at  first,  but  took  part  with  their  country  on  the  "  inva 
sion"  of  Gates.  At  Charleston,  Camden,  Ninety-Six,  Au 
gusta,  and  other  places,  multitudes  were  gibbetted,  without 
compunction,  for  fighting  the  battles  of  their  native  land. 
Arrests,  sequestrations,  transportation,  became  common  ex 
pedients,  and  terror  was  the  instrument  by  which  the  loyalty 
of  the  State  was  to  be  secured.  We  have  already  seen  the 
partial  effects  of  such  a  policy.  It  created  an  infinite  num 
ber  of  secret  enemies,  ready  to  take  up  arms  with  tenfold 
fury,  whenever  the  pressure  of  superior  force  should  be 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  319 

removed, — and  it  stimulated  to  greater  audacity  the  partizan 
corps  of  independent  bands  of  whigs,  who  roamed  through 
out  the  State,  beating  up  the  British  quarters,  harassing  their 
posts,  cutting  off  tories  and  stragglers,  and  doing  all  the  mis 
chief  in  their  power  to  the  dominant  force.  Cornwallis, 
however,  did  not  estimate  these  consequences  very  highly, 
and  being  reinforced  by  the  troops  under  Leslie,  late  in  De 
cember  resumed  his  intention  of  marching  to  conquer  North 
Carolina. 

General  Greene  had  taken  up  a  position  with  the  main 
body  of  his  little  army,  on  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Pedee 
river,  nearly  opposite  Cheraw  Hill ;  and  the  remainder  of 
his  force,  under  Morgan  and  Pickens,  were  stationed  at  the 
confluence  of  Broad  and  Pacolet  rivers.  The  whole  force 
very  little  exceeded  two  thousand  men.  With  these  inferior 
numbers  he  took  the  field,  at  the  opening  of  the  year.  Unable 
to  cope  in  regular  battle  with  Cornwallis,  he  determined  to 
carry  on  the  war  of  detachments,  and  harass  the  British  in 
detail. 

Colonel  Lee,  with  his  legion,  joined  him,  and  wras  imme 
diately  sent  to  the  support  of  Marion,  who,  as  usual,  was 
engaged  in  a  partizan  enterprise  against  some  of  the  enemy's 
posts.  So  rapid  were  Marion's  movements,  that  it  was  some 
times  difficult  even  for  his  friends  to  find  him.  Lee  and  Ma 
rion,  with  their  joint  forces,  surprised  Georgetown,  and  cap 
tured  Colonel  Campbell. 

The  advance  of  Cornwallis  into  North  Carolina,  in  the 
position  of  the  American  forces,  would  have  left  Morgan  in 
his  rear.  To  dislodge  and  disperse  that  detachment,  he  ac 
cordingly  sent  Tarleton,  with  his  celebrated  legion,  amount 
ing  to  eleven  hundred  men,  and  advanced  with  his  main 
army  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  between  the  Catawba 
and  the  Broad  rivers,  to  intercept  the  retreat  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  when  they  should  retire  before  Tarleton.  Leslie 
moved  in  a  parallel  direction,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Catawba,  leaving  Greene  and  his  corps  on  the  right,  held 
in  check  by  the  garrisons  at  the  British  posts.  Tarleton's 
orders  were  to  come  up  with  Morgan,  and  "push  him  to 
the  utmost."  With  his  characteristic  impetuosity  he  pressed 
forward,  but  Morgan,  advised  of  the  superiority  of  troops, 
especially  cavalry,  brought  against  him,  abandoned  his  post, 
on  the  16th  of  January,  and  retired  up  the  country,  only  a 
few  hours  before  Tarleton  arrived.  Tarleton,  without 


#20  HISTORY   OF   THE 

pausing  to  rest,  followed  up  the  pursuit  during  the  night, 
and  earl}''  the  next  morning  overtook  the  Americans  at  the 
Cowpens,  where  they  had  halted  for  refreshment  and  re 
pose.  Morgan  had  determined  to  risk  a  battle  at  once,  rather 
than  exhaust  his  men  by  the  effort  to  escape  from  an  enemy 
so  remarkable  for  the  celerity  of  his  movements.  Making  a 
skilful  arrangement  of  his  troops,  he  waited  the  charge  of 
the  enemy  upon  ground  which  afforded  Tarleton  the  free 
use  of  his  celebrated  cavalry.  The  first  line,  composed  of 
militia,  was  directed  to  check  the  enemy's  advance  and  fall 
back.  The  second  line  was  composed  of  continental  infantry, 
under  Colonel  John  Eager  Howard,  and  in  the  rear  the 
regular  cavalry  and  a  party  of.  mounted  militia  were  sta 
tioned  as  a  corps  de  'reserve,  under  Colonel  Washington. 
The  British  cavalry  outnumbered  the  American  three  to 
one;  the  infantry  were  superior  and  they  had  two  field 
pieces. 

Confident  of  an  easy  victory,  Tarleton  dashed  onward, 
Jan.  i7th,  I  without  allowing  his  troops  time  to  recover  from 
178L  I  their  fatigue,  and  not  even  pausing  to  form 
his  line  carefully.  They  charged  the  militia  impetuously, 
with  a  battalion  of  infantry,  supported  by  dragoons.  These 
were  met  by  a  steady  fire.  The  first  line  giving  way,  they 
pressed  rapidly  agajnst  the  second.  The  resistance  here 
was  so  obstinate  that  Tarleton  brought  up  his  whole  reserve 
to  strike  a  final  blow.  Colonel  Howard,  on  this  increase  of 
force  against  him,  determined  to  change  his  order  of  battle. 
His  directions  being  misunderstood,  a  retreat  was  com 
menced,  and  continued  for  a  short  distance.  The  mistake 
proved  fortunate.  Tarleton  hurried  on  in  disorderly  pur 
suit,  when  Howard,  rallying  the  infantry,  faced  about,  arid 
received  the  pursuers  with  a  deadly  and  continuous  fire, 
which  threw  them  into  confusion.  Following  this  advan 
tage,  while  the  enemy  were  surprised  and  wavering,  the 
order  was  given  to  charge  bayonets.  It  was  obeyed  with 
alacrity,  and  the  day  was  instantly  decided.  Colonel  Wash 
ington,  at  the  same  time,  charged  the  enemy's  cavalry,  and 
routed  them,  and  a  general  flight  of  the  British  commenced, 
and  was  continued  without  a  rally,  until  the  fugitives  reach 
ed  the  camp  of  Cornwallis.  The  loss  of  the  British  was  un 
exampled,  considering  the  numbers  engaged.  One  hundred 
were  killed,  two  hundred  wounded,  and  five  hundred  pri 
soners.  The  artillery,  standards,  eight  hundred  muskets, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  321 

and  a  hundred  horses  were  among  the  fruits  of  the  victory 
to  the  Americans.  They  lost  only  twelve  killed  and  about 
sixty  wounded.  Morgan  displayed  extraordinary  activity  and 
courage  during  the  day,  moving  about  the  field,  giving  his 
orders  and  mingling  in  the  contest,  wherever  it  was  hottest. 
Colonels  Howard  and  Washington  exhibited  admirable  skill 
and  daring,  and  the  masterly  movement  of  the  former  won  the 
battle.  As  a  military  achievement,  few  events  in  the  revo 
lutionary  war  were  more  brilliant  than  the  battle  of  the  Cow- 
pens.  In  its  results  it  was  not  less  important.  It  was  the 
turning  of  the  tide  of  fortune  in  favor  of  the  Americans, 
heretofore  driven  before  superior  force,  and  the  commence 
ment  of  that  flow  of  success,  which,  writh  few  ebbings,  soon 
swept  over  the  South,  and  drove  the  enemy,  out  of  the 
country. 

The  intelligence  of  Tarleton's  defeat  disconcerted  the 
plans  of  Cornwallis.  He  resolved  to  intercept  the  march  of 
Morgan,  and  compel  him  to  restore  his  prisoners  and  tro 
phies.  Morgan,  who  was  aware  of  the  necessity  of  a  speedy 
retreat  into  Virginia,  in  order  to  save  himself  and  secure  the 
fruits  of  his  splendid  victory,  made  all  haste  to  escane.  A 
military  race  then  commenced,  of  a  dubious  and  exciting 
character.  Morgan  and  Cornwallis  were  about  equally  dis 
tant  from  the  fords  of  the  Catawba,  in  different  directions, 
and  the  struggle  was  which  should  arrive  there  first.  The 
march  of  the  Americans  was  excessively  toilsome  and  pain 
ful.  On  the  29th,  twelve  days  after  the  battle,  Morgan 
arrived  at  the  fords,  and  had  safely  crossed  them  only  two 
hours  before  the  van  of  the  enemy  appeared  on  the  opposite 
banks.  It  was  then  too  dark  to  cross  that  night,  and  Cornwallis 
encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  river.  During  the  night  a 
heavy  fall  of  rain  raised  a  swell  in  the  river,  and  made  it 
impassable  for  two  days.  In  the  interim,  Greene,  wrho  had 
ordered  his  own  detachment  to  retire  towards  Virginia,  and 
ridden  with  but  two  or  three  attendants  a  hundred  and  forty 
miles,  joined  Morgan  on  the  31st. 

When  the  waters  of  the  Catawba  subsided,  Cornwallis 
crossed,  and  the  pursuit  recommenced.  A  slight  but  unsuc 
cessful  attempt  was  made  to  obstruct  his  passage.  Both 
armies  hurried  on  to  the  Yadkin.  Greene,  this  time,  was 
pressed  so  closely  that  Cornwallis  reached  him  before  the 
whole  of  his  army  had  been  ferried  over.  The  van  I 
of  the  British  engaged  a  portion  of  the  rear  guard  | 


322  HISTORY    OP    THE 

of  the  Americans,  and  part  of  the  baggage  of  the  retreating 
army  was  abandoned.  Agaki  Cornwall's  encamped  with 
only  a  river  between  his  army  and  Greene,  expecting  to 
overtake  and  engage  him  in  the  morning.  Another  fortunate 
rise  in  the  waters  retarded  him.  The  Yadkin  was  made  im 
passable  by  the  swell,  and  Cornwallis  was  compelled  to 
march  up  the  stream  to  cross  at  the  shallow  fords  nearer  the 
source.  He  traversed  this  circuitous  route  with  great  rapidity. 
Greene,  not  delaying  his  course,  pushed  on  to  Guilford 
Court  House,  where  he  formed  a  junction  with  the  re 
mainder  of  his  army,  that  had  retired  from  the  Pedee, 
under  the  command  of  General  Huger.  The  combined 
forces  were  still  inferior  to  the  army  of  Cornwallis,  and  the 
pursuit  was  continued.  The  Americans  retreated  as  rapidly 
as  possible  towards  Virginia,  and  so  vigorously  did  Corn 
wallis  force  his  marches,  that  a  third  timfe  he  reached  the 
banks  of  a  river  just  as  the  rear  guard  of  Greene  had  crossed 
safely  to  the  other  side.  The  Americans  marched  forty  miles 
I  on  t^ie  ^ast  ^  °^  ^s  extraorcunary  race,  and  on 
I  the  14th  of  February  were  securely  ferried  over  the 
river  Dan,  into  Virginia.  Here  they  were  within  reach  of 
reinforcements  of  Virginia  militia,  and  continentals,  under 
Steuben  and  La  Fayette.  Cornwallis  would  venture  no  fur 
ther,  but,  abandoning  the  chase,  turned  slowly  south,  and 
established  himself  at  Hillsborough.  He  there  occupied  him 
self  with  encouraging  the  tories  to  take  up  arms,  and  enrol 
themselves  under  the  royal  standard  ;  but  his  invitations  and 
proclamations  were  not  so  successful  as  he  expected.  A  con 
siderable  number  joined  him,  and  many  more  were  well 
disposed,  but  confidence  in  the  ascendency  of  the  royal 
forces  was  by  no  means  re-established.  The  successful 
retreat  of  Greene,  and  the  bold  front  he  continued  to  as 
sume  with  so  inferior  a  force,  had  a  beneficial  effect  in  pre 
venting  any  large  rising  of  the  royalists.  The  American 
general,  strengthened  by  a  body  of  Virginians,  resolved  to 
take  more  decided  measures  for  reassuring  the  republicans  and 
intimidating  the  tories,  and  on  the  22d  of  February, 
boldly  recrossed  the  Dan  with  his  whole  army, 
to  assume  the  offensive.  Tarleton,  with  a  corps  of  four  hun 
dred  and  fifty  men,  had  been  despatched  into  the  district  of 
country  between  the  Haw  and  Deep  rivers,  to  give  counte 
nance  to  the  royalists  there.  Lee,  with  his  legion,  and 
Pickens,  with  a  party  of  militia,  were  sent  to  oppose  him. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  323 

Three  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  lories  met  this  detachment, 
and,  mistaking  them  for  the  British,  welcomed  them  with 
protestations  of  loyalty,  and  cries  of  "  God  save  the  king." 
They  were  soon  undeceived  by  a  furious  attack ;  between 
t^o  and  three  hundred  of  them  were  killed,  and  the  rest 
dispersed.  Tarleton  was  within  a  mile  of  the  field  of  action ; 
and  instantly  be,gan  his  retreat  to  Hillsborough.  On  his 
march  he  fell  in  with  another  party  of  tories,  going  to  join 
the  British  army,  and  taking  them  for  republican  militia, 
cut  down  a  number  of  them  before  they  could  explain  their 
true  destination.  These  events  discouraged  the  loyalists,  and 
put  an  end  to  the  recruiting  service  of  the  British  army. 
Many  who  were  ready  to  enlist,  turned  back,  and  irresolu 
tion  and  fear  took  the  place  of  the  ardor  which  they  had  at 
first  exhibited,  and  on  the  faith  of  which  Cornwallis  had 
calculated  upon  the  speedy  conquest  of  North  Carolina. 

The  indefatigable  Greene  manoauvred  for  several  weeks 
within  a  few  miles  of  Cornwallis,  waiting  for  reinforcements, 
and  harassing  the  British  detachments,  without  venturing  to 
give  battle.  For  seven  days  he  lay  within  ten  miles  of  the 
British  camp,  and  all  Cornwallis's  skill  and  enterprise  could 
not  obtain  intelligence  of  his  movements  and  position  time 
enough  to  profit  by  it.  He  changed  his  camp  with  such 
celerity  and  secresy,  that  every  day  presented  a  new  front, 
of  which  his  adversary  was  unapprised  and  could  not  take 
advantage.  At  length,  being  strengthened  by  two  brigades 
of  North  Carolina  and  one  of  Virginia  militia,  and  about  four 
hundred  continental  regulars,  his  numbers  were  increased 
to  about  4,400,  and  he  no  longer  avoided  an  engagement. 
Cornwallis,  although  he  had  less  than  three  thousand  troops, 
confiding  in  their  courage  and  discipline,  readily  embraced 
the  opportunity,  and  the  armies  met  at  Guilford,  on  the 
morning  of  the  15th  of  March. 

The  Americans  waited  the  attack  of  the  British,  I 
drawn  up  in  three  lines,  about  a  mile  from  Guilford  | 
Court  House.   The  North  Carolina  militia  were  in  front,  the 
Virginia  militia  formed  the  second  line,  and  the  last  was 
composed  of  the  continental  regulars,  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Huger  and  Colonel  Williams.   The  flanks  were  covered 
by  the  cavalry  and  riflemen.  The  battle  commenced  at  half 
past  one.     At  the  first  fire,  the   greater  part  of  the  North 
Carolina  militia  threw  down  their  arms  and  took  to  flight. 
The  Virginia  militia  stood  their  ground   firmly,  until  out- 


324  HISTORY    OF    THE 

manoeuvred  by  the  enemy  and  charged  with  bayonets,  when 
they  gave  way.  The  whole  of  the  British  force,  infantry 
and  cavalry,  then  pressed  upon  the  continental  line,  and 
forced  them  from  the  field,  after  an  obstinate  fight,  in  which 
they  were  nearly  surrounded.  A  general  retreat  was  sound 
ed,  and  made  without  disorder.  Greene  halted  at  Reedy 
Fork,  about  three  miles  from  the  field,  and,  having  collected 
most  of  the  stragglers,  retired  to  the  iron  works,  on  Trouble 
some  Creek,  about  ten  miles  further.  The  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  about  four  hundred,  of  whom  three  hun 
dred  were  continentals.  The  numbers  were  further  dimin 
ished  by  the  dispersion  of  the  militia,  many  of  whom  returned 
to  their  homes.  Generals  Huger  and  Stevens  were  wound 
ed.  Four  pieces  of  artillery  and  ten  ammunition  wagons 
were  lost. 

The  British  loss  was  larger,  compared  with  their  numbers. 
Their  killed  and  wounded  exceeded  five  hundred,  among 
whom  were  several  valuable  officers. 

The  fruits  of  the  battle  of  Guilford  to  the  victors  on  the 
field,  were  all  the  effects  of  complete  defeat.  The  vanquish 
ed  were  ready  to  resume  the  offensive,  and  the  conquerors; 
after  issuing  a  proclamation,  announcing  their  triumph,  and 
offering  pardon  to  all  who  should  submit  to  their  clemency 
left  part  of  their  wounded  in  the  power  of  their  adversaries, 
and  retired  towards  Wilmington. 

Greene,  with  unwearied  perseverance,  followed  Corn- 
wallis  cautiously,  hanging  on  his  rear  and  harassing  his 
march.  Wilmington  had  been  occupied  by  a  British  corps, 
commanded  by  Major  Craig,  sent  from  Charleston,  in 
North  Carolina,  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing  supplies  to 
the  army.  The  militia  of  the  State  were  too  active  to  permit 
this  communication,  and  the  hilly  character  of  the  coun 
try  along  the  Cape  Fear  river,  assisted  them  materially. 
Cornwallis  was  therefore  obliged  to  retreat  to  Wilmington,  to 
avail  himself  of  the  supplies  collected  there,  and  to  refresh 
his  army.  He  reached  that  place  on  the  seventh 
of  April.  Greene  followed  him  only  to  Deep 
river,  one  of  the  upper  branches  of  the  Cape  Fear  river. 
After  halting  there  awhile,  at  Ramony's  mills,  to  give  his  ex 
hausted  troops  time  for  repose,  instead  of  pursuing  Cornwal 
lis  towards  the  coast,  he  took  the  daring  measure  of  defiling 
by  forced  marches,  to  the  right,  re-entered  South  Caro 
lina,  and  encamped  within  a  short  distance  of  Camden, 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  325 

\vhere  Lrfrd  Rawdon  was  posted,  with  about  nine  hundred 
men.     The  British  troops  in  South  Carolina  were  scattered 
in  posts  and  cantonments ;  the  bulk  of  the  army  was  absent, 
under  Cornwallis ;  and  this  movement  by  Greene,  gave  the 
Americans  the  appearance  of  being  the  invaders,  while  the 
British  march  to  Wilmington  had  the  air  of  a  retreat.     The 
patriots  were  reassured,  and  the  spirits  of  the  people  rose. 
During  the  marchings  of  both  armies  in  North  Carolina,  the 
South  Carolinian  whigs  had  not  been  inactive.     Sumpter 
and  Marion,  at  the  head  of  their  gallant  followers,  kept  the 
field,  and  made  rapid  excursions  against  the  British  posts, 
interrupting  their  convoys,  assaulting  and  harassing  their 
detachments,  and  keeping  their  outposts  in  constant  alarm. 
After  Greene's  arrival,   Lee,   with  his   active   legion,   co 
operated  essentially  in  their  partizan  expeditions.  The  force 
which    Greene    brought  with   him,  when  he   adopted  the 
measure  of  penetrating  into  South  Carolina,  was  small,  and 
the  British  were  complete  masters  of  the  State,  occupying  a 
chain  of  fortified  posts,  from  the  eastern  to  the  western  ex 
tremity  of  the  State.     Sumpter  had  been  commissioned  to 
raise  a  brigade  for  the  regular  service,  and  the  aid  of  the 
militia  was  relied  upon  for  the  campaign.     It  was  I 
on  the  20th  of  April  that  Greene  arrived  in  the  j 
neighborhood  of  Camden,  and  pitched   his  camp  at  Log7 
town,  within  a  mile  of  Lord  Rawdon.   Before  following  him 
in   his   remarkable   career  of  gallantry,  perseverance,  and 
final  victory,  we  must  trace    the  progress    of  Cornwallis 
northward.     He  had  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  Gen 
eral  Phillips  in  Virginia.     The  general  plan  of  the  British 
campaign  in  America  looked  to  a  junction  of  the  royal  forces 
in  the  South, — those  of  Cornwallis  from  the  conquest  of  the 
Carolinas,  with  the  army  from  New  York,  under  Arnold  and 
Phillips,  after  overrunning  and  subduing  Virginia.  From  the 
day  of  the   defeat  of  the  Cowpens,   difficulties  seemed  to 
grow  constantly  in  the  way  of  the  advance  of  Cornwrallis. 
The  Carolina  courage  revived,  and,  though  no  important  bat 
tle  had  been  won  by  the  republicans,  the  fortune  of  war  had 
essentially  diminished  the  confidence  of  their  enemies.    On 
retiring  to  Wilmington,  the  proper  plan  of  operations  be 
came  a  serious  subject  of  debate.     The   return   to  South 
Carolina  would  take  him  through  a  barren  country,  and 
confine  his  exertions  to  a  defeat  of  Greene,  and  the  preser 
vation    of  South  Carolina.     Besides,  the  strong  garrisons 
2E 


326  HISTORY  OF   THE 

posted  there  might  be  considered  able  to  resist  the  Ameri 
cans,  until  the  united  British  army  could  be  brought  to  sus 
tain  them.  It  was  not,  however,  by  any  means  certain, 
when  Cornwallis  made  these  calculations,  that  Greene  had 
resolved  to  confine  his  attention  to  the  recovery  of  South 
Carolina.  It  was  not  unreasonable  to  expect  that  he  would 
follow  the  royal  forces  into  Virginia,  and  endeavor  to 
co-operate  with  La  Fayette  and  Steuben.  At  all  events, 
whatever  ground  might  be  lost  in  the  Carolinas  could  not 
be  great,  and  the  recovery  would  be  easy  by  a  large  and 
victorious  army,  flushed  with  the  conquest  of  one  of  the 
most  powerful  States  of  the  Union.  The  effect  of  a  vigorous 
blow  in  such  a  quarter,  on  such  an  extensive  field,  was 
looked  to  as  highly  important  in  impressing  upon  the  Amer 
icans  a  sense  of  the  irresistible  power  of  the  British  arms, 
rousing  the  loyalists  to  united  action,  and  extinguishing  the 
hopes  of  the  republicans  by  a  complete  conquest  of  the 
South.  These  considerations  prevailed  with  the  council  of 
war  and  the  commander,  and  it  was  resolved  to  march  into 
Virginia,  and  join  General  Phillips  at  Petersburg!!.  Carolina 
was  left  to  the  fortune  of  war.  The  command  was  entrusted 
to  Lord  Rawdon,  a  young  officer  of  great  bravery  and  merit, 
the  same  who  afterwards  distinguished  himself  as  Earl  of 
Moira,  and  became  celebrated  in  India  as  Marquis  of  Hast 
ings. 

After  delaying  about  three  weeks  at  Wilmington,  making 
preparations  for  the  march,  Cornwallis  led  his  army  near  the 
coast,  northward,  with  very  little  obstruction  from  the  dis 
persed  inhabitants,  and  a  few  light  skirmishes  with  the  mi 
litia.  At  Halifax,  where  he  arrived  by  the  shortest  route, 
he  captured  some  American  stores,  with  little  loss,  and  cross 
ing  successively  the  large  and  rapid  rivers  that  flow  into  the 
Roanoke  and  Albemarle  Sound,  unopposed,  he  reached  Pe- 
I  tersburgh  in  less  than  a  month.  On  the  20th  he 
I  formed  a  junction  with  the  troops  of  Phillips,  who 
had  died  a  few  days  before.  This  army  was  subsequently 
strengthened  by  a  considerable  detachment  from  New  York, 
and  at  the  same  time  intelligence  was  received  of  the  sail 
ing  of  several  Irish  regiments  from  Cork,  for  Charleston. 
The  news  from  Lord  Rawdon,  at  that  date,  was  encouraging, 
and  the  prospects  of  Cornwallis  were,  in  every  respect,  bril 
liant.  No  force  in  Virginia  was  competent  to  resist  him. 
His  conquests  in  Carolina  were,  to  all  appearances,  secure, 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  327 

and  he  commenced  his  operations  sanguine  in  the  expecta 
tion  of  completing  his  own  glory,  and  accomplishing  the 
designs  of  his  country  by  extinguishing  the  American  re 
bellion.  The  ensuing  movements  in  a  few  months,  by  which 
these  prospects  were  reversed,  his  army  cooped  tip  in  a 
narrow  peninsula,  and  himself  and  them  made  captives  to 
an  overwhelming  force,  brought  by  active  and  skilful  ma 
noeuvres  against  him,  close  the  most  important  era  in  the 
battles  of  the  revolution.  The  great  drama  was  soon  brought 
to  a  catastrophe,  and  the  final  battle  of  liberty  fought  and 
won  against  apparently  hopeless  odds. 

On  the  arrival  of  Cornwallis  in  Virginia,  the  small  army 
to  whom  its  defence  was  intrusted,  consisted  of  but  little 
more  than  three  thousand  men,  of  whom  not  one  thousand 
were  regulars,  the  rest  were  mere  militia.  The  Marquis  La 
Fayette  commanded  them,  and,  taught  in  the  school  of 
Washington,  he  so  tempered  his  natural  genius  and  national 
ardor  of  character  with  caution  and  circumspection,  moved 
with  such  celerity  and  manoeuvred  with  such  skill,  that  he 
sustained  himself  and  his  weak  forces  with  astonishing  con 
stancy  and  success,  and  baffled  superior  numbers  and  disci 
pline,  and  veteran  experience. 

Detailed  narrative  of  these  important  operations  must  be 
preceded  by  the  equally  brilliant  and  successful  campaign 
of  Greene  in  South  Carolina. 

The  principal  British  posts  in  South  Carolina  were  con 
nected  by  forts,  garrisoned  by  small  detachments,  and  the 
communications  were  kept  up  by  strong  patroles  of  cavalry. 
When  Greene  advanced  against  Camden,  the  partizan  corps 
were  directed  to  operate  against  the  forts  and  break  up  the 
lines  of  communication.  Weakened  by  the  detachments  he 
had  sent  on  that  service,  he  was  not  able  either  to  assault  or 
invest  the  post  of  Camden.  He  therefore  encamped  at  a 
place  called  Hobkirk's  Hill,  in  the  expectation  of  alluring 
Lord  Rawdon  out  of  his  entrenchments,  or  forcing  him,  from 
the  interruption  of  his  supplies  from  below,  to  venture  a  bat 
tle.  The  British  general  was  not  averse  to  the  encounter, 
and  prudently  determined  to  bring  it  on  at  once,  before  the 
army  of  Greene  was  re-enforced.  Sumpter's  corps  had  not 
arrived,  and  Lee  and  Marion  were  engaged  in  investing 
Fort  Watson,  lower  down  on  the  Wateree,  towards  Charles 
ton.  On  the  25th  of  April,  Lord  Rawdon  advanced  I 
with  his  whole  force  to  the  attack  of  Greene's  pn 


328  HISTORY   OF   THE 

position  at  Hobkirk's  Hill.  He  hoped  to  find  the  American 
army  unprepared,  because  they  had  but  the  day  before  re 
turned  from  a  position  they  had  taken  at  Sandhill  Creek, 
to  be  in  a  more  direct  road  of  communication  with  Marion 
and  Lee.  He  found  the  Americans  prepared  for  him,  with 
numbers  somewhat  greater  than  his  own.  The  British  wrere 
about  nine  hundred,  and  the  Americans  about  twelve  hun 
dred,  of  whom  more  than  three  hundred  were  militia.  The 
attack  of  the  British  van  was  sustained  by  the  Maryland  and 
Virginia  troops  until  the  army  formed,  and  by  degrees  the 
whole  line  were  engaged  with  the  main  body  of  the  British. 
The  action  was  warmly  sustained  on  both  sides,  and  victory 
inclined  to  the  Americans  so  strongly,  that  Greene  despatch 
ed  Colonel  Washington  with  his  cavalry  to  intercept  the 
enemy's  retreat.  At  this  critical  moment  the  two  right  com 
panies,  having  lost  their  officers,  were  thrown  into  confusion, 
and  fell  back  against  orders.  The  attempt  to  rally  increased 
the  disorder ;  the  British  seized  the  opportunity  and  rushed 
forward ;  panic  seized  the  whole  regiment,  and  Greene  was 
compelled  to  order  a  general  retreat.  This  was  effected  in 
good  order.  He  carried  off  his  artillery  safely,  most  of  the 
wounded,  and  some  prisoners.  The  pursuit  of  the  enemy 
did  not  continue  far,  and  the  Americans  encamped  on  the 
next  day  at  Ridgeley's  mill,  about  five  miles  from  Camden. 
The  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  of  both  sides,  were  nearly 
equal  in  number.  The  British  had,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
battle  of  Guilford,  the  empty  honors  of  victory — their  ad 
versaries  all  the  substantial  fruits.  Rawdon  was  again  shut 
up,  with  diminished  forces,  in  Camden ;  and  Greene,  with 
the  partizan  detachments  co-operating  with  him,  watched 
the  passes  by  which  succor  and  supplies  were  expected 
I  from  Charleston.  On  the  7th  of  May,  a  re-enforce- 
I  ment  from  the  Pedee,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Watson,  reached  Lord  Rawdon,  and  he  immediately  march 
ed  out  to  compel  Greene  to  risk  another  battle.  Here  he  was 
foiled  again.  The  American  general,  confident  that  the  gar 
rison  could  not  maintain  their  position  long  without  supplies, 
on  the  advance  of  Watson  retired  from  his  camp  near  Cam 
den,  and  moved  to  the  high  hills  behind  Sawney's  Creek. 
Rawdon,  finding  his  design  impracticable,  retraced  his  steps 
to  Camden.  The  fall  of  Fort  Watson,  which  had  surrendered 
to  Lee  and  Marion  on  the  twenty -third,  and  the  breaking  of 
his  line  of  communications,  reduced  him  to  the  necessity  of 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  329 


May  10th. 


abandoning4  Caraden.  On  the  10th  of  May  he  de 
stroyed  the  works,  mills,  some  public  buildings, 
and  part  of  his  own  baggage,  evacuated  the  fort,  and  retired 
with  his  troops  beyond  the  Santee  river.  On  the  day  he 
arrived  at  Nelson's  Ferry,  the  fort  at  Motte's  surrendered  to 
Sumpter.  Besides  Motte's  and  Watson,  the  other  forts  in 
vested  by  the  Americans,  successively  fell.  Sumpter  took 
Orangeburgh  on  the  llth  of  May ;  Lee  took  Granby  on  the 
15th ;  and,  about  the  same  time,  Marion  took  Georgetown. 
The  loss  of  men  in  these  forts  did  not  exceed  eight  hundred, 
but  the  gain  to  the  Americans  was  the  recovery  of  the  coun 
try  and  the  breaking  up  of  the  British  chain.  Lord  Raw- 
don,  on  receiving  the  unwelcome  news,  retired  still  further, 
to  Eutaw  Springs.  By  this  movement  he  abandoned  the 
upper  country  to  the,  whigs,  and  concentrated  the  British 
force  below  the  Santee  river.  The  spirit  of  the  counhy 
rose,  and  animated  exertions  were  made  by  the  friends  of 
Independence,  and  with  success,  to  rouse  the  inhabitants  to 
co-operate  with  the  American  army. 

As  soon  as  Rawdon  evacuated  Camden,  Greene  broke  up 
his  camp  at  Sawney's  Creek,  and  marched  to  Fort  Granby, 
on  the  Congavee  river,  one  of  the  principal  southern  branches 
of  the  Santee.  From  that  place  he  despatched  Lee  to  join 
Pickens,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Augusta,  on  the  Savannah 
river;  and,  after  reposing  for  a  few  days,  marched  with  "his 
army  to  reduce  the  post  of  Ninety-Six.  These  were  the 
only  important  posts  left  to  the  British  of  their  line  of  de 
fence  across  the  whole  province.  On  his  way  to  join  Gen. 
Pickens,  Lee,  with  a  part  of  his  legion,  made  a  forced  march 
of  seventy-five  miles  in  three  days,  and  captured  a  quantity 
of  stores,  ammunition,  and  two  companies  of  the  garrison,  at 
Silver  Bluff,  twelve  miles  below  Augusta.  Forming  a  junc 
tion  with  the  forces  of  Pickens  on  the  same  day,  they  pro 
ceeded  to  invest  Augusta.  The  defence  was  obstinate  and 
skilful.  The  garrison  held  out  until  June,  when 
resistance  became  useless,  and  about  three  hundred 
of  them  surrendered. 

General  Greene  was  not  so  successful  in  his  own  enter 
prise.  He  commenced  the  siege  of  Ninety-Six  on  the  22d 
of  May,  and  broke  ground  to  besiege  it  in  form  on  the  25th. 
The  place  was  one  of  great  natural  strength,  fortified  with 
care,  and  garrisoned  by  five  hundred  and  sixty  men,  com 
manded  by  Colon*.!  Cruger.  Greene's  forces  exceeded  nine 

O  T?   O 
£  JU  ?6 


Jurre  5th. 


330  HISTORY   OF    THE 

hundred,  and  his  military  works  were  constructed  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  celebrated  Pole,  Kosciusko.  The 
siege  was  vigorously  pressed ;  the  works  had  been  pushed 
near  to  the  walls,  and,  reinforced  by  Lee  on  the  8th  of  June, 
the  besiegers  were  confident  of  the  speedy  surrender  of  the 
fort.  At  this  critical  period,  intelligence  was  received  that 
Lord  Rawdon  had  been  strengthened  by  the  newly  arrived 
regiments  from  Ireland,  and  was  advancing  rapidly  to  relieve 
the  post.  No  alternative  was  left  for  Greene  but  to  raise  the 
siege  at  once,  or  carry  the  fort  by  assault.  The  assault  was 
determined  on,  and  made: but  though  the  assailants 
behaved  with  great  bravery,  and  continued  the 
attack  under  a  galling  fire  against  an  equally  brave  defence 
for  a  considerable  time,  they  were  beaten  off,  and  the 
whole  army  raised  the  siege  and  retreated  before  the  ap 
proach  of  Rawdon.  In  this  unsuccessful  enterprise,  three 
weeks  were  consumed,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty-five 
men  lost,  out  of  the  diminished  American  army.  The  failure 
was  a  deep  disappointment  to  the  Americans :  the  fruits  of 
their  labors  were  torn  from  them  in  the  very  moment  of 
victory.  The  little  army  was  chased  by  Lord  Rawdon,  first 
over  the  Saluda,  and  then  beyond  the  Ennoree  river.  Find 
ing  it  impossible  to  overtake  them,  the  British  general  return 
ed,  drew  off  part  of  the  force  from  Ninety-Six,  made  prepa 
rations  to  evacuate  it  altogether,  and  established  himself  for 
the  present  on  the  Congaree.  He  gave  orders  for  Colonel 
Cruger  to  join  him  there,  and  sent  for  reinforcements  from 
Charleston. 

The  American  General  was,  however,  though  repulsed 
and  defeated,  neither  disheartened  nor  irresolute.  Some  of 
his  more  desponding  officers,  seeing  the  accumulating  force 
about  to  be  brought  against  them,  advised  a  retreat  into  Vir 
ginia.  His  answer  was  prompt, — he  "would  recover  South 
Carolina  or  perish  in  the  attempt."  He  learned  that  Colonel 
Cruger  had  been  detained  at  Ninety-Six,  and,  sending 
Pickens  to  watch  that  detachment,  he  called  in  his  light 
troops,  summoned  the  militia  under  Sumpter  and  Marion, 
and,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  British  general,  within  two 
days  of  his  arrival  on  the  banks  of  the  Congaree,  Greene 
was  before  him  with  recruited  numbers,  ready  for  battle 
again.  This  elasticity  of  mind,  and  prompt  facility  of  re 
sources,  fitted  the  American  general  peculiarly  for  the  con 
test  in  which  he  was  engaged.  If  Rawdon  concentrated  his 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  331 

forces,  the  republican  inhabitants  rose  to  aid  in  reducing  his 
posts  and  expelling  the  tories:  if  he  dispersed  them  they 
were  in  danger  of  being  cut  off  in  detail,  and  Greene  always 
seemed  to  increase  in  audacity  and  determination  after  defeat. 
The  British  general,  though  flushed  with  a  recent  victory, 
declined  the  action  which  was  offered  him,  and  shortly  after 
returned  to  Orangeburgh.  The  union  of  the  British  forces 
there  made  them  too  strong  to  be  assailed,  and  the  main 
body  of  the  American  army  retired  to  the  heights  beyond 
the  Santee.  The  policy  adopted  here,  was  the  same  that 
had  proved  so  successful  at  Camden.  Partizan  expeditions, 
under  active  officers,  were  sent  out  continually  to  interrupt 
the  communications  between  Orangeburgh  and  Charleston. 
Sumpter  and  Marion,  and  Lee's  legion,  did  excellent  service, 
captured  convoys,  broke  up  posts,  made  prisoners,  and  harass 
ed  detachments  with  which  they  were  not  strong  enough 
to  engage. 

Lord  Rawdon  soon  after  returned  to  England,  and  was 
succeeded  in  the  military  command  of  the  province  by 
Colonel  Stuart.  Before  his  departure,  however,  he  stainea 
his  otherwise  gallant  reputation  with  an  act  of  lawless  se 
verity  and  unrelenting  cruelty,  in  the  execution,  without 
trial,  as  a  traitor,  of  a  distinguished  American  officer  and 
gentleman.  On  the  capture  of  Charleston  by  Cornwallis, 
Colonel  Isaac  Hayne  was  among  those  who  tendered  his 
parole,  and  was  offered  the  alternative  of  going  to  prison,  or 
becoming  a  British  subject.  His  family  were  ill  with  the 
small-pox,  and  needed  his  tenderest  attentions.  He  accord 
ingly  made  the  requisite  declaration  of  allegiance,  stipulating 
with  the  British  general,  and  receiving  the  assurance  that 
he  should  not  be  called  upon  to  bear  arms  in  the  royal  ser 
vice,  and  returned  to  his  plantation.  In  breach  of  this  stipu 
lation  he  was  repeatedly  summoned  to  bear  arms,  and  con 
stantly  refused.  When  the  British  were  driven  from  the 
country  between  the  Edisto  and  Stono  Ferry,  where  his 
residence  was,  he  considered  the  inability  to  protect  as  a 
discharge  of  the  obligation  to  obey,  and  repaired  to  the 
American  camp.  He  was  chosen  colonel  of  a  regiment,  and 
in  an  action  with  the  British,  was  taken  prisoner.  Without 
the  formality  of  a  trial,  he  was  summarily  ordered  to  execu 
tion,  on  the  mere  report  of  a  court  of  inquiry.  The  petitions 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Charleston,  in  mass,  for  his  life, — the 
prayers  of  children,  the  remonstrances  of  many  loyalists, 


332  HISTORY.  OF    THE 

were  in  vain.  The  ruthless  order  was  carried  into  effect. 
Colonel  Hayne  was  hanged  on  the  4th  of  August,"  display 
ing,  in  his  last  moments,  the  serenity  and  fortitude  of  a  mar 
tyred  patriot. 

The  odium  of  this  execution  fell  upon  the  whole  British 
interest.  Tories — and  few  States  had  a  greater  proportion 
than  South  Carolina — could  not  defend  it,  and  it  infuriated  the 
whigs.  Greene,  from  his  camp  on  the  Santee  hills,  issued 
an  indignant  proclamation,  threatening  vengeance  and  re 
taliation,  and  the  excited  feeling  stimulated  the  army  to 
active  efforts.  Making  a  circuitous  march  of  seventy  miles. 
to  cross  the  Wateree  and  Congaree  rivers,  the  Americans, 
strengthened  by  Pickens,  Henderson,  and  Marion,  with  their 
divisions,  marched  down  the  south  side  of  the  Congaree,  to 
wards  the  enemy.  The  British  retired  as  Greene  approach 
ed,  and  took  up  a  position  at  Eutaw  Springs,  forty  miles 
below,  and  about  sixty  miles  north  of  Charleston.  Here 
they  made  a  stand,  and  the  battle  of  Eutaw,  by  which  the 
war  in  South  Carolina  was  closed,  was  fought  on  the  8th  of 
September.. 

The  American  army,  two  thousand  strong,  advanced 
early  in  the  morning  of  that  day,  to  attack  the 

Sept.  8th.       r»  .y  i.  •        •     .  °  mi  i   •  v 

British  m  their  camp.  They  moved  in  two  lines — 
the  first  composed  of  the  North  and  South  Carolina  militia, 
commanded  by  Marion  and  Pickens,  and  the  second,  of  the 
regulars,  commanded  by  General  Sumner  and  Colonels 
Campbell  and  Williams.  Lee,  with  his  legion  and  the 
South  Carolina  State  troops,  covered  the  flanks,  and  Wash 
ington,  with  his  cavalry,  was  a  corps  of  reserve.  The  enemy 
received  therrj.  in  two  lines,  drawn  up  obliquely  across  the 
road,  on  the  heights,  and  well  defended  by  artillery.  The 
Americans  continued  to  fire  and  advance  with  intrepidity, 
against  the  discharge  of  the  artillery,  until  the  contending 
ranks  met,  almost  hand  to  hand.  Both  sides  fought  firmly 
and  resolutely.  The  order  given  by  Williams  and  Campbell 
to  the  American  regulars  to  charge  with  trailed  arms,  was 
promptly  obeyed,  and  the  attack  bore  down  all  before  them. 
Lee,  with  his  cavalry,  turned  the  left  flank,  and  Washington 
fell  fiercely  upon  the  right.  The  British  line  was  broken 
and  the  new  troops  among  them  fled  precipitately.  The 
veteran  corps  received  the  assailants  firmly,  and  an  obstinate 
and  most  bloody  struggle  was  maintained  for  some  time, 
hand  to  hand,  till,  overpowered,  the  whole  British  force  was 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  333 

driven  off  the  field.  The  Americans  pursued  hotly,  and 
took  five  hundred  prisoners.  The  battle  appeared  com 
pletely  won,  when  the  English  regulars  took  post  in  a  large 
brick  house,  and  a  picketted  garden.  Some  of  them  rallied 
in  some  thick  shrubbery.  In  these  advantageous  positions 
they  made  a  resolute  defence,  and  all  efforts  to  dislodge 
them,  even  with  the  aid  of  six  pieces  of  artillery,  were  in 
vain.  The  cavalry  were  repulsed  at  all  points  in  their  at 
tempts  to  penetrate  the  garden  and  the  wood,  and  Colonel 
Washington  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  The  fire  from 
the  house  produced  a  dreadful  carnage.  The  rest  of  the 
•English  had  time  to  rally  and  advance,  upon  which  General 
Greene,  unwilling  to  repeat  the  desperate  attack  upon  the 
posts  thus  firmly  defended,  drew  off  his  army,  and  retired 
to  the  ground  he  had  occupied  in  the  morning.  He  carried 
with  him  his  wounded  and  the  prisoners.  The  British  re 
mained  on  the  field,  but,  on  the  next  evening,  withdrew  to 
Monk's  Corner. 

This  battle  was  one  of  the  most  sanguinary  fought  during 
the  Revolutionary  war,  considering  the  numbers  engaged. 
On  both  sides,  the  most  resolute  valor  was  displayed.  The 
ranks  were  for  some  time  mingled  together,  and  the  officers 
fought  hand  to  hand.  The  American  loss  was  five  hundred 
and  fourteen  killed,  wounded,  and  missing ;  the  British  re 
ported  theirs  at  six  hundred  and  ninety-three.  General 
Greene  estimated  it  much  higher.  Colonel  Stuart,  in  re 
treating,  left  a  thousand  stand  of  arms  upon  the  field. 

The  battle  of  Eutaw  Springs  closed  the  Revolutionary  war 
in  South  Carolina.  The  British,  after  delaying  awhile,  re 
tired  to  Charleston,  abandoning  the  state  to  the  mastery  of 
the  republicans,  without  further  effort,  except  a  few  ravaging 
and  plundering  expeditions,  which  only  injured  individual 
property.  Greene  established  posts  to  keep  the  enemy  in 
check,  and  thenceforth  the  power  of  Great  Britain  was  not 
acknowledged  beyond  Charleston  Neck.  Congress  passed 
the  highest  encomiums  upon  the  general  and  army  who  had 
won  the  battle  of  Eutaw,  and,  as  a  most  fitting  token  of 
the  estimate  they  placed  on  the  genius  and  services  of 
Greene,  presented  him,  in  the  name  of  the  nation,  with  one 
of  the  captured  standards,  and  a  gold  medal  struck  in  honor 
of  the  victory. 

The  conduct  and  issue  of  the  campaign,  of  which  that 
victory  was  the  consummation,  are  justly  esteemed  among 


334  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  most  brilliant  in  the  military  history  of  the  war.  The 
American  general  entered  the  State  with  a  beaten,  dispirit 
ed,  and  almost  destitute  army,  and  he  found  the  country  in 
the  possession  of  a  superior  force,  entrenched  in  a  strong 
chain  of  well  garrisoned  and  fortified  posts.  He  broke 
through  them, — captured  them  in  detail,  drove  the  detach 
ments,  one  by  one,  before  him,  and,  though  several  times 
foiled  and  repulsed  in  the  field,  found  such  resources  in  the 
energy  of  his  character  and  the  fertility  of  his  genius,  that 
he  was  always  formidable  when  defeated,  and  persevered  till 
he  closed  the  campaign,  by  cooping  up  the  enemy  in  a 
single  city,  and  restoring  three  States  to  the  American 
Union.  Savannah  and  Charleston  were  the  only  foothold 
left  to  the  British,  who  had,  in  April,  been  masters  of 
Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  and  held  North  Carolina  at 
their  mercy.  Well  did  Nathaniel  Greene,  the  Rhode  Island 
blacksmith,  merit  the  title  which  he  received  of  the  Liberator 
of  the  South. 

Virginia,  in  the  mean  time,  was  the  theatre  of  important 
operations,  all  tending  to  the  final  issue  of  the  war.  Corn- 
wallis,  on  his  junction  with  the  army  of  Phillips  at  Peters 
burg,  on  the  20th  of  May,  subsequently  strengthened  from 
New  York,  commenced  offensive  Operations  to  subdue  Vir 
ginia.  La  Fayette,  with  his  little  army,  was  posted  beyond 
the  James  river.  Baron  Steuben  had  not  been  able  to  join 
him,  and  the  reinforcements,  under '-Way  ne,  composed  of 
the  Pennsylvania  militia,  were  not  arrived.  As  Cornwallis 
advanced,  La  Fayette  could  do  no  more  than  watch  him  at 
a  careful  distance.  Neither  the  celerity  of  movements,  nor 
the  military  artifices  of  the  British  general,  could  draw  the 
wary  Frenchman  into  a  battle  with  such  odds.  By  a  series 
of  masterly  ma%euvres,  he  disappointed  all  the  efforts  of 
Cornwallis  to  intercept  him,  and  formed  a  junction  with 
General  Wayne  at  Raccoon  Ford.  In  the  interim,  two  de 
tachments  were  sent  out  by  the  enemy  against  important 
places  in  possession  of  the  Americans, — one  under  Colonel 
Simcoe,  to  seize  a  quantity  of  stores,  which  were  at  Point 
of  Fork,  at  the  confluence  of  Rivanna  and  Flavanna  rivers, 
guarded  by  Baron  Steuben,  with  four  to  five  hundred  new 
levies. — and  the  other  under  Tarleton,  to  Charlotteville,  to 
capture  the  governor  and  legislature  of  the  State.  Both 
succeeded  in  part.  Steuben  carried  off  his  men  and  part  of 
his  stores  in  safety,  the  rest  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  335 

Tarleton  reached  Charlotte ville  with  such  despatch,  that 
Governor  Jefferson  escaped  with  some  difficulty.  Several 
members  of  the  House  of  Delegates  were  made  prisoners, 
and  stores  to  a  considerable  amount  were  destroyed.  In 
these  expeditions,  all  the  stores  and  tobacco  on  the  route 
were  also  destroyed ;  the  granaries  of  private  individuals 
were  included  in  the  general  devastation,  and  immense 
quantities  of  private  property  laid  waste. 

The  American  stores  deposited  at  Richmond  had  been  re 
moved  for  safety  to  Albemarle  Court  House.  By  the  delays 
incident  to  the  junction  of  La  Fayette  with  Wayne,  Corn- 
Avallis  had  been  enabled  to  get  nearer  to  this  depot  than  the 
American  army.  Both  armies  were  anxious  to  push  towards 
this  point,  and  Cornwallis  was  sanguine  in  the  belief  that  he 
should  be  able  to  intercept  La  Fayette,  on  the  road  by  which 
the  latter  must  march  to  reach  Albemarle.  He  accordingly 
held  back  the  detachments  designed  for  the  expedition,  and 
waited  for  the  Americans  at  Jefferson's  plantation.  La 
Fayette  had  the  address  to  escape  the  toils.  In  the  night  he 
caused  an  old  road,  that  had  fallen  into  disuse,  to  be  opened 
and  cleared,  and,  on  the  next  day,  June  the  18th,  to  the 
mortification  of  Cornwallis,  the  Americans  were  strongly 
interposed  between  him  and  the  Court  House.  Unable  to- 
advance,  he  fell  back  upon  Richmond.  La  Fayette  followed 
him  guardedly,  and,  having  been  reinforced  by  Baron  Steu- 
ben  and  his  levies,  Colonel  Clarke,  with  his  riflemen,  and 
the  militia  of  the  neighborhood,  he  made  a  show  of  in 
clination  to  give  battle.  Cornwallis  took  no  advantage  of  the 
offer,  but,  after  delaying  a  few  days  at  Richmond,  retired 
again  towards  the  coast  with  his  whole  army,  continuing, 
as  he  went,  to  destroy  indiscriminately  public  and  private 
property.  More  than  two  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco 
alone  were  burnt  in  this  march.  He  entered  Williamsburg 
on  the  25th  June.  There  he  remained  until  the  4th  July ;  on 
that  day,  having  received  orders  to  take  a  position  by  which 
he  could  reinforce  the  Commander-in-chief  at  New  York, 
then  apprehending  an  attack  upon  that  city  by  the  combined 
forces  of  Washington  and  Rochambeau,  he  broke  up  his 
camp  at  Williamsburg  and  retired  towards  Portsmouth. 
Nothing  but  light  skirmishings  between  the  armies  occurred 
at  Williamsburg.  On  the  march  to  Portsmouth,  a  smart  ac 
tion  took  place  at  the  James  river.  La  Fayette  thought  the 
main  body  of  the  enemy  had  crossed  the  river,  and  ad- 


336  HISTORY   OF    THE 

vanced  to  attack  the  rearguard.  He  unexpectedly  found 
8th  himself  engaged-  with  the  main  body,  and  was 
obliged  to  draw  off  his  men  from  the  unequal  con 
test  with  some  loss.  The  river  was  crossed  safely  on  the  9th, 
but,  on  examination,  Portsmouth  was  pronounced  not  to  be 
a  proper  station  for  the  joint  force,  and,  by  the  advice  of 
engineers,  Yorktown  and  Gloucester  Point  were  selected  as 
the  best  positions.  After  destroying  the  works  at  Portsmouth 
Au  <>3d  I  ^e  w^°^e  British  army  moved  to  those  stations,  on 
I  the  23d  of  August,  and  Cornwallis  applied  himself 
to  fortify  them  in  the  strongest  manner.  His  immediate  haste 
to  reach  the  coast  had  been  caused  by  an  order  from  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  to  send  three  thousand  of  his  troops  to  New  York, — 
an  order  which  was  countermanded  on  his  arrival  there,  an 
equal  number  of  German  troops  having  arrived  in  the  mean 
time  from  Europe,  to  strengthen  the  army  of  Clinton.  The 
army  of  Cornwallis,  on  entering  Yorktown,  consisted  of  from 
eight  tornine  thousand,  principally  veteran  troops. 

On  intelligence  of  this  disposition  of  the  British  force,  La 
Fayette  took  post  in  the  county  of  New  Kent. 

The  adverse  armies,  so  unequal  in  number  and  equip 
ments,  remained  in  this  position  for  some  weeks.  In  that 
interval  military  combinations  were  brought  to  bear  together, 
by  which  the  scale  was  made  to  predominate  on  the  other 
side.  Skill  and  fortune  happily  timed  the  arrival  of  the 
French  fleet  from  the  West  Indies,  the  junction  with  it  of 
the  French  fleet  from  Newport,  and  the  successful  issue  of 
the  manoeuvres  of  Washington  to  deceive  Clinton  and  pre 
vent  him  from  succoring  Cornwallis,  or  obstructing  the  march 
of  the  American  army  from  the  Hudson  to  Virginia,  so  as 
to  concentrate  resistless  armaments  by  sea  and  land  at  this 
point,  and  surround  and  capture  this  powerful  and  flourishing 
army. 

These  combinations  were  directed  by  the  genius  of  Wash 
ington.  The  campaign  in  the  North  had  originally  been 
aimed  at  New  York.  All  the  military  operations  of  Wash 
ington  and  Rochambeau  tended  to  that  point.  The  posses 
sion  of  the  city  was  a  great  prize,  for  ^rhich  the  American 
general  was  willing  to  risk  much.  The  despatches  brought 
from  France  by  the  Count  de  Barras,  who  had  been  ap 
pointed  to  succeed  De  Ternay  as  admiral,  gave  intelligence 
of  the  sailing  of  the  Count  de  Grasse,  with  a  large  French 
squadron,  destined,  after  performing  a  certain  service  in  the 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  337 

West  Indies,  to  proceed  to  America  to  co-operate  with 
Washington.  This  determined  the  plan  of  operations.  De 
Grasse  was  expected  in  the  month  of  August.  The  allied 
generals,  in  a  conference  held  at  Wethersfield,  agreed  to  lay 
siege  to  New  York,  in  concert  with  the  expected  fleet.  A 
junction  was  accordingly  formed  early  in  the  month  of  July, 
between  the  troops  of  Washington,  and  the  French  troops 
from  Newport.  The  Americans  marched  down  from  their 
encampment  at  Peekskill,  and  united  with  the  French  un 
der  Rochambeau,  at  Dobbs'  Ferry.  The  Commander-in-chief 
proceeded  to  prepare  for  active  operations,  which  he  hoped 
to  commence  by  the  middle  of  July,  or  the  first  of  August. 
But  the  tardiness  of  the  recruiting  service  again  arrested  his 
movements,  and  other  obstacles  intervened.  The  garrison 
of  Clinton,  reinforced  by  the  late  arrivals  from  Europe, 
counted  ten  thousand  men,  while  the  Americans  did  not 
exceed  five  thousand  regulars,  with  about  an  equal  number 
of  militia,  upon  whom  little  reliance  could  be  placed  in  a 
siege.  The  French  troops  and  fleet  made  the  numbers 
up  to  a  very  respectable  force,  but  by  no  means  such  as 
could  make  the  event  certain.  The  chief  reliance  was 
on  the  assistance  of  Count  de  Grasse,  and  his  immense 
armament,  consisting  of  twenty-five  ships  of  the  line,  and 
three  thousand  soldiers.  About  the  middle  of  August  intel 
ligence  was  received  that  De  Grasse  had  sailed  from  the 
West  Indies,  and  that  his  destination  was  the  Chesapeake. 
An  entire  change  of  plan  was  the  result,  and  the  whole  skill 
and  energy  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were  exercised  in 
directing  the  movements  of  the  several  distinct  and  dif 
ferent  armaments,  so  as  to  concentrate  them  at  once  against 
Yorktown,  where  Cornwallis  was  encamped ;  and  at  the 
same  time  so  to  mask  his  designs  as  to  prevent  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  from  uniting  his  forces  with  those  of  Cornwallis. 
His  plans  were  wisely  taken  and  ably  executed.  Circum 
stances  beyond  the  control  of  any  calculations  favored  the 
enterprise,  and  distant  bodies  of  men  and  squadrons,  sepa 
rated  thousands  of  miles,  moved  with  the  precision  of  a 
chessboard. 

The  show  of  making  an  attack  upon  New  York  was  still 
kept  up  by  labored  demonstrations  in  various  quarters.  Re 
ports  of  the  expected  arrival  of  De  Grasse  to  besiege  the 
city  were  industriously  spread.  Letters  confirming  this 
were  written  to  be  intercepted.  The  British  works  were 


338  HISTORY    OF   THE 

reconnoitred  constantly,  and  plans  taken  even  under  the 
fire  of  batteries  by  the  American  engineers.  Some  of  the 
French  troops  were  advanced  to  the  opposite  side  of  Staten 
•Island,  as  though  to  communicate  with  and  aid  the  besieging 
ships.  Batteries  were  established,  and  other  preparations  of  a 
permanent  kind  made,  so  as  to  impress  Clinton  with  the  con 
viction  that  a  joint  and  general  attack  was  to  be  made  upon 
-the  city.  Having  thus  completely  baffled  the  sagacity  of  the 
British  commander-in-chief,  Washington  waited  anxiously 
for  the  time  at  which  he  computed  De  Grasse  would  reach 
the  Chesapeake.  He  then  left  his  camp,  and  turning  sud 
denly  South,  crossed  the  Croton  and  the  Hudson, 

Aug.  19,th.  111  •  n       i  i     XT          T  i 

and  pushed  on  rapidly  through  New  Jersey,  when 
he  paused  for  further  intelligence  of  the  fleet.  The  report 
had  been  carefully  encouraged  that  this  movement  was  but  a 
feint  to  draw  the  British  into  the  open  field,  and,  still  de 
ceived,  Clinton  lost  the  opportunity  of  arresting  or  molesting 
the  progress  of  the  allied  army.  Washington,  receiving  in 
telligence  of  the  near  approach  of  De  Grasse,  no  longer 
hesitated,  but  crossing  the  Delaware  pushed  on  with  rapidity 
through  Pennsylvania,  and  reached  the  Elk  river,  at 
the  head  of  the  Chesapeake,  on  the  25th  of  August. 
As  soon  as  the  bewildered  English  general  was  persuaded  of 
the  real  purpose  of  this  march,  instead  of  promptly  rein 
forcing  Cornwallis,  he  thought  to  recall  the  Americans,  or 
profit  by  their  absence,  by  striking  a  blow  at  the  defenceless 
coast  of  Connecticut.  Arnold  was  placed  at  the  head  of  this 
marauding  detachment,  a  fit  instrument  for  such  deeds  of 
violence  and  rapine.  When  Cornwallis  took  command  of 
the  combined  troops  at  Petersburg,  in  May,  Arnold  had 
obtained  leave  to  return  to  New  York,  and  now  seized  the 
opportunity  of  heading  a  plundering  expedition  into  his  na 
tive  state.  New  London  was  the  point  aimed  at.  It  was  taken, 
sacked,  and  pillaged.  The  defences  consisted  of  a  fort  on 
the  Groton  side,  garrisoned  by  Lieutenant-colonel  Ledyard, 
and  one  hundred  and  sixty  men.  The  party  which  assaulted 
this  fort  was  commanded  by  an  officer  named  Eyre.  The  gar 
rison  was  overpowered  after  an  obstinate  resistance,  in  which 
Eyre  and  his  second  in  command  were  killed.  Ledyard 
finally  surrendered  his  sword  to  Major  Bromfield,  who  in 
stantly  plunged  it  in  the  heart  of  the  prisoner,  and  the 
bloody  example  was  followed  so  mercilessly,  that  nearly 
every  man  of  the  garrison  was  butchered.  The  Groton 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  339 

Massacre  is  another  horrible  stain  on  the  British  arms,  and 
was  fitly  perpetrated  under  the  lead  of  Arnold.  He  ravaged 
and  laid  waste  the  town  in  the  spirit  of  a  fiend,  and  return 
ed  to  New  York,  loaded  with  curses  and  imprecations  from 
a  plundered  and  outraged  community  of  his  own  early  rela 
tions  and  friends. 

This  barbarous  inroad  did  not  serve  the  purpose  of  Clin 
ton  in  checking  the  southern  advance  of  Washington,  or 
prevailing  on  him  to  weaken  his  troops  by  detaching  any 
part  of  them  to  the  defence  of  Connecticut.  Without  delay 
the  allied  armies  pushed  forward  to  Virginia,  cheer-  |  A^  2gth 
ed  by  the  intelligence  that  the  Count  de  Grass  had  | 
entered  the  Chesapeake  with  his  squadron  ;  and  blocking  up 
the  mouth  of  the  bay  and  the  York  and  James  rivers,  had 
effectually  cut  off  all  communication  with  New  York.  Three 
thousand  French  troops,  commanded  by  the  Marquis  de  St. 
Simon,  were  landed  from  the  fleet,  and  joined  La  Fayette 
in  his  camp,  then  at  Williamsburg.  By  this  reinforcement 
the  danger  of  a  sudden  attack  upon  him  by  the  superior 
force  of  Cornwallis,  was  happily  removed.  The  American 
Commander-in-chief,  with  the  French  general  Rochambeau, 
having  provided  for  the  transportation  of  the  army  down  the 
Chesapeake,  pushed  on  in  person,  and  reached  I 
Williamsburg  on  the  fourteenth  of  September,  j 
The  plan  of  operation  was  immediately  settled  at  an  inter 
view  on  board  the  French  flag  ship,  the  Ville  de  Paris. 
The  whole  body  of  French  and  American  troops  I 
united  at  Williamsburg  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  Sep-  | 
tember,  where  they  were  joined  by  a  detachment  of  Vir 
ginia  militia,  commanded  by  Governor  Nelson.  A  few  days 
of  repose  were  allowed,  when  the  siege  ofYorktown  was  com 
menced. 

The  other  branches  of  the  American  plan  of  action,  suc 
ceeded  not  less  perfectly,  and  with  equal  fortune.  The 
French  fleet  at  Newport  had  been  also  ordered  to  rendez 
vous  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  join  that  of  De 
Grasse.  Count  de  Barras  accordingly  sailed  with  five  ships 
of  the  line,  and  numerous  transports,  laden  with  arms,  am 
munition,  and  implements  for  the  siege,  in  which  the  army 
before  Yorktown  was  deficient.  But  danger  was  in  the  way 
of  Barras.  Admiral  Graves,  with  a  much  superior  British 
force,  was  at  New  York,  and  Admiral  Rodney,  informed  of 
the  movements  of  De  Grasse,  but  not  believing  that  the 


340  HISTORY    OF    THE 

whole  French  fleet  would  accompany  him,  had  sent  Sir 
Samuel  Hood,  with  fourteen  line  of  battle  ships,  to  the 
American  coast.  Hood  arrived  at  the  Capes  of  Virginia  be 
fore  de  Grasse,  and  finding  no  enemy  there,  pursued  his 
way  to  New  York,  and  joined  Admiral  Graves,  who,  as 
senior  officer,  took  command,  and  sailed  to  intercept  de 
Barras,  and  engage  de  Grasse.  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  Sep- 
ge  t  24  I  tember  he  came  in  sight  of  the  French  squadron, 
]  at  anchor  in  the  Chesapeake,  and  though  inferior 
in  the  number  of  ships,  offered  them  battle.  The  French 
admiral  slipped  his  cables  and  stood  out  to  sea.  His  policy 
was  to  employ  the  British  fleet,  in  manoeuvring  for  battle, 
without  coming  to  a  decisive  action,  until  the  convoy  of  De 
Barras  could  safely  enter.  The  scheme  succeeded.  A  par 
tial  battle  took  place,  and,  for  four  or  five  days,  the  two 
fleets  were  in  sight  of  each  other;  the  French  gradually 
withdrawing  from  the  coast,  but  avoiding  a  general  engage 
ment.  Meanwhile,  De  Barras,  who  had  stood  far  off  to  sea, 
and  made  a  wide  circuit  to  avoid  the  British  fleet,  passed 
safely  into  the  bay,  and  De  Grasse,  having  achieved  his  object, 
knowing  that  delay  was  fatal  to  the  British,  and,  acting  upon 
the  plan  of  caution  urged  upon  him  by  Washington,  returned 
to  the  Chesapeake  and  re-anchored  in  his  former  position. 
Admiral  Graves  found  the  French  fleet  too  strong  to  be  at 
tacked,  and,  his  own  damaged  in  the  action;  he  accordingly 
returned  to  New  York,  leaving  Cornwallis  to  his  fate.  The 
transports  thus  fortunately  brought  into  the  Chesapeake, 
were  employed  in  bringing  down  the  army  of  Washington 
from  the  Elk,  and  the  artillery  and  tools  which  they  brought 
were  all  important  in  the  prosecution  of  the  siege. 

The  grand  combination  of  fleets  and  armies  in  the  Chesa 
peake  was  thus  complete.  The  joint  land  forces  amounted 
to  about  seventeen  thousand  men,  of  whom  thirteen  thousand 
were  regulars.  The  fleet  was  composed  of  twenty-nine  sail 
of  line  of  battle  ships.  There  was  no  hope  of  escape  for 
Cornwallis  but  in  speedy  succor  from  New  York,  and  he 
pressed  for  it  urgently,  at  the  same  time  that  he  prepared  to 
hold  out  as  long  as  possible.  He  had  chosen  his  position  on 
the  south  side  of  York  river,  and  strongly  fortified  it,  as  well 
as  Gloucester  Point,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  Arm 
ed  ships  on  the  river,  and  batteries  on  the  shore,  defended 
the  communications  between  their  posts.  The  works  at 
Yorktown,  consisting  of  a  range  redoubts  and  field-works, 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  341 

were  guarded  by  the  main  body  of  the  army.  Tarleton  with 
about  six  hundred  men  occupied  Gloucester. 

Every  preparation  being  made,  the  allied  armies  | 
moved  down  on  the  28th  of  September  to  invest  | 
Yorktown.     They  drove  in  the  British  piquets  and  patroles, 
and  encamped  on  the  grounds  assigned  to  them.     On  the 
north  side  of  the  river,  the  investiture  of  Gloucester  Point 
was  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  French  General  Choi- 
sie,  with  the  French  legion,  under  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  and 
General  Weedon's  brigade  of  militia. 

On  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  Cornwallis  committed 
what  by  military  men  has  been  considered  the  capital  error, 
of  withdrawing  his   men  from   the   outposts,   and  retiring 
within  the  fortifications  of  the  town.     His  reasons  for  this 
act  met  with  opposition  among  his  own  officers,  and  cer 
tainly  were, based  upon  a  too  sanguine  reliance  on  the  pro 
mises  of  Clinton.     On  the  29th,  intelligence  was  brought 
him,  that  the  fleet  at  New  York  had  been  strengthened  by 
the  arrival  of  Admiral  Digby  from  England,  with  several 
ships  of  the  line,  and  also  by  a  ship  and  frigates  from  Rod 
ney,  in  the  West  Indies.     He  was  assured  that  a  squadron 
of  twenty-three  .ships  of  the  line,  with  five  thousand  men, 
would  sail  to  his  relief  from  New  York,  by  the  fifth  of  Oc 
tober.    These  assurances  prevailed  upon  him  to  husband  his 
own  strength  by  not  attempting  to  defend  his  outworks  in 
detail.  He  thus  narrowed  the  space  of  action  for  his  troops, 
and  limited  most  materially  the  time  upon  which  he  might 
calculate  to  protract  the  siege.     He  put  his  fate  upon  the 
literal  compliance  of  Clinton  with  these  assurances  within 
the  period  assigned.    On  his  withdrawal  the  allies  I 
advanced,  and  occupied  the  ground  he  had  aban-  | 
doned.     No  attempt  was  made,  as  the  British  general  had 
desired,  to  carry  the  place  by  assault.     A  fortunate  defence 
might  have  saved  him.     The  allies  were  resolved  to  risk 
nothing ;  the  great  prize  was  secure  within  their  hands,  and 
they  wisely  abstained  from  trusting  any  thing  to  the  chance 
of  battle,  their  enemy's  only  hope.     They  proceeded  with 
their  works  in  regular  form.     Their  artillery  and  I 
stores  were  brought  up,  and  on  the  night  of  the  j 
sixth  of  October  they  broke  ground,  within  a  few  hundred 
yards  of  the  British  lines,  without  serious  obstruction.    The 
besieged  labored  hard  to  strengthen  their  own  works,  and 
their    artillery  was    actively   plied.      The    batteries   were 
2F2 


342  HISTORY  OF  THE 

opened  from  the  lines  of  the  besiegers  on  the  ninth 
and  tenth  of  October,  and  kept  up  a  brisk  and  con 
tinued  fire  upon  the  town.    Some  of  their  shells  passed  into 
the  harbour,  and  a  frigate  of  44  guns  and  a  transport  ship 
were  burnt. 

On  the  tenth,  tidings  were  received  from  Clinton,  which 
redoubled  the  anxieties  of  Cornwallis.  The  sailing  of  the 
promised  succors  had  been  unavoidably  postponed  to  the 
12th.  Doubts  were  intimated,  whether  from  unforseen  casual 
ties,  they  might  not  be  even  later  in  setting  out.  Clinton 
inquired  further  whether  the  besieged  could  not  hold  out  till 
the  middle  "of  November,  in  which  case  he  would  make  a 
diversion  in  their  favour  by  land,  and  march  to  Philadelphia. 
This  disheartening  message  destroyed  the  hopes  of  the 
beleagured  army.  Some  of  Cornwallis's  officers  renewed 
the  advice  given  at  the  commencement  of  the  siege,  that  he 
should  cross  to  Gloucester  Point;  and,  keeping  a  check 
against  pursuit  by  a  strong  rear  guard,  force  his  way  to 
Philadelphia.  This  was  a  desperate  proposal,  and  was  de 
clined.  Cornwallis  retained  a  feeble  lingering  expectation 
that  his  commander  at  New  York  would  still  be  able  to  send 
him  succors,  ana  resolved  to  defend  himself  to  the  last. 

The  allied  forces  continued  to  advance  their  works  with 
indefatigable  industry.  In  carrying  on  their  second  parallel, 
it  became  necessary  to  reduce  two  of  the  redoubts,  advanced 
on  the  left  of  the  British,  which  annoyed  the  working  parties. 
To  excite  a  national  emulation,  the  attack  of  one  was  en 
trusted  to  an  American  detachment,  commanded 
by  La  Fayette,  and  of  the  other  to  a  French  de 
tachment,  commanded  by  the  Baron  de  Viomenel.  Both  of 
the  redoubts  were  gallantly  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayo 
net  ;  and  immediately  included  within  the  American  parallel. 
No  effort  was  made  to  retake  them. 

The  British  general  perceived  that  the  completion  of  this 

parallel  would  make  instant  destruction  to  his  remaining 

works,  inevitable.     To  retard  it,  he  projected  a  sortie  in  the 

evening  of  the  15th.    A  detachment,  commanded  by  Colonel 

I  Abercrombie,  penetrated  into  the  American  lines, 

j  captured  two  redoubts,  and  spiked  a  number  of 

cannon.  They  were  repulsed  and  driven  in  by  the  Viscount 

de  Noailles,  and  the  cannon  restored  to  service.     The  next 

day  the  batteries  were  finished   and  mounted.     Nearly  a 

hundred  pieces  of  heavy  ordnance  were  brought  to  bear  on 


Oct.  17th. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  343 

the  British  works  with  such  effect,  that  the  walls  were  shat 
tered,  the  ditches  filled  with  the  ruins,  the  fortifica 
tions  dismounted,  and  the  whole  town  made  so 
utterly  defenceless  as  not  to  be  able  to  show  a  gun  in  defence. 
This  incessant  and  terrible  cannonading  left  Cornwal|is  no 
alternative  but  immediate  submission  or  escape.  Hopeless 
as  was  the  latter  effort,  he  determined  to  risk  it ;  and  on 
the  night  of  the  16th,  commenced  crossing  to  Gloucester 
Point,  with  the  design  of  pushing  at  once  against  General 
Choisie,  siezing  his  stores  and  horses,  and  while  the  body 
of  the  American  army  was  detained  south  of  the  river  by 
the  want  of  boats  to  cross,  pressing  into  the  interior,  aiming 
for  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  One  part  of  his  army  had 
been  ferried  over  on  this  bold  and  desperate  plan,  when  a 
violent  storm  arose,  dispersed  his  boats  and  prostrated  his 
last  hope.  The  surrender  of  the  post  became  inevitable, 
particularly  as  morning  disclosed  several  new  batteries  which 
had  been  opened  from  the  American  lines.  Submitting  to 
necessity,  he  asked  a  suspension  of  arms  for  twenty- 
four  hours.  Two  hours  were  granted  for  the  pur 
pose  of  receiving  the  proposals,  on  which  the  besieged  were 
willing  to  capitulate ;  and  those  being  such  as  to  satisfy 
Washington  of  the  speedy  settlement  of  the  terms,  the  truce 
was  continued.  On  the  next  day,  Viscount  de  Noailles,  and 
Colonel  Laurens,  on  the  part  of  the  allies,  and  Colonel  I 
Dundas  and  Major  Ross,  on  the  part  of  Cornwallis,  | 
adjusted  the  articles,  to  be  submitted  to  the  Commanding 
Generals.  Washington  transmitted  them  to  Cornwallis  on 
the  morning  of  the  19th,  with  a  letter  expressing  his  expec 
tation  that  they  would  be  signed  by  eleven  o'clock,  and  the 
garrison  be  delivered  by  two  P.  M.  All  the  efforts  of  the 
British  General  to  obtain  terms  for  the  American  loyalists 
failed.  Washington  referred  their  fate  exclusively  to  the 
civil  authorities.  The  request  that  the  captured  soldiers 
might  be  returned  to  Europe  on  their  parole,  not  to  serve  in 
America  during  the  war,  was  also  declined,  because  it  would 
leave  them  at  liberty  to  serve  in  garrisons  at  home.  The 
most  that  was  yielded  on  that  point  was,  that  Cornwallis 
might  dispatch  a  sloop  of  war,  the  Bonetta,  to  New  York, 
without  search,  carrying  such  persons  as  he  should  designate, 
he  being  accountable  for  the  vessel  as  a  prize,  and  the  num 
ber  of  persons  as  prisoners  of  war.  Many  of  the  Tories  who 
were  most  obnoxious  to  popular  resentment,  availed  them- 


344  HISTORY    OF    THE 

selves  of  this  opportunity.  The  capitulation  was  accordingly 
signed,  and  at  the  time  appointed,  the  posts  of  Yorktown  and 
Oct  i9th  Gloucester  were  surrendered  to  the  army  of  Wash 
ington,  and  the  shipping  in  the  harbour  to  the  fleet 
of  De  Grasse.  The  same  formalities  were  observed  in  the 
surrender  of  the  troops  as  had  been  prescribed  by  Cornwallis 
to  Lincoln,  on  the  surrender  of  Charleston.  To  make  the 
parallel  more  close,  Lincoln  was  appointed  to  receive  the 
submission.  Cornwallis  avoided  the  embarrassing  interview 
by  constituting  General  O'Hara  his  representative. 

The  number  of  prisoners,  exclusive  of  seamen,  was  7,073, 
of  whom  3,000  were  unfit  for  duty — sick,  or  wounded.  The 
British  loss  during  the  siege  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing, 
was  reported  at  553:  of  the  Allies  about  300.  A  large 
quantity  of  cannon,  chiefly  brass,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Americans ;  two  frigates  and  twenty  transports,  with  their 
crews,  into  the  hands  of  the  French. 

On  the  same  day  that  Cornwallis  surrendered,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  sailed  from  New  York  with  a  large  armament  of 
land  and  sea  forces  ;  the  former  of  which  amounted  to  7,000 
men,  and  arrived  before  the  Chesapeake  on  the  24th.  The 
succour  came  too  late,  and  he  immediately  returned  to  New 
York. 

The  victorious  Allies  separated  soon  after  the  surrender. 
De  Grasse  was  under  orders  from  his  government  to  return 
to  the  West  Indies.  Count  Rochambeau  and  his  troops  were 
cantoned  in  Virginia.  The  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland 
brigades  were  put  under  the  command  of  General  St.  Clair, 
and  dispatched  to  the  south  to  the  army  of  Greene,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  American  force,  commanded  by  General 
Lincoln,  returned  to  New  York,  and  resumed  their  position 
in  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson.  Washington  repaired  to 
Philadelphia. 

The  victory  over  Cornwallis  was  in  effect  the  conclusion 
of  the  war.  It  prostrated  the  British  power  upon  the  con 
tinent,  and  recovered  the  whole  country  to  the  Union. 
Thenceforth  the  enemy  was  confined  to  a  few  posts  on  the 
coast,  the  cities  of  New  York,  Charleston,  and  Savannah,  and 
reduced  to  merely  defensive  measures.  Their  hold  on  the 
States  was  for  ever  gone.  Hostilities  were  protracted  lan 
guidly  through  another  season;  but  the  capture  of  a  second 
British  army,  of  such  magnitude,  and  under  a  general  of  so 
much  ability  and  reputation,  confirmed  the  Independence  of 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  345 

the  States  beyond  further  dispute,  and  annihilated  every 
British  hope  of  regaining  the  colonies  by  war. 

The  victory  was  therefore  hailed  with  great  rejoicings  and 
triumphal  celebrations,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the 
other.  On  the  day  after  the  capitulation,  General  Washington 
ordered  all  those  who  were  under  arrest  to  be  pardoned 
and  set  at  liberty ;  and  announced  the  performance  of  divine 
service  on  the  21st,  in  the  different  brigades  and  divisions, 
recommending  that  "all  the  troops  do  assist  at  it  with  serious 
deportment,  and  that  sensibility  of  heart  which  the  surprising 
and  particular  interposition  of  Providence  in  our  favour, 
claims."  Congress,  on  receiving  the  official  intelligence, 
went  in  procession  "  to  return  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for 
the  signal  success  of  the  American  arms,"  and  appointed  the 
13th  of  December  as  a  day  of  public  thanksgiving  and  prayer. 

Thanks  were  solemnly  voted  to  the  General-in-chief,  the 
Commanders  of  the  French  fleet  and  army,  and  to  the  Allies 
generally.  It  was  resolved  to  erect  a  marble  column  at  York- 
town,  bearing  appropriate  emblems  of  the  allied  powers,  and 
the  victory.  Two  stands  of  colours  were  presented  to  Wash 
ington,  and  two  field  pieces  to  Rochambeau. 

From  the  states,  cities,  corporate  bodies,  and  various  public 
institutions,  affectionate  congratulatory  addresses  were  pre 
sented  in  great  numbers  to  the  illustrious  Commander-in- 
chief. 

La  Fayette,  soon  after  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  ob 
tained  leave  to  return  to  his  native  country.  Coming  to 
America  in  her  deepest  adversity,  and  having  borne  a 
conspicuous  part  in  her  trials  and  reverses,  he  left  her, 
finally,  after  a  victory  in  which  he  shared  some  of  the 
highest  honours,  and  which  secured  the  liberties  of  his 
adopted  country  beyond  the  power  of  her  enemies.  His 
zeal  for  the  cause  of  American  Independence,  his  eminent 
services  in  the  field  and  in  the  cabinet,  received,  at  the  time, 
warm  acknowledgments  from  Congress  and  a  grateful  people : 
and  have  made  him,  through  a  long  life  of  usefulness  and 
glory  in  another  hemisphere,  the  object  of  enthusiastic  ad 
miration  and  affection,  to  their  descendants  through  three 
generations. 

Thus  closed  in  triumph  the  year  1781.  It  opened  in 
gloom,  and  terminated  under  brightened  auspices :  such  as 
gave  assurance  of  returning  peace,  and  renewed  promises 
of  the  blessings  of  established  institutions  and  well  regulated 


346  HISTORY   OF    THE 

liberty,  wealth  and  increase,  order  and  law.  of  which  the 
Independence  that  was  now  won  was  to  be  the  fruitful  parent. 
The  prosecution  of  these  advantages  at  home  and  abroad, 
so  as  to  assume  a  proper  attitude  in  the  domestic  preparations 
for  defence,  and  to  give  dignity  and  efficiency  to  the  rela 
tions  of  the  United  States  with  foreign  nations,  occupied  the 
immediate  attention  of  Congress  and  the  Commander-in- 
chief.  The  negotiations  in  Europe,  soon  manifested  the 
general  conviction  of  all  the  continental  courts  of  the  firm 
establishment  of  American  sovereignty.  Great  Britain 
yielded  her  pretensions  reluctantly  at  first,  but  policy  soon 
taught  her  the  usefulness  of  making  her  concessions  as 
prompt  and  liberal  as  possible.  A  condensed  view  of  the 
dispositions  of  the  European  belligerents  to  each  other,  and 
of  each  towards  America,  will  show  against  what  intrigues 
and  diplomatic  Subtleties,  the  American  negotiators  con 
tended  successfully,  to  secure  the  fruits  of  the  victory  of 
" 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  347 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  war  between  Great  Britain  and  her  ancient  colonies, 
had  now  continued  for  six  years  ;  and,  in  its  progress,  enemy 
after  enemy  had  been  added  to  the  combination  against  her, 
until  she  might  be  said  to  be  contending  with  the  open  or 
secret  hostility  of  all  Europe.  Her  fleets  and  armies  were 
making  successful  head  against  France,  Spain,  and  Holland, 
while  a  more  extensive  confederacy  of  all  the  maritime 
States,  except  Portugal,  were  under  the  countenance  of  the 
formidable  Empress  of  Russia,  prepared  to  attack  her  naval 
superiority  with  their  joint  fleets.  These  hostile  demonstra 
tions  were  all  subsequent  to  the  American  Revolution,  and 
had  their  origin  in  that  momentous  event.  It  was  not  that 
revolutionary  governments  had  found  real  favour  in  the 
eyes  of  these  nations,  or  that  any  real  sympathy  was  felt, 
beyond  the  bosoms  of  a  few  gallant  individuals,  for  the 
oppressions  or  principles  of  the  colonies.  It  was  that  the 
occasion  was  favourable  for  weakening  the  power  of  Britain, 
which,  since  the  peace  of  1763,  had  been  the  object  of 
universal  dread  and  jealousy.  France  and  Spain,  in  par 
ticular,  besides  the  ancient  hostility  of  the  House  of  Bourbon 
to  England,  and  their  national  dislike  of  the  English,  had  lost 
by  the  preceding  wars,  a  vast  extent  of  territory,  and  numer 
ous  valuable  islands.  Pride  and  interest  had  been  deeply 
wounded.  The  immense  fleets  of  Britain  rode  triumphantly, 
and,  it  may  be  added,  with  offensive  arrogance  in  every  sea, 
and  gave  her  commerce  a  superiority  which  provoked  the 
secret  dislike  of  every  maritime  power.  Until  the  rupture 
with  the  colonies,  so  unwisely  aggravated  by  the  weak,  and 
at  the  same  time  overbearing,  policy  of  the  ministry,  the 
power  of  Britain  was  universally  conceded ;  and  though 
the  object  of  suspicion  and  dread,  met  with  no  serious  or 
concerted  hostility.  Nothing  but  opportunity,  however,  was 
necessary  to  de  velope  the  secret  anxiety  of  her  ancie.nt  rivals 
and  enemies,  to  check  her  aspiring  ambition,  and  diminish 
her  overshadowing  superiority.  That  opportunity  was  af 
forded  by  the  civil  dissensions  between  her  and  her  American 
provinces;  a  portion  of  her  empire  regarded  with  particular 


348  HISTORY    OF    THE 

interest,  not  only  from  its  intrinsic  value  as  a  great  and  grow 
ing  country,  but  from  its  peculiar  situation  with  regard  to  the 
possessions  of  other  nations,  especially  the  French  and  Span 
ish  dependencies.  The  progress  of  the  rupture  was  watched 
with  the  keenest  anxiety,  but  with  an  evident  desire  to  cripple 
the  power  of  England,  as  much  as  possible,  with  as  little 
encouragement  to  the  principles  and  views  of  the  Americans 
as  was  compatible  with  this  leading  purpose.  It  has  been 
seen,  in  the  course  of  this  narrative,  that  state  policy  retarded 
all  public  expressions  of  favour  to  the  American  cause,  even 
in  France,  the  most  zealous  and  interested  rival  of  England, 
until  they  became  necessary  to  her  own  particular  views. 
Two  years  of  obstinate  warfare,  amidst  sufferings  and  re 
verses  of  most  disastrous  omen,  had  not  obtained  for  the 
Americans  the  countenance  of  the  French  government, 
until  the  capture  of  Burgoyne,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
altered  tone  of  the  British  ministry  on  the  other,  displayed 
two  alternatives  as  to  the  issue  of  the  conflict,  either  of  which 
would  have  baffled  the  wishes  of  France.  A  reconciliation 
with  the  parent  country  on  terms  of  liberal  compromise,  or 
the  achievement  of  independence,  without  French  succor, 
would  have  placed  the  Americans  entirely  out  of  the  reach  of 
French  influence.  The  result  was  the  alliance  of  February, 

1778,  and  the  French  war  against  England.     The  private 
views  of  France  were  postponed  to  the  emergency  of  the 
crisis,  but  immediately  renewed.  Spain  was  made  the  agent 
for  putting  forward  the  same  pretensions,  as  the  price  of  her 
alliance,  which  had  been  advanced  by  France  in  her  nego 
tiations.     Independence,  which  had  been  fully  recognised 
by  the  French,  was  to  be  reduced  in  all  other  foreign  recog 
nitions,  and  made  as  little  valuable  as  possible  to  the  Ameri 
cans,  by  limiting  their  territory  within  the  narrowest  possible 
limits.     The  proffered  mediation  of  the  Spanish  Court,  in 

1779,  disclosed  a  concert  of  action  on  these  points,  between 
the  two  courts.  Their  intrigues  to  deprive  the  United  States 
of  the  Eastern  Fisheries,  and  the  Western  Territory,  so  as 
"to  coop  us  up,"  in  the  language  of  Franklin,   "within  the 
Alleghanies,"  were  prosecuted  with  pertinacity,  and  only 
foiled  in  the  end  by  the  steady  firmness  and  sagacity  of  the 
American  negotiators.     The  refusal  of  Congress  to  make 
these  sacrifices  was  so  displeasing  to  the  Spanish  Court,  that 
they  declined  acceding  to  the  treaties  between  France  and 
the  United  States ;  and,  though  waging  war  against  Great 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  349 

Britain,  in  common  with  the  Allies,  neither  acknowledged 
the  independence  of  the  States,  nor  furnished  them  aid.  On 
the  contrary,  when  applied  to  by  Mr.  Jay  for  assistance  in 
discharging  the  bills  drawn  upon  him  by  Congress,  they 
demanded  as  a  condition  the  acknowledgment  of  these 
claims.  Upon  these  selfish  views  they  insisted  to  the  last, 
and  stubbornly  refused  to  acknowledge  the  New  States, 
except  at  a  cost  to  which  they  would,  in  no  event  consent. 

As  the  other  European  nations  joined  in  the  general  con 
federacy  against  Britain,  the  same  disposition  to  limit  the 
extent  and  power  of  the  United  States  was  constantly  mani 
fested.  The  armed  neutrality  of  1780,  was  followed  by 
another  proffer  of  mediation  between  the  belligerents.  The 
Empress  of  Russia,  the  head  of  that  coalition,  offered  herself 
as  the  mediatrix,  and  the  Emperor  of  Germany  was  asso 
ciated  in  the  mediation.  The  offer  was  accepted  by  the 
belligerents  in  Europe,  and  Vienna  appointed  for  the  meeting 
of  the  Congress.  The  views  of  France  were  communicated 
to  Congress  in  May,  1781,  by  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne ; 
and  his  communications  manifested  the  continued  eagerness 
of  his  court  to  have  entire  control  of  these  American  ques 
tions.  The  result  of  his  representations  to  Congress  had  an 
important  bearing  on  the  final  negotiations  of  peace  at  Paris, 
in  1782,  to  be  related  hereafter.  The  mediation  failed, 
because  of  the  refusal  of  Great  Britain  to  admit  of  the  repre 
sentation  of  the  United  States  at  the  Congress,  in  any  other 
character  than  that  of  revolted  subjects ;  in  which  opinion 
the  imperial  courts  sided  with  the  British  cabinet.  The 
Marquis  De  Verac,  French  Minister  at  Petersburgh,  made 
known  the  determination  of  the  courts  to  Francis  Dana,  the 
American  Envoy  at  Petersburgh,  in  September,  1781.  "The 
mediating  powers  understand,"  said  he,  "  that  your  deputies 
shall  treat  simply  with  the  British  ministers,  as  they  have 
already  treated  in  America  with  the  Commissioners  of  Great 
Britain,  in  1778 — that  the  conclusion  of  their  negotiations 
shall  teach  the  other  powers  upon  what  footing  they  are  to 
be  regarded,  and  that  their  public  character  shall  be  acknow 
ledged  without  difficulty,  from  the  moment  when  the  English 
themselves  shall  no  longer  oppose  it." 

The  appointment  of  Mr.  Dana  to  Petersburgh,  had  given 
displeasure  to  the  Empress,  who  declined  receiving  or  re 
cognizing  him.  Mr.  Adams,  to  whom  the  principal  share  in 
these  negotiations  had  been  committed,  peremptorily  insisted, 


350  HISTORY   OP    THE 

from  the  first,  upon  a  preliminary  admission  of  American 
Independence,  by  the  Congress,  and  as  peremptorily  refused 
to  appear  there  in  any  other  character  than  as  the  Minister 
of  a  free  and  sovereign  people.  Thus  terminated,  in  1781, 
this  second  European  mediation.  All  parties  except  France, 
who  was  committed  by  her  treaties,  insisted  on  treating  the 
Americans  as  lawful  colonies  of  Great  Britain,  depending  on 
her  consent  for  their  admission  into  the  rank  of  independent 
nations. 

The  Dutch,  though  by  their  commercial  pursuits  and 
their  form  of  government,  most  disposed  to  form  connexions 
with  America,  were,  if  not  equally  reluctant,  not  more 
prompt  in  their  co-operation  than  the  Spaniards.  War  was 
proclaimed  by  Great  Britain  against  Holland,  on  the  20th  of 
December,  1780.  Mr.  Adams,  who,  on  the  capture  of  Mr. 
Laurens,  had  proceeded  to  Holland,  to  complete  the  pend 
ing  negotiations,  was  unable,  for  a  long  time,  to  obtain  a 
decisive  answer.  In  April,  1781,  he  drew  up  a  memorial 
to  the  States  General,  representing  the  condition  and  views 
of  the  American  States,  and  the  high  inducements  which 
existed  for  forming  a  political  connexion  between  them  and 
the  Provinces  of  Holland.  This  memorial  the  States  General 
declined  receiving  in  an  official  manner,  but  the  substance 
was  communicated  to  the  Provinces  for  decision.  No  answer 
was  returned.  Mr.  Adams  repeated  his  application  in  August, 
and  at  the  suggestion  of  the  French  minister,  proposed  a 
triple  alliance  between  France,  Holland,  and  the  United 
States,  all  then  at  war  writh  England,  of  which  the  acknow 
ledgment  of  the  independence  of  the  States  by  Holland  was 
to  be  a  preliminary  condition ;  and  one  of  the  articles  was  to  be 
a  joint  stipulation  not  to  lav  down  arms  until  it  should  be  also 
acknowledged  by  Great  Britain.  The  States  General  were 
still  unprepared  for  this  step,  and  their  hesitation  continued 
during  the  whole  year.  Not  until  the  favourable  change  in 
America,  by  the  campaign  of  1781,  the  victories  of  Greene, 
and  the  capture  of  Cornwallis,  was  known  in  Europe,  and 
the  movements  of  party  in  England  manifested  .an  admis 
sion  of  the  hopelessness  of  recovering  America,  did  even 
the  Dutch  add  their  public  recognition  of  the  American 
Independence  to  that  of  France. 

Such  was  the  relation  of  the  American  States  to  their 
associates  in  the  war,  at  the  period  of  the  surrender  of  York- 
town.  One  month  before,  Great  Britain  had  haughtily  re- 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  351 

fused  to  allow  of  any  interference  by  other  powers  between 
her  and  her  "  rebel  subjects."  That  pretension  had  been 
admitted  by  all  the  European  powers,  not  at  open  war  with 
her,  and  was  heartily  discountenanced  by  none,  except 
France.  In  the  condition  of  their  affairs,  it  was  undoubtedly 
believed,  that  while  they  could  not  be  conquered,  nor  per 
suaded  to  return  to  a  connexion  with  Great  Britain,  they 
would  be  content  with  a  limited  territory  and  such  a  quasi 
independence  as  the  Swiss  cantons  enjoyed.  The  great 
point  of  dismembering  the  British  Empire  being  gained,  each 
of  her  rivals  looked  to  securing  his  peculiar  share  of  the 
spoils.  The  imposing  position  which  the  triumph  at  York- 
town  enabled  the  Americans  to  assume,  changed  this  aspect 
essentially.  We  shall  shortly  see,  that  with  the  prospect  of 
peace  which  immediately  followed,  the  acuteness  of  the 
American  diplomatists  enabled  them  to  foil  the  intrigues  of 
their  allies,  while  the  successes  of  their  arms  by  bringing 
the  British  to  terms,  enabled  them  to  use  for  their  own 
benefit,  the  same  national  rivalries  which  had  influenced  the 
policy  of  the  Bourbons.  English  jealousies  of  France  and 
Spain  were  successfully  employed  to  prevent  any  aggran 
disement  of  these  powers,  at  the  expense  of  the  new  States. 
These  important  changes  in  the  relative  position  of  the  bel 
ligerent  parties,  followed  soon  after  the  victory  at  Yorktown. 
The  immediate  effects  upon  the  British,  by  which  their 
subsequent  policy  was  shaped,  were  the  weakening  of  the 
ministry  of  Lord  North,  its  final  overthrow,  and  the  forma 
tion  of  a  new  administration  upon  the  avowed  principle  of 
hostility  to  any  further  prosecution  of  the  American  war. 

A  new  parliament  was  opened  on  the  27th  of  November, 
just  after  the  intelligence  of  the  defeat  and  capture  of  Corn- 
wallis  had  been  received  in  London.  The  King's  Speech 
showed  no  symptom  of  faltering  in  the  determination  to 
carry  on  hostilities  for  the  recovery  of  America ;  and  the 
"unfortunate"  fate  of  the  "army  in  Virginia"  wras  an 
nounced  as  giving  additional  proof  of  the  necessity  for  "a 
further  vigorous,  animated,  and  united  exertion."  The  plan 
of  opposition  was  not  yet  settled  in  the  new  House,  and  the 
customary  vote  of  thanks  was  adopted.  The  downfall  of  the 
ministry  was,  however,  nigh ;  and  the  first  attack  was  made 
on  the  12th  of  December.  A  motion,  introduced  by  Sir 
James  Lowther,  proposing  to  declare  that  "  the  war  in  North 
America  had  been  hitherto  ineffectual  to  the  purposes  for 


352  HISTORY   OF   THE 

which  it  was  undertaken,  and  that  perseverance  would  be 
unavailing  and  also  injurious  to  the  country,  by  weakening 
her  power  to  resist  her  ancient  and  confederated  enemies," 
was  lost  by  a  vote  of  220  to  179,  showing  a  considerable 
defection  in  the  ministerial  ranks.  In  the  course  of  the 
debate,  the  Prime  Minister  announced  that  it  was  no  longer 
in  the  contemplation  of  government  to  prosecute  the  war 
internally  in  America,  but  to  concentrate  the  forces  in  a  few 
ports  to  assist  the  operations  of  the  fleets.  The  debate  was 
renewed  with  acrimony  several  days  afterwards,  on  the  dis 
cussion  of  the  military  estimates.  General  Conway,  Mr. 
Fox,  Burke,  and  Wm.  Pitt,  the  second  son  of  the  late  Earl 
of  Chatham,  distinguished  themselves  by  the  force  of  their 
language  in  denouncing  the  ministerial  course  towards 
America.  The  opposition  daily  gained  strength,  and  during 
the  recess  of  the  holidays,  a  general  plan  of  attack  upon  the 
administration  was  arranged.  These  efforts  were  now  se 
conded  by  addresses  and  petitions  from  the  city  of  London, 
and  other  important  places.  Before  the  struggle  was  recom 
menced,  the  American  Secretary,  Lord  George  Germaine, 
resigned  his  office,  and  was  created  a  peer,  by  the  title  of 
Viscount  Sackville.  He  was  succeeded  by  Welbore  Ellis, 
Esq.,  and  it  was  further  determined  to  send  out  Sir  Guy 
Carleton,  to  supersede  Sir  Henry  Clinton  as  Commander- 
in-chief  in  America. 

On  the  23d  January,  Fox  opened  the  concerted  assault 
upon  the  administration,  with  a  long  and  able 
speech,  reviewing  the  whole  management  of  the 
war,  and  concluding  with  a  motion  for  censuring  the  official 
conduct  of  Earl  Sandwich,  the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty. 
On  this  grave  question  the  ministry  found  themselves,  in  a 
full  house,  in  a  majority  of  only  twenty-two  votes — 205  noes 
to  183  ayes,  for  the  vote  of  censure  on  Lord  Sandwich.  The 
gradual  falling  off  of  the  ministerial  majorities,  encouraged 
the  opposition  to  more  direct  efforts  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  and  defeat  Lord  North  upon  that  question.  On  the 
^d  I  22d  of  February,  General  Conway  brought  forward 
I  a  motion  to  obtain  the  sense  of  Parliament  on  an 
address  to  his  majesty  "that  the  war  might  be  no  longer 
pursued  for  the  impracticable  purpose  of  reducing  the  people 
of  America  by  force."  Ministers  resisted  the  motio-n  with  all 
their  strength,  and  on  the  decision  found  themselves  in  a  ma 
jority  of  one  vote — 194  noes  to  193  ayes.  There  was  no  longer 


Jan.  23d. 


Feb.  27th. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  353 

any  doubt  of  the  fate  of  the  administration  :  but  the  king's 
obstinacy  required  to  be  overcome  by  a  distinct  legislative 
expression  of  the  popular  wish.  Accordingly,  on  the  27th 
of  February,  General  Con  way  renewed  his  motion 
in  a  more  explicit  form,  declaring  that  it  was  the 
opinion  of  the  House  of  Commons,  that  "  the  farther  prose 
cution  of  offensive  war  on  the  continent  of  North  America, 
for  the  purpose  of  reducing  the  revolted  colonies  by  force, 
would  be  the  means  of  weakening  the  efforts  of  this  country 
against  her  European  enemies,  and  tend,  under  the  present 
circumstances,  dangerously  to  increase  the  mutual  enmity, 
so  fatal  to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  America,  and 
by  preventing  a  happy  reconciliation  with  that  country,  to 
prostrate  the  earnest  desire  graciously  expressed  by  his 
majesty  to  restore  the  blessings  of  public  tranquility." 

This  motion,  which  virtually  put  an  end  to  the  war,  was 
carried  against  the  ministry  by  a  majority  of  nineteen — 234 
ayes  to  215  noes :  and  it  was  farther  resolved  that  the  House 
should  go  in  a  body  to  present  an  address  to  his  majesty 
to  this  effect.  It  was  noted  as  an  offensive  circumstance, 
that  \vhen  the  House  were  admitted  to  offer  this  address  to 
the  throne,  Benedict  Arnold,  the  American  traitor,  stood  at 
the  right  hand  of  the  king.  Lord  Surrey,  afterwards  Duke 
of  Norfolk,  complained  in  Parliament  of  this  indignity,  as 
one  that  was  "  an  insult  to  the  House,  and  deserved  its 
censure." 

The  king's  answer  to  the  address  was  vague  and  unsatis 
factory.  His  reluctance  to  yield  any  thing  to  the  opposition 
was  still  manifest.  He  did  not  allude  to  the  direct  expres 
sion  of  the  sense  of  the  House  against  the  war,  but  expressed, 
in  general  terms,  his  determination  to  take  such  measures 
as  should  appear  to  him  "conducive  to  the  restoration  of 
harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  revolted  colonies, 
so  essential  to  the  prosperity  of  both." 

The  exulting  Whigs  were  not  content  with  this  evasive 
answer.  They  accordingly  persevered  in  asking  for  stronger 
pledges;  and  on  the  4th  of  March,  on  motion  of  General 
Conway,  it  was  resolved,  without  a  division,  that 
"This  House  will  consider  as  enemies  to  his  ma 
jesty  and  the  country  all  those  who  should  advise  a  prose 
cution  of  offensive  war  on  the  Continent  of  North  America." 
On  the  same  day  the  appointment  of  Carleton  to  supersede 
Clinton  in  command,  took  effect. 
2G2 


March  4. 


354  HISTORY   OF    THE 

Two  such  successive  votes  against  the  policy  kept  up  by 
the  ministry  for  eight  years,  were  expected  to  compel  their 
instant  resignation.  To  the  .astonishment  of  the  country, 
they  still  held  on.  The  opposition  determined  to  test  the 
House  directly,  on  a  vote  for  a  general  censure  of  ministers. 
This  was  brought  forward  by  motion  made  by  Lord  John 
March  8  Cavendish,  on  the  8th  of  March.  The  debate 
lasted  until  two  in  the  morning.  The  ministerial 
party  rallied  and  defeated  this  direct  vote  of  censure,  by  a 
majority  of  ten,  and  adjourned  the  House  to  the  15th.  The 
interval  was  occupied  in  efforts  to  divide  the  opposition, 
and  form  a  mixed  Cabinet,  all  of  which  failed.  On  the  15th, 
the  Whigs  returned  to  the  attack.  The  motion  was  renewed, 
r  I  declaring  that  the  House  had  "no  further  confi- 
I  dence  in  the  ministers  who  had  the  direction  of 
public  affairs,'"'  which  was  again  lost  by  a  majority  of  nine 
votes — 227  ayes  and  236  noes.  On  the  announcement  of 
this  division,  notice  was  given  that  the  same  motion  would 
be  renewed  on  the  20th  ;  and  as  many  of  those  who  voted 
in  the  majority,  were  known  to  have  done  so  from  the  un 
certainty  as  to  the  new  cabinet,  rather  than  from  preference 
to  that  of  Lord  North,  the  fate  of  the  administration  was 
considered  as  sealed.  So  they  understood  it  themselves : 
March  20  I  anc^  wnen'  on  ^ne  20th,  the  Earl  of  Surrey  rose 
I  in  a  very  crowded  house  to  make  the  promised 
motion,  Lord  North  interrupted  him  by  announcing  that  the 
ministry  was  dissolved,  and  only  held  place  until  the  king 
should  have  selected  their  successors. 

Thus  terminated  the  administration  of  Lord  North,  during 
which  the  affairs  of  Great  Britain  had  declined  from  a  height 
of  unexampled  prosperity  to  almost  inextricable  confusion. 
It  had  been  marked  by  a  series  of  political  disasters  and 
blunders,  which  deprived  the  country  of  its  richest  foreign 
possessions ;  and  accumulated  a  load  of  debt  and  taxation, 
beneath  which  the  nation  groaned  heavily. 

The  Whigs,  who  had  been  for  eight  years  contending 
against  the  American  war,  came  immediately  into  power. 
The  Marquis  of  Rockingham  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
new  administration,  with  the  pledge  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  at  all  events — even  at  the  price  of  acknowledging 
American  Independence.  Lord  Chancellor  Thurlow  alone, 
of  the  old  administration,  was  permitted  to  retain  his  place. 
The  early  and  leading  advocates  of  America  were  taken  into 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  355 

the  cabinet.  Lord  John  Cavendish  was  made  Chancellor  of 
the  Exchequer;  Fox  and  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  Secretaries 
of  State ;  Lord  Camden,  President  of  the  Council ;  the  Duke 
of  Grafton.  Lord  Privy  Seal ;  Burke,  Paymaster,  and  General 
Conway  placed  at  the  head  of  the  army.     This  ministry, 
during  its  brief  existence,  laboured  zealously  to  conclude 
peace.  Overtures  were  at  first  made  separately  to  the  bellige 
rents,  to  induce  them  to  treat  separately.     This  had  been  also 
the  favourite  policy  of  Lord  North,  with  a  view  of  dividing 
the  strength  of  the  adversaries  of  Britain.    After  the  surren 
der  of  Cornwallis,  Mr.  Hartley  had  been  sent  to  Paris,  to 
confer  with  Mr.  Adams  and  Dr.  Franklin,  on  a  projet  for 
treating  separately  from  France ;  and  at  the  same  time,  an 
agent  was  commissioned  to  sound  the  French  minister  upon 
a  proposal  to  treat,  independent  of  the  Americans.     This 
emissary  was  Mr.  Forth,  Secretary  to  Lord  Stormont,  re 
cently  British  minister  to  France.     Dr.  Franklin  states  that 
the  offers  to  the  French  were  large  :    France  was  to  retain 
all  her  conquests  in  the  West  Indies ;  to  reserve  some  pecu 
liar  advantages  in  the  East  Indies,  and  the  British  right  of 
keeping  a  Commissary  at  Dunkirk  was  to  be  abandoned.    It 
was  further  understood,  that  the  restoration  of  Canada  to  the 
French  would  be  acceded  to,  if  required  as  an  ultimatum. 
The  ministers  of  both  nations  declined  these  proposals,  as 
irreconcilable  with  their  mutual  engagements.    The  fall  of 
the  North  administration,  and  the  pacific  principles  upon 
which  its  successor  was  formed,  renewed  these  efforts  to 
separate  the  allies. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  new  Commander-in-chief,  arrived 
in  New  York  on  the  5th,  and  announced  that  he  and  Ad 
miral  Digby,  the  naval  Commander-in-chief,  were  appointed 
Commissioners  by  the  new  ministry  to  treat  upon  terms  of 
peace  with  the  United  States.  He  communicated  to  General 
Washington  the  vote  in  Parliament  abandoning  the  war,  and 
the  pendency  of  measures  authorizing  the  king  to  conclude 
a  peace  or  truce  with  the  "  revolted  provinces"  in  North 
America.  He  requested  a  passport  for  his  Secretary  to 
proceed  to  Congress  as  a  bearer  of  these  dispatches.  Con 
gress,  before  whom  General  Washington  laid  these  papers, 
declined  to  negotiate  without  their  allies,  and  refused  the 
passport.  This  closed  the  efforts  of  the  Commissioners  in 
America,  until  they  announced  to  General  Washington,  on 
the  2d  of  August,  that  the  Rockingham  ministry  had  deter- 


356  HISTORY  OF    THE 

mined  in  cabinet  council  to  "offer  America  unlimited,  un 
conditional  independence,"  as  the  basis  of  a  negotiation  for 
peace — that  Mr.  Grenville  had  been  commissioned  for  that 
purpose  to  treat  with  all  parties  in  a  general  negotiation, 
which  had  been  agreed  upon  to  be  opened  at  Paris. 

This  policy  was  adopted  in  the  cabinet  by  the  influence  of 
the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  and  his  friends.  The  succeeding 
ministry,  of  which  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  was  the  chief, 
acquiesced  reluctantly,  and  the  king  was  at  all  times  exceed- 
dingly  averse  to  it. 

Ministers  soon  after  their  appointment,  about  the  same 
time  that  they  sent  Sir  Guy  Carleton  to  America,  dispatched 
Mr.  Richard  Oswald  to  France,  to  confer  with  the  diplo 
matic  agents  of  the  allied  powers.  It  was  found  impractica 
ble  to  separate  them,  and  on  the  18th  of  April,  Mr.  Oswald 
returned  to  London  with  a  report  of  his  mission.  The  British 
cabinet  thereupon  assented  to  a  general  negotiation,  which 
assent  was  conveyed  to  Paris  on  the  4th  of  May,  and  Mr. 
Grenville  soon  after  arrived  there  with  a  commission  to  treat 
with  the  king  of  France,  and  "  any  other  prince  or  state 
whom  it  might  concern."  He  informed  Dr.  Franklin  ex 
plicitly,  that  he  was  authorized  to  admit  the  Independence 
of  the  United  States  as  a  preliminary  act. 

American  Independence  was  formally  acknowledged  by 
Holland  on  the  19th  of  April ;  and  on  the  2;2d  Mr.  AcTams 
was  received  in  the  quality  of  "  Ambassador  from  the  United 
States  of  North  America  to  their  high  mightinesses."  Nego 
tiations  with  Holland  for  treaties  of  commerce  detained  Mr. 
Adams  in  Holland,  so  that  he  was  unable  to  take  part  in 
the  important  affairs  at  Paris,  until  the  month  of  October. 

All  parties  had  now  consented  to  abandon  the  prosecution 
of  the  war,  and  the  essential  article  of  American  Independ 
ence  was  agreed  upon,  when  the  death  of  the  Marquis  of 
Rockingham,  which  took  place  on  the  1st  of  July,  broke  up 
July  1st,  the  English  cabinet,  and  embarrassed  the  progress 

1782.  Of  t]ie  negotiations.  The  Earl  of  Shelburne  became 
Prime  Minister,  and  the  Rockingham  part  of  the  cabinet, 
headed  by  Mr.  Fox  and  Lord  John  Cavendish,  seceded, — 
upon  the  ground  that  the  principles  of  the  late  Prime  Minister 
in  respect  to  American  Independence,  were  abandoned. 
Lord  Shelburne  took  early  occasion  to  declare,  in  his  place 
in  Parliament,  his  continued  repugnance  to  the  acknow 
ledgment  of  Independence.  The  difficulties  which  this 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  357 

declaration  created  in  the  conferences  at  Paris,  produced 
much  delay  in  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty.  Mr.  Gren- 
ville  was  recalled  from  Paris,  and  Mr.  Fitzherbert,  the 
British  envoy  at  Brussels,  was  transferred  to  Paris,  I 
with  a  full  commission  to  treat  with  France,  Spain,  | 
and  Holland.  With  him  Mr.  Oswald  was  associated,  and 
information  transmitted  to  him,  that  a  commission  was  about 
to  be  issued  to  him,  "to  treat,  consult,  and  conclude"  with 
the  Commissioners  of  "  the  American  colonies  or  plantations, 
or  with  any  body  or  bodies,  corporate  or  politic,  or  any  assem 
bly  or  assemblies  or  descriptions  of  men  whatsoever,  a  peace 
or  truce  with  the  said  colonies  or  plantations,  or  any  part  or 
parts  of  them."  The  style  of  this  commission,  sufficiently 
indicates  the  altered  disposition  of  the  British  Cabinet,  and 
the  lingering  hope  entertained  that  some  arrangement  might 
be  made  short  of  Independence.  The  inducements  to 
Great  Britain  for  receding  from  this  position,  are  intimately 
connected  with  the  relations  between  the  Americans  and 
their  European  allies. 

The  basis  of  the  proposed  negotiation  was  admitted  by 
all  parties  to  be  the  treaty  of  1763.  The  rights  of  France, 
Spain,  Great  Britain,  and  America,  under  that  treaty,  and 
from  the  events  of  the  existing  war,  to  the  territory  west  of 
the  Alleghanies,  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  to 
the  eastern  fisheries,  were  a  keen  subject  of  controversy 
between  the  new  States  and  their  allies.  Connected  with 
the  controversy  is  the  history  of  the  diplomatic  measures  of 
the  American  Congress  in  respect  to  the' terms  of  peace  to 
be  offered  to  Great  Britain,  the  powers  to  be  granted  to  their 
commissioners  in  Europe,  and  the  extent  of  the  influence 
to  be  allowed  to  the  French  king,  in  directing  the  negotia 
tion.  The  nature  of  the  designs  of  the  Bourbon  powers  on 
the  subject  of  the  West,  has  been  already  explained.  The 
train  of  intrigues  by  which  they  succeeded  in  fettering  the 
American  commissioners  at  Paris,  so  that  France  claimed 
the  right  of  being  sole  arbiter  of  the  terms,  and  endeavored 
to  model  them  to  suit  her  individual  profit,  and  that  of  Spain, 
requires  a  more  particular  notice. 

The  proffered  mediation  of  the  king  of  Spain,  between  the 
three  belligerents,  in  1779,  produced  the  first  discussion  and 
settlement  of  the  terms  of  peace,  upon  which  Congress  were 
willing  to  treat.  France  then  interfered  through  M.  Gerard, 
to  lower  their  claims  to  Independence,  and  place  them  in 


358  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  same  relation  as  Geneva  and  the  Swiss  Cantons,  and 
to  procure  a  formal  abandonment  of  the  territorial  and 
other  contested  questions,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the 
Spanish  alliance.  Congress,  at  that  time,  were  firm,  and 
gave  their  minister  instructions  to  insist  upon  the  full 
acknowledgment  of  the  United  States  as  sovereign,  free,  and 
independent,  as  a  preliminary  article,  and  upon  the  Mississippi 
as  the  western  boundary.  The  fisheries  were  not  made  an 
ultimatum  to  the  treaty,  but  Congress  passed  a  separate 
declaratory  resolution,  affirming  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  the  fisheries,  and  defining  any  attempt  of  the  Bri 
tish  to  molest  them  in  that  right,  to  be  cause  of  war.  The 
general  direction  to  the  minister,  in  all  other  matters,  was, 
to  govern  himself  by  the  alliance  with  France,  the  "advice" 
of  the  Allies,  and  his  "  own  discretion" 

These  instructions  did  not  meet  the  views  of  France. 
Spain,  though  she  went  to  war  with  England,  held  back  from 
the  American  alliance.  The  new  French  minister,  Luzerne, 
in  January  of  the  next  year,  brought  up  the  subject  again, 
and  obtained  a  conference  with  a  Committee  of  Congress, 
to  represent  "  certain  articles"  whichlhe  Spanish  king  had 
represented  to  the  French  king  as  of  "  gceat  importance  to 
the  interests  of  his  crown,  and  upon  which  it  was  highly 
necessary  that  the  United  States  should  explain  themselves 
with  precision,  and  such  moderation  as  might  consist  with 
their  essential  rights."  It  was  demanded  that  the  United  States 
should  expressly  define  their  boundary,  which  was  to  extend 
no  further  than  the  settlements  were  permitted  by  the  procla 
mation  of  the  British  king,  dated  in  October,  1703,  the  same 
which  had  been  considered  a  grievance  by  the  Colonists  in 
that  day;  that  their  right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi  should  be 
renounced  as  untenable ;  and  the  right  of  Spain  acknow 
ledged  to  hold  the  Floridas,  if  she  conquered  them,  and  the 
lands  on  the  east  of  the  Mississippi,  to  the  limits  defined  in 
the  British  proclamation  above  mentioned,  as  territory  be 
longing  to  Great  Britain,  and  not  included  within  the  States. 
This  declaration  made  it  evident,  that  France  and  Spain 
were  anxious  to  annex  to  the  Spanish  territories,  not  only 
the  Floridas  on  the  south,  but  the  whole  of  the  immense 
country  watered  by  streams  running  from  the  north  and  east 
into  the  Mississippi.  Congress  could  not  be  brought  to  assent 
to  these  pretensions  ;  but  the  effect  of  the  communications  is 
to  be  seen  in  a  further  modification  of  their  instructions  to 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  359 

Mr.  Jay,  at  Madrid,  directing  him  not  to  insist  upon  an 
express  acknowledgment  of  the  right  of  navigating  the 
Mississippi :  but,  at  the  same  time,  not  to  relinquish  it 
formally.  No  direct  answer  was  given  to  the  French  minister 
on  these  points.  A  committee  of  Congress  drew  up  an  argu 
mentative  statement  of  their  right  to  the  western  lands,  for 
the  direction  of  their  envoys  in  Europe.  The  statement  was 
from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Madison,  and  bears  date  October  17th, 
1780.  The  modified  instructions  to  Mr.  Jay  were  adopted 
in  January,  1781. 

In  the  month  of  May  following,  the  proffered  mediation 
of  the  Empress  of  Russia,  and  the  Emperor  of  Germany, 
between  the  belligerents,  was  announced  to  Congress  by  the 
French  minister.  The  terms  of  peace  and  the  powers  of 
the  Commissioners  again  became  important  points  for  deci 
sion;  and  Count  Luzerne  again  pressed  for  the  abandonment 
of  the  claims  of  the  United  States  on  the  contested  ques 
tions.  A  Committee  of  Conference  with  him  was  appointed 
by  Congress,  and  the  result  of  their  interviews  shewed  that, 
with  the  exception  of  the  single  question  of  Independence, 
the  court  of  France  required  to  have  exclusive  control  of 
the  negotiations.  The  principal  point  urged  by  him  was, 
the  propriety  of  perfect  and  open  confidence  in  the  French 
ministers,  and  a  thorough  reliance  on  the  king.  He  made 
strong  complaints  of  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Adams,  the  plenipo 
tentiary,  and  asked,  explicitly,  that  a  strict  line  of  conduct 
should  be  drawn  for  that  minister,  "of  which  he  might  not 
be  allowed  to  lose  sight."  The  instructions  which  he 
desired  Congress  to  give  Mr.  Adams  were,  "  to  take  no  step 
without  the  approbation  of  his  majesty,"  and  "  to  receive  his 
directions  from  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  or  from  the  person 
who  might  be  charged  with  the  negotiation  in  the  name  of 
the  king."  This  demand  was  so  comprehensive,  that  it  was 
hardly  deemed  necessary  to  discuss  the  contested  points. 
He  simply  endeavoured,  in  general  terms,  to  impress  upon 
the  Committee  the  "  necessity"  Congress  were  under  of 
securing  the  "benevolence  and  good  will  of  the  mediating 
powers,"  by  presenting  their  demands  with  the  "greatest 
moderation  and  reserve." 

This  communication,  essentially  so  arrogant,  was  not  re 
ceived  by  Congress  with  perfect  complaisance.  They  refused, 
in  the  first  instance,  to  appoint  any  additional  commissioners 
as  had  been  urged,  and  voted  to  continue  Mr.  Adams  in  the 


360  HISTORY    OF    THE 

management  of  the  negotiation.  They  abandoned,  however, 
all  the  ultimata  of  previous  instructions,  except  that  of  Inde 
pendence,  and  inserted  in  the  new  instructions  a  direction 
to  their  minister  to  make  "  the  most  candid  and  confidential 
communications  on  all  subjects"  to  the  French  ministers ; 
and  "  to  undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiations  of  peace 
without  their  knowledge  or  concurrence." 

On  communicating  these  proceedings  to  the  French 
minister,  it  was  found  that  his  views  were  not  yet  answered. 
An  unlimited  discretion  in  the  American  envoy,  guided  by 
French  councils,  was  not  sufficient.  The  sturdy  indepen 
dence  of  Mr.  Adams  was  still  to  be  feared.  The  French 
court  required  a  full  control  in  all  points  except  that  of 
sovereignty,  and  more  accommodating  associates. 

The  result  of  the  conference  of  M.  Luzerne,  with  the 
committee,  was  the  insertion  into  Mr.  Adams'  instructions 
of  a  peremptory  clause,  after  the  direction  to  do  nothing 
without  the  knowledge  or  concurrence  of  the  French  minis 
ters,  in  the  following  words :  "  and  ultimately  to  govern  your 
selves  by  their  advice  and  opinion."  Every  thing  was  now 
surrendered  into  the  hands  of  the  French  ;  and,  to  complete 
the  concessions,  a  commission,  consisting  of  John  Jay,  Dr. 
Franklin,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  Henry  Laurens,  were  associated 
with  Mr.  Adams,  as  plenipotentiaries  for  negociating  a  treaty 
of  peace.  The  final  adoption  of  these  measures  was  on  the 
15th  of  June,  1781. 

The  imperial  mediation  failed,  and  the  high  stand  assumed 
by  Mr.  Adams,  on  the  occasion,  confirmed  the  distrust  with 
which  the  French  ministers  had  regarded  him.  They  had, 
however,  gained  their  point,  in  being  constituted  exclusive 
managers  of  the  negotiation.  They  were,  however,  as  the 
issue  proved,  disappointed  in  their  expectations  of  benefit 
from  the  change  of  agents.  The  commissioners  were  not 
less  unbending  than  Mr.  Adams,  in  their  patriotism ;  and 
finding  themselves  embarrassed  by  the  toils  in  which  Con 
gress  had  been  drawn  by  these  intrigues,  boldly  broke 
through  them. 

We  are  now  prepared  for  a  history  of  their  immediate 
efforts,  when  the  arms  of  America  and  France  had,  by  the 
victory  at  Yorktown,  revolutionized  the  English  cabinet, 
and  brought  Great  Britain  to  the  offer  of  a  negotiation, 
in  1782.  In  the  spring  of  that  year,  the  fortune  of  the  war 
between  Great  Britain  and  her  European  allies,  preponderated 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  361 

in  her  favour.  Admiral  Rodney,  in  the  famous  battle  of  the 
12th  of  April,  in  the  West  Indies,  won  a  great  naval  victory 
over  the  fleet  of  De  Grasse,  in  which  the  French  fleet  suffered 
prodigious  loss,  and  the  admiral  was  made  prisoner.  The 
successful  defence  of  Gibraltar  was  not  less  glorious  and 
profitable  to  the  English  in  Europe.  This  variety  of  fortune 
placed  the  American  interests  on  higher  ground,  in  the  pro 
posed  treaty.  England  was  placed  in  such  a  situation,  as 
to  entitle  her  to  refuse  any  advantages  to  her  European 
antagonists,  and  it  was  made  her  manifest  interest,  to  sustain 
American  pretensions  to  territory  in  preference  to  those  of 
France  and  Spain. 

These  were  the  dispositions  of  the  parties  when,  in  July 
1782,  the  commissioners  assembled  at  Paris  to  settle  the 
terms  of  a  general  peace.  The  Count  de  Vergennes,  acted 
on  behalf  of  France,  Count  de  Aranda,  for  Spain,  Mr.  Fitz- 
herbert  between  Great  Britain  and  her  European  enemies, 
and  Mr.  Oswald  between  her  and  the  Americans;  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Mr.  Jay,  the  latter  of  whom  had  just  arrived 
from  Madrid,  represented  the  United  States.  Mr.  Laurens 
did  not  arrive  until  the  business  was  completed,  and  Mr. 
Adams  was  engaged  until  late  in  October,  in  settling  a  treaty 
with  Holland.  The  long  protracted  negotiations  with  Spain 
were  trsnsferred  to  Paris  at  the  same  time. 

The  American  commissioners  soon  found  they  had  a  most 
difficult  task  before  them,  embarrassed,  as  they  were,  by  the 
instructions  of  Congress,  placing  them  totally  in  the  power  of 
the  French,  and  surrounded  by  intrigues  for  sacrificing  the 
dignity  and  interests  of  their  country,  to  the  ambition  of  their 
own  allies.  Mr.  Oswald's  commission  was,  for  some  time,  a 
means  of  arresting  all  proceedings.  The  American  States  were 
styled  "  colonies,  or  plantations,"  and  the  powers  of  the  com 
mission  implied  them  to  be  still  in  a  state  of  dependence  on 
Great  Britain.  Mr.  Jay  denied  the  sufficiency  of  these  powers, 
and  insisted  peremptorily  on  an  explicit  recognition  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States,  before  he  would  consent 
to  treat.  Dr.  Franklin,  at  first,  was  willing  to  treat,  waiving 
the  poin«t  as  a  matter  of  form,  but  acquiesced,  finally,  in  the 
judgment  of  his  colleague.  All  the  negotiations  were 
suspended,  on  this  point.  The  French  minister  favored  the 
British  view  of  the  question,  and  urged  Mr.  Jay  to  proceed, 
without  demanding  to  be  held  as  the  envoy  of  sovereign  in 
fact,  before  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty.  Mr.  Jay  was 


362  HISTORY    OF   THE 

unyielding,  and  a  discovery  which  he  made,  that  the  French 
court  had  interfered  directly  with  the  British  commissioners, 
with  advice  unfavorable  to  the  extent  of  the  American 
demands,  strengthened  his  suspicions  of  the  selfish  purposes 
of  the  allies,  and  his  determination  not  to  descend  from  the 
ground  of  perfect  independence.  The  Count  de  Vergennes 
gave  such  information  of  the  wishes  of  his  court  to  Mr.  Fitz- 
herbert,  on  this  point,  as  to  produce  a  pledge  from  the  Bri 
tish  cabinet,  in  a  new.,  instruction  to  Mr.  Oswald,  of  the 
intention  to  grant  to  America,  "  full,  complete,  and  uncon 
ditional  Independence  by  article  of  treaty."  These  dis 
patches  were  shown  to  the  American  ministers,  as  contain 
ing  all  that  they  could  desire,  on  the  subject  of  Indepen 
dence.  But  they  thought  otherwise  ;  and  the  agency  of  the 
French,  in  retarding  the  immediate  acknowledgment  of 
Independence,  confirmed  the  fears  produced  by  their  move 
ments  made  contemporaneously  in  another  quarter.  It  was 
clearly  the  policy  of  France,  in  order  to  avail  herself  of  the 
control  vested  in  her  over  the  terms  of  peace,  that  Inde 
pendence  should  be  a  subject  of  negotiation,  and  the  recog 
nition  of  it  by  treaty  one  of  the  considerations,  for  which 
the  coveted  western  lands  should  be  made  the  price.  If 
Great  Britain  abandoned,  formally,  in  the  act  of  treating,  all 
right  over  her  former  colonies,  the  essential  object  of  the  war 
would  be  gained,  and  French  and  Spanish  interests  would  lose 
their  strongest  claims  for  concession.  While  the  pride  and 
prejudices  of  the  British  cabinet  were  enlisted  on  one  side, 
to  postpone  the  admission  of  American  Independence,  the 
interval  was  sedulously  employed  in  pushing  the  Spanish 
pretensions  to  the  western  lands  ;  first  in  conferences  between 
Mr.  Jay  and  the  Count  de  Aranda,  and  subsequently  by 
informal  communications  from  M.  de  Rayneval,  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  French  minister,  to  the  American  minister.  In 
these  interviews  it  became  evident  to  Mr.  Jay,  that  the 
French  and  Spanish  courts  united  in  opinion,  that  the  western 
limits  of  the  United  States  ought  to  be  agreed  upon  as  pre 
liminary  to  a  negotiation  for  peace  ;  that  these  limits  should 
not  reach  beyond  the  head  of  the  streams  that  empty  into 
the  Mississippi  from  the  east ;  that  the  fate  of  the  lands, 
without  these  limits,  was  to  be  determined  between  them 
and  Great  Britain  to  the  exclusion  of  the  United  States: 
and  that  in  regard  to  the  fisheries,  the  United  States  should 
be  limited  to  coast  fisheries.  Several  boundaries  were  pro- 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  363 

posed,  but  that  most  liberal  to  the  States,  called  by  M.  de 
Rayneval,  the  conciliatory  line,  would  have  left  one  half  of  the 
present  state  of  Tennessee,  nearly  all  Mississippi  and  Ala 
bama,  and  all  the  land  north  of  the  Ohio,  including  the 
States  of  Ohio.  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  without  the  limits  of  the 
United  States.' 

With  Count  de  Aranda,  as  with  Oswald,  Mr.  Jay  refused 
to  negotiate  without  an  exchange  of  commissions,  with 
sufficient  powers,  and  in  consequence,  these  conferences 
were  informal.  The  rights  of  the  United  States  were  reso 
lutely  maintained  by  the  American  minister,  and  he  refused 
to  treat,  on  all  occasions,  except  on  terms  of  perfect  equality, 
and  for  the  undiminished  claims  of  his  country.  His  firm 
ness  having  foiled  every  expectation  of  concession  from  the 
Americans  on  these  points  preliminary  to  negotiation,  M. 
de  Rayneval  was  dispatched  on  a  secret  mission  to  England, 
to  confer  with  the  British  cabinet.  The  object  of  this  jour 
ney  was  believed  to  be,  to  inform  Lord  Shelburne,  that  France 
was  satisfied  with  the  offer  of  Britain  to  make  American 
Independence  contingent  on  the  completion  of  the  treaty, — to 
make  overtures  concerning  a  division  of  the  fisheries  between 
the  two  kingdoms,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Americans,  arid  to 
secure  for  Spain  the  western  lands,  and  the  exclusive  west 
ern  navigation,  in  return  for  leaving  Great  Britain  the  whole 
of  the  territory  north  of  the  Ohio. 

To  counteract  these  machinations,  now  became,  in  the 
judgment  of  Mr.  Jay,  indispensable  to  the  interests  of  the 
United  States.  The  essential  point  was  to  deprive  the 
French  of  their  influence  over  the  question  of  Independence, 
by  obtaining  a  spontaneous  recognition  from  Great  Britain. 
He  declined  acting  with  Mr.  Oswald  under  his  new  instruc 
tions,  and  represented  to  him  the  policy  of  making  the 
United  States  perfectly  independent  of  France.  He  drew 
up  his  objections  in  writing,  which  wrere  acquiesced  in  by 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  communicated  informally  to  the  British 
Commissioner.  When  M.  de  Rayneval's  mission  to  England 
was  made  known,  Mr.  Jay  took  upon  himself  the  respon 
sibility  of  sending  a  secret  agent  directly  to  the  English 
minister.  The  purport  of  his  mission  was  to  explain  the 
position  assumed  by  the  Americans  on  the  subject  of  Inde 
pendence,  and  their  resolution  never  to  abandon  it ;  and  to 
represent  the  selfish  policy  which  the  two  Bourbon  courts 
were  pursuing,  and  which  it  was  the  interest  of  Great 


364  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Britain,  as  well  as  the  United  States,  to  defeat.    This  promp 
measure  effected  the  object.     A  few  days  brought  a  dispatch 
to  Mr.  Oswald,  announcing  that  the  cabinet  had  "at  once 
agreed  to  make  the  alteration  in  the  commission  proposed  by 
Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Jay."     On  the  27th  of  September,  a 


Sept.  27. 


new  commission  was  received,  authorizing  the 
British  negotiator  to  treat  with  commissioners  on 
the  part  of  the  Thirteen  "  UNITED  STATES  OF  NORTH 
AMERICA." 

The  American  negotiators  were  thus  placed  in  an  advan 
tageous  position  with  respect  to  all  parties,  as  the  plenipo 
tentiaries  of  sovereigns  in  fact,  and  released  from  all  depen 
dence  on  the  French  court  in  this  most  essential  point.  They 
resolved  to  prosecute  their  negotiations  in  the  same  temper, 
and  being  satisfied  that  the  views  of  the  French  court  were 
adverse  to  American  interests,  they  agreed  to  disregard  the 
instructions  of  Congress,  and  proceed  to  settle  the  terms  of 
peace  without,  communication  with  the  French  ministers^ 
Mr.  Adams  completed  a  treaty  with  Holland,  and  joined  the 
other  commissioners  on  the  23d  of  October.  Approving  of 
all  they  had  done,  in  respect  to  the  terms  of  peace,  and  in 
relation  to  the  French  court,  he  joined  in  the  negotiation, 
which  was  brought  to  a  close  on  the  30th  of  November.  On 
that  day,  a  provisional  treaty  was  signed  by  both 
the  parties,  to  take  effect  whenever  peace  should 
be  concluded  between  France  and  Great  Britain.  When 
all  was  agreed  upon,  the  treaty  was  communicated  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes.  His  dissatisfaction  was  distinctly 
expressed  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  the  tone  of  his  comments 
manifested  very  distinctly  the  disappointment  of  his  court  at 
being  thus  excluded  from  the  benefit  of  controlling  the 
terms  of  the  treaty.  The  American  commissioners,  fortu 
nately  possessed  sagacity  and  firmness  enough  to  consult  the 
interests  of  their  own  country,  fearlessly,  and  encounter 
every  responsibility  to  secure  her  just  rights,  as  well  against 
intrigues  as  against  intimidation. 

By  this  treaty,  the  king  of  England  acknowledged,  in  terms, 
what  had  been  admitted  in  the  act  of  treating,  the  liberty, 
sovereignty,  and  independence  of  the  thirteen  United  States, 
who  were  named  successively.  On  the  subject  of  boun 
daries  the  amplest  concessions  were  made,  including 
within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  the  vast  territory 
north  of  the  Ohio  to  the  middle  of  the  great  lakes,  arid 


Nov.  30. 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION. 

reaching  to  the  Mississippi.  The  Americans  were  also 
secured  in  the  right  of  fishing  on  the  banks  of  Newfound 
land,  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  all  other  places  where 
the  two  nations  had  been  accustomed  to  carry  on  fishing 
before  the  rupture  ;  and  they  were  to  have  liberty  to  fish  on 
the  coast  of  Newfoundland.  The  British  commissioners 
labored  anxiously  for  the  introduction  of  a  clause  for  the 
indemnification  of  the  American  loyalists,  and  the  restora 
tion  of  forfeited  estates  ;  but  the  most  that  could  be  obtained 
was  an  agreement  that  Congress  should  recommend  to  the 
States  the  adoption  of  such  measures  ;  Dr.  Franklin,  at  the 
same  time,  frankly  told  Mr.  Oswald  that  there  was  no  ground 
for  expecting  that  the  States  wrould  comply.  He  sarcasti 
cally  suggested  a  counter  article  of  agreement,  that  the  Bri 
tish  king  should  recommend  to  parliament  to  make  compen 
sation  to  the  American  Whigs,  for  the  property,  houses, 
stores,  ships  and  cargoes,  towns,  villages,  and  farms,  destroyed 
and  plundered  by  his  soldiers  in  America. 

These  provisional  articles  being  agreed  upon,  the  disputes 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  were  at  an  end, 
but  the  war,  nevertheless,  was  nominally  continued.  The 
terms  of  peace  between  the  other  belligerent  powers,  were 
not  yet  adjusted,  and  the  Americans  were  bound  to  wait  the 
event  of  the  French  negotiations. 

These  negotiations  were  retarded  by  the  violent  opposition 
made  in  the  British  parliament  to  the  course  of  the  ministry 
in  directing  them.  A  coalition  between  the  leading  mem 
bers  of  the  late  Rockingham  cabinet,  headed  by  Mr.  Fox, 
and  Lord  North's  party,  assailed  the  Earl  of  Shelburne 
with  such  success  as  finally  to  drive  him  from  power,  and 
establish  themselves  in  office.  During  the  excited  debates, 
which  ended  in  this  triumph,  it  was  determined,  as  the 
sense  of  the  house,  that  the  votes  against  the  ministry,  for 
concluding  peace  on  terms  so  disadvantageous,  were  not 
designed  to  express  any  intention  to  renew  the  war,  or  to 
recede  from  the  provisional  articles.  The  abandonment  of 
the  American  tories  was  especially  reprobated,  and  parlia 
ment  voted  to  redeem  the  national  faith,  by  making  suitable 
provision  for  them  out  of  the  British  treasury.  While  par 
liament  censured  the  minister  for  the  extent  of  his  conces 
sions,  they  considered  themselves  bound  to  adhere  to  the 
treaty,  including  preliminary  articles  which  were  in  progress, 
and  had  been  agreed  upon  with  France. 
SH2 


366  HISTORY   OF   THE 


Jan.  20. 
1783. 


April  19. 


These  preliminaries  were  finally  signed  on  the 
20th  January  1783,  at  Paris,  by  Mr.  Fitzherbert, 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  and  Count  de  Vergennes,  as 
the  French  minister  plenipotentiary. 

The  definitive  treaties  were  not  officially  signed  and 
ratified,  until  the  completion  of  the  Spanish  treaty  with  Eng 
land.  The  plenipotentiaries,  however,  agreed  upon  a  sus 
pension  of  arms.  This  was  communicated  to  Congress  on 
the  24th  March,  by  a  letter  from  General  Lafayette,  and 
orders  were  instantly  issued  for  recalling  American  priva 
teers,  and  arresting  all  hostile  operations.  A  proclamation 
was  issued  on  the  llth  of  April,  in  the  name  of  "  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,"  declaring  this 
cessation  of  arms ;  and  on  the  19th  of  April,  the 
eighth  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  in 
which  the  first  blood  of  the  revolution  had  been  shed,  peace 
was  proclaimed  in  the  American  army. 

The  independence  of  the  United  States  was  acknow 
ledged  by  Sweden,  on  the  5th  of  February  ;  by  Denmark  on 
the  25th  of  February ;  by  Spain  on  the  &lth  of  March  ;  and 
by  Russia  in  July.  Treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  were 
severally  concluded  with  these  powers. 

The  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  was  finally  signed  at  Paris 
Se  t  3d  I  on  ^e  '^  ^  °f  September,  by  David  Hartley,  who 
I  had  been  appointed  to  succeed  Mr.  Oswald  on  the 
change  of  ministry,  for  Great  Britain,  and  John  Adams,  Ben 
jamin  Franklin,  and  John  Jay,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.  At  the  same  time  definitive  treaties  were  signed  by 
the  plenipotentiaries  of  Great  Britain,  with  those  of  France, 
Spain,  and  Holland,  respectively,  and  a  general  peace  was 
re-established  among  all  the  belligerents. 

While  these  negotiations  were  carried  on  abroad  to  such 
a  triumphant  result,  the  military  operations  of  the  hostile 
troops  in  the  States  were  few,  and  finally  by  common  con 
sent,  the  war  settled  down  into  entire  inaction,  even  before 
the  proclamation  for  a  cessation  of  arms,  on  the  conclusion 
of  the  preliminary  treaty. 

In  the  southern  department  of  the  United  States,  General 
Greene,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1781,  occupied  the  hills 
beyond  the  Santee,  from  which  he  descended  to  keep  in 
check  the  British,  who  occupied  Charleston  city.  In  Janu 
ary  1782,  he  was  joined  by  the  brigades,  under  St.  Clair, 
sent  from  the  army  at  Yorktown,  and  took  post  on  the  Edisto 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  367 

jiver,  about  fifty  miles  from  the  city.  The  condition  of  his 
army  there  was  very  deplorable.  Their  distresses  from  want 
of  pay,  provisions,  and  clothing,  rose  to  such  a  height,  that  a 
mutiny,  in  the  Pennsylvania  line,  broke  out,  and  was  only 
quelled  by  force  and  the  execution  of  the  ringleader.  These 
difficulties  kept  the  army  from  undertaking  any  active  mea 
sures,  during  the  summer,  in  South  Carolina. 

Savannah  was  still  in  possession  of  the  British,  in  consi 
derable  force,  commanded  by  General  Clarke.  General 
Wayne,  with  a  part  of  the  American  army,  was  detached 
into  Georgia,  to  operate  against  that  post.  On  the  19th  of 
May,  he  encountered  and  defeated  a  party  of  the  British, 
sent  out  to  cover  the  advance  of  some  Indian  allies,  and 
drove  them  with  loss  into  the  city.  A  few  weeks  afterwards, 
he  defeated  the  Indian  succors,  marching  from  the  Creek 
nation  into  Savannah.  These  skirmishes  closed  the  war  in 
Georgia.  The  British  immediately  afterwards  determined 
upon  evacuating  Savannah.  The  merchants  made  I 
terms  with  General  Wayne  for  the  protection  of  | 
their  property,  and  the  security  of  those  who  might  desire  to 
adhere  to  the  British.  The  garrison  embarked  on  the  llth 
of  July,  and  General  Wayne  occupied  the  city  on  the  same 
day. 

After  the  recovery  of  Savannah,  General  Wayne  joined 
General  Greene,  with  his  force,  and  the  joint  army  moved 
towards  Charleston.  The  British  army  were  by  their  orders 
confined  to  defensive  operations  entirely,  and  were  prepar 
ing  to  evacuate  the  city.  Unhappily,  in  the  correspondence 
between  the  commanding  generals  on  the  subject  of  pur 
chasing  supplies  for  the  British,  differences  arose,  and  parties 
continued  to  be  sent  out  to  seize  on  them  by  force.  In  one 
of  these  excursions,  a  smart  skirmish  occurred  at  Page's 
Point,  on  the  27th  of  August,  in  which  Colonel  Laurens,  a 
popular  and  distinguished  officer,  was  mortally  wounded. 
This  was  the  last  bloodshed  in  South  Carolina.  The  inten 
tion  of  the  British  to  abandon  the  State  was  publicly  an 
nounced,  but  the  preparations  went  on  slowly.  Commis 
sioners  were  appointed  on  both  sides,  within  the  city,  to 
settle  terms  for  protecting  the  rights  of  property,  and  a  con 
vention  settled  for  the  purpose,  which  was  little  observed  by 
the  enemy.  At  length  the  embarkation  of  the  troops  I 
was  commenced,  and  on  the  14th  of  December 


368  HISTORY   OF    THE 

was  completed.     On  the  same  day,  the  civil  authorities  re- 
occupied  the  city,  and  resumed  their  functions. 

On  that  day,  therefore,  after  a  distressing  invasion  of  about 
three  years,  the  war  in  the  South  terminated. 

At  the^  north,  no  engagement  occurred  after  the  battle  of 
Yorktown.  That  success,  the  prospects  of  a  speedy  peace 
which  it  held  forth,  the  movements  in  Europe,  especially 
in  England,  consequent  upon  it,  and  the  pacific  overtures  of 
Sir  Guy  Carleton,  who  arrived  in  the  spring  to  supersede 
Clinton  as  commander-in-chief,  had  the  effect  of  suspending 
all  active  operations  in  both  armies.  But  the  difficulties  of 
Congress  and  the  Commander-in-chief  increased  alarmingty. 
Victory  had  the  customary  effect  of  relaxing  the  efforts  of 
the  States,  and  the  expectation  of  peace  enforced  an  imme 
diate  attention  to  the  condition  of  public  affairs,  and  the  means 
of  complying  with  public  engagements,  and  providing  for 
heavy  arrearages  to  the  army  and  in  the  civil  service.  These 
new  and  urgent  claims  were  advanced  with  increasing  discon 
tent,  now  that  the  pressure  of  foreign  danger  was  thought  to 
be  removed,  and  the  attention  of  all  classes,  more  especially 
the  soldiers,  became  turned  to  the  future.  At  the  same 
time,  so  entirely  had  the  means  of  the  treasury  failed,  from 
a  deficiency  in  the  rates  of  taxation  and  the  mode  of  collec 
tion,  that  Congress  depended  for  some  time  on  a  monthly 
grant,  from  France,  of  500,000  livres,  for  defraying  the  cur 
rent  expenses.  This  sum  was  insufficient,  and  only  the 
financial  expedients  of  Robert  Morris,  with  the  aid  of  the 
Bank  of  North  America,  by  anticipating  the  taxes,  enabled 
them  to  keep  up  the  public  service. 

Neither  officers  nor  men  had  received  any  pay  for  a  con 
siderable  time;  their  support  with  the  necessaries  of  existence 
was  hardly  provided  for,  and,  in  the  midst  of  present  want, 
they  received  intimation  that  Congress  was  about  to  reduce 
the  army,  and  in  September  that  determination  was  publicly 
made  known.  A  more  just  ground  for  discontent  and 
alarm  to  the  army,  could  not  well  be  imagined,  and  fears 
were  entertained  that  open  mutiny  would  be  the  conse 
quence.  The  reduction  of  the  establishment  would  throw 
a  large  part  of  them  out  of  the  service,  without  compensa 
tion  for  the  past,  or  substantial  provision  for  the  future. 
Most  of  them  had  spent  the  flower  of  their  lives,  and  many 
of  them  their  own  private  fortunes,  in  sustaining  the  cause 
of  Independence,  and  all  were  now  about  to  be  turned  out  to 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  369 

penury,  without  even  the  means  to  carry  them  home,  and 
with  no  prospect  of  future  subsistence.  This,  after  all  their 
sufferings  and  services,  their  trials  and  sacrifices,  and  the 
glorious  result  which  they  had  achieved  for  an  ungrateful 
country,  as  they  with  justice  complained,  could  not  but  ex 
asperate  their  minds,  and  sting  them  into  violent  complaints  : 
it  threatened  to  drive  them  into  acts  of  insubordination 
and  outrage.  In  September,  Washington  wrote  to  the  sec 
retary  at  war,  a  new  officer,  appointed  a  few  months  before 
"I  wish  not  to  heighten  the  shades  of  the  picture,  so  far  as 
real  life  would  justify  me  in  doing,  or  I  would  give  anec 
dotes  of  patriotism  and  distress,  which  have  scarcely  ever 
been  paralleled,  never  surpassed  in  the  history  of  mankind. 
But  you  may  rely  upon  it,  the  patience,  and  long-suffering 
of  this  army  are  almost  exhausted,  and  there  never  was  so 
great  a  spirit  of  discontent  as  at  this  instant." 

The  alarm  of  the  soldiery,  from  the  dilatory  and  unsatis 
factory  proceedings  of  Congress  in  their  behalf,  was  further 
aggravated  by  the  belief  that  it  was  not  the  design  to  fulfil  the 
terms  of  the  resolution  of  October  1780,  granting  the  offi 
cers  half  pay  for  life.  A  party  opposition  to  this  measure 
existed  in  congress,  no  funds  were  pledged  for  complying 
with  it,  and  the  adoption  of  the  confederation,  requiring  the 
assent  of  nine  States  to  appropriations,  made,  its  confirma 
tion  uncertain.  They  thought  they  saw  an  insidious  attempt 
to  disband  them,  by  means  of  furloughs,  without  redressing 
any  of  their  grievances ;  and  as  the  prospects  of  peace 
brightened,  their  resentment  increased.  In  December,  they 
remonstrated  more  vehemently  with  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  by  whose  personal  interposition  and  exhortations  their 
forbearance  so  long  had  been  preserved,  and  adopted  an 
energetic  memorial  to  Congress,  praying  for  an  early  adjust 
ment  of  their  claims,  the  payment  of  their  arrearages,  and  a 
sum  in  commutation  of  their  half  pay  under  the  resolution 
of  October  1780. 

Congress  was  now  placed  in  a  position  of  extreme  embar 
rassment  ;  with  an  exhausted  treasury,  and  an  army  almost 
in  mutiny,  demanding  what  was  justly  due,  but  which  there 
were  no  means  within  reach  to  supply.  The  winter  was 

Ced  in  this  distracted  condition.     Congress  could  give  no 
A  e  of  final  settlement  satisfactory  to  the  army  ;  Washing 
ton  alone,   by  the   exertion  of  his  unbounded  popularity, 
restrained   them  from  breaking:  out  into  violence.      The 


370  HISTORY  OF   THE 

news  of  the  conclusion  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  in  the 
spring,  brought  affairs  to  a  crisis  of  excitement  and  danger. 
March  io,  I  On  the  10th  of  March  1783,  an  anonymous  call 
1783.  I  was  circulated  through  the  army,  inviting  a  meet 
ing  of  officers  for  the  next  day.  to  take  into  consideration  the 
unfavorable  accounts  from  Philadelphia,  and  "  what  mea 
sures,  if  any,  should  be  adopted  to  obtain  that  redress  of 
grievances  which  they  seemed  to  have  solicited  in  vain." 
On  the  same  day,  an  anonymous  address  to  the  officers  was 
circulated,  drawn  up  with  spirit,  power  of  language  and 
passion,  and  admirably  calculated  to  inflame  them  to  violent 
measures.  The  author,  as  afterwards  ascertained,  was 
Major  John  Armstrong. 

What  might  have  been  the  result  of  a  meeting,  summoned 

under  such  circumstances  of  real  wrong  and  deep  suffering, 

by  appeals  so  inflammatory,  it  is  impossible  to  conjecture. 

Washington,  with  a  firmness  and  prudence,  well  tempered 

to  the  emergency,  threw  himself  forward,  to  still  the  rising 

tempest.     Issuing  a  general  order,  he  expressed  his  marked 

disapprobation   of  these   disorderly  proceedings,    and   the 

irregular  call  for  the  meeting,  and  summoned  the  general 

and  field  officers,  and  a  representation  from  the  companies 

and  staff  to  meet  on  Saturday,  the  15th,  to  hear  the  report 

,,from  Philadelphia,  to  adopt  further  measures,  and  report  to 

|j*ffe  Commander-in-chief.     The  head-quarters  were  then  at 

;Wewburgh,  on  the  Hudson  river. 

The  meeting  took  place,  as  directed,  and  General  Gates, 
as  senior  officer,  assumed  the  chair.  Washington  delivered 
them  a  long  and  patriotic  address,  upon  their  condition  and 
prospects,  urging  them  to  longer  forbearance,  to  a  trust  in 
the  good  faith  and  justice  of  their  country,  and  reprobating 
the  language  and  designs  of  the  anonymous  addresses.  His 
dignified  expostulations  produced  the  happiest  effect.  The 
weight  of  his  personal  character,  the  general  veneration  for 
his  integrity,  and  admiration  for  his  services,  enforced  the 
appeal  which  he  pressed  upon  them,  in  behalf  of  good  order, 
patience,  and  fidelity  to  the  laws. 

A  series  of  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted,  declar 
ing  the  designs  of  the  anonymous  addresses  to  be  "  infa 
mous,"  re-approving  their  determination,  that  "no  circum 
stances  of  distress  or  danger  should  induce  a  conduct  that 
might  tend  to  sully  the  reputation  and  glory  which  they  had 
acquired  at  the  price  of  their  blood  and  eight  years  faithful 


AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.  371 

services ;"  and  expressing  "  unshaken  confidence  in  the  jus 
tice  of  Congress,  and  their  country,"  and  that  "  the  repre 
sentatives  of  America  would  not  disband  nor  disperse  the 
army  until  their  accounts  are  liquidated,  their  balances 
accurately  ascertained,  and  adequate  funds  established  for 
their  payment." 

These  noble  and  magnanimous  proceedings  elevate  the 
character  of  the  revolutionary  army  even  beyond  the  lustre 
of  their  military  triumphs.  A  victory  over  want,  over  pri 
vation,  over  resentment,  and  the  sense  of  wrong,  all  stimulated 
by  the  consciousness  of  power,  won  by  the  simple  force  of 
patriotic  principle,  is  an  example  of  public  virtue,  of  which 
military  annals  has  no  equal  in  dignity  and  true  glory. 

Their  self-denial  was  not  long  after  rewarded  by  such 
provision  as  the  utmost  means  of  Congress  enabled  them  to 
raise.  A  vote  of  nine  States,  the  requisite  number  under 
the  Articles,  was  obtained  for  a  commutation  of  the  half  pay, 
for  five  years  full  pay,  and  the  treasury,  by  great  efforts, 
found  them  four  months  full  pay  in  part  discharge  of  arrear 
ages.  Thus  the  machinations  of  incendiaries  were  foiled,  and 
the  army  proved  itself  as  worthy  of  the  highest  admiration  for 
civil  virtues,  as  of  the  highest  gratitude  for  military  services. 
The  slight  disorders  which  occasionally  took  place  among 
portions  of  the  troops,  when  about  to  be  disbanded,  were  not 
of  magnitude  sufficient,  to  detract  from  this  well  merited 
reputation.  In  June  a  few  of  the  Pennsylvania  corps  muti 
nied,  and  were  joined  by  about  two  hundred  from  the 
Southern  army.  They  surrounded  the  State  House  in  Phila 
delphia,  and  clamored  for  pay,  but  without  proceeding  to 
actual  violence.  They  were  easily  dispersed. 

On  the  17th  of  August,  the  British  commander-in-chief 
informed  the  President  of  Congress  that  he  had  received  his 
final  orders  for  withdrawing  his  majesty's  forces  from  New 
York.  Congress  soon  after  issued  general  orders  that  such 
of  the  soldiers  as  had  enlisted  during  the  war,  should  be 
discharged  one  the  3d  of  November  ensuing. 

The  British  army  and  fleet  evacuated  New  York,  I  NQV  25th 
their  last  remaining  possession  in  America,  on  the  | 
25th  of  November,  and  on  the  same  day,  General  Wash 
ington,  with  Governor  Clinton,  and  their  respective  suites, 
followed  by  a  prodigious  concourse  of  citizens,  entered  the 
city  in  triumph.  On  the  4th  of  December,  General  Wash 
ington  took  an  affecting  farewell  of  his  officers,  and  departed 


37*2  HISTORY    OF    THE    AMERICAN   REVOLUTION. 

for  the  purpose  of  resigning  his  commission  into  the  hands 
of  Congress,  then  in  session  at  Annapolis  in  Maryland. 

On  the  13th,  the  treaty  of  peace  was  received,  and  for 
mally  ratified  by  Congress. 

The  last  scene  now  approached :  on  the  19th  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  reached  Annapolis,  and  the  23d  was  fixed 
for  receiving  the  public  resignation  of  his  commission.  On 
that  day,  in  the  presence  of  the  representatives  of  the  States, 
and  a  large  concourse  of  civil  and  military  officers,  foreign 
agents  and  citizens,  he  delivered  his  commission  into  the 
hands  of  the  President  of  Congress,  with  a  simple  and 
affecting  address,  which,  after  congratulating  the  country 
on  the  successful  termination  of  the  war,  and  recommending 
the  officers  and  the  army  to  the  justice  of  Congress,  he  con 
cluded  by  bidding  them  an  affectionate  farewell. 

The  highest  testimonies  of  popular  love  and  admiration 
followed  him  into  retirement ;  and  his  return  to  the  domes 
tic  shades  of  Mount  Vernon,  accompanied  by  the  blessings 
and  plaudits  of  millions  whom  he  had  guided  to  liberty  and 
safety,  was  the  closing  scene  of  the  war  of  the  American 
Revolution. 


THE   END. 


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